Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, just weeks ago, when this incident happened, we must be very clear, this is not an isolated incident. And some of the numbers were already mentioned. In Estonia, 85 % of flights have been affected. Lithuania, in your country, as you mentioned, saw a 22-fold increase in jamming. Latvia recorded 820 disruptions last year, whereas the year before it was just 26. And according to my information, the drones that were in the sky above Poland were manipulated with SIM cards from European countries. Those were the SIM cards from Lithuania and Poland, so that they can use the European system in order to fly. So let's see clearly, Russia is behind much of this ‑ GNSS jamming and spoofing are what they are. It's weapons of hybrid war, and they strike into the heart of our Europe's infrastructure. That's why we must act. And we will act the Space Act with secure, binding security, cybersecurity rules, and also the Quantum Act with 97 % accurate quality detection systems that will allow us to build a digital defence shield. So this is about resilience. This is about responsibility. This is about us acting urgently. And yes, we can also in this Parliament.

Madam President, It must be clear, it must be clear to all of us: There will be no peace without peace guarantees. It is not possible to secure a democracy, an investment location, an independent state in the shadow of military blackmail by the neighbor. The EU needs to take action, the US needs more clarity – clarity that Ukraine will not be extradited to Russian threats and that Europe will not stand alone in the event of an emergency. That means three things. Firstly: European presence is not a war; It is peace, it is part of diplomacy. If we secure a presence after pacification, it is a guarantee of peace and not a war effort. Secondly: Americans must be involved. It cannot be that Brussels is under more pressure than Moscow. It cannot be that we end cooperation in the field of countering disinformation, as it became known today, that Americans end this cooperation. No, the relationship between Russia and China must also become clearer to our American partners. It is the EU's responsibility to keep Ukraine safe, but it is also in the interest of the US to do so. And thirdly: Germany's leadership responsibility is beyond question. Gone are the days when Germany was a guarantee of peace through restraint. Now we must take responsibility, not with Söder's provinciality, but with the European spirit, and this also means the presence of European and German soldiers, even in peacekeeping.

Mr President, Russia slows down information platforms. Türkiye shuts down the internet – we just saw this. The United States empowers populists and enriches oligarchs. Well, with this joint motion for a resolution, we are showing what this Parliament stands for, if it is about internet governance. It's about multilateralism. It's about freedom. It's about accessibility. Let us be clear: we believe in multilateralism. That's why the UN General Assembly is the place to discuss and to renew the mandate. We want global tech to be based on free space, not on oligarchs. Let us be clear: the European Parliament is committed to participation in future IGF meetings, because it is about our values, it is about human rights, and it is not about surveillance and censorship and oligarchy. Let us be clear: extending the IGF mandate means more than renewing an institution. It is about a global public resource. Colleague Bocheński said we looked like a laughing stock during those meetings. I was a part of those meetings, representing this House. We were the ones who stood for values, for freedom and for the governance in the internet. The internet is not an instrument for disinformation. It's not an instrument for alternative realities. It's a place that empowers people. That is what we stand for, and that's why this mandate should be renewed permanently.

Mr President, dear colleagues, let's be honest: this isn't just a trade dispute anymore. It's pressure. It's coercion. It's dealmaking of the worst sort. It's an attempt to put a price on what we are. It's time to say it out loud, and it pains me to say this as someone who's been a committed transatlanticist all his life, the EU is not for sale. We are not for sale. Our values, our rules, our integrity are not for sale – not our digital regulation, not our standards. Trump's approach is a challenge, no doubt, and the Commissioner knows it firsthand. But it's also an opening – an opening for Europe to lead and to be clear, not by escalating, but by standing firm and by considering countermeasures, by implementing countermeasures, by being firm on rules, on trust, on democratic principles. Now it's time to build alliances: new alliances with US states, with cities, with civil societies, with people who walk on the street against Trump and with global partners as an alternative to the US.

Mr President, dear colleagues, let's be honest: this isn't just a trade dispute anymore. It's pressure. It's coercion. It's dealmaking of the worst sort. It's an attempt to put a price on what we are. It's time to say it out loud, and it pains me to say this as someone who's been a committed transatlanticist all his life, the EU is not for sale. We are not for sale. Our values, our rules, our integrity are not for sale – not our digital regulation, not our standards. Trump's approach is a challenge, no doubt, and the Commissioner knows it firsthand. But it's also an opening – an opening for Europe to lead and to be clear, not by escalating, but by standing firm and by considering countermeasures, by implementing countermeasures, by being firm on rules, on trust, on democratic principles. Now it's time to build alliances: new alliances with US states, with cities, with civil societies, with people who walk on the street against Trump and with global partners as an alternative to the US.

Madam President, colleagues, in light of recent catastrophic developments, it is clear what we're lacking: the EU needs a long-term strategic approach towards Georgia. Without vision and effective tools, we remain unprepared in the face of anti-democratic backsliding and other challenges that Georgia and the region are having. We must go beyond crisis management. We must think about the larger picture. Commissioner Kos, the Black Sea strategy offers an opportunity to align our vision of the future Georgia with regional priorities. But this is only possible if civil society is free, if democracy is protected, if the opposition is not oppressed. And yes, we can do both: be geopolitical and stand up to repression; speak for the imprisoned and for all other Georgians who see Europe as their future. We can support Georgia as a victim of Russian aggression and criticise a ruling party that imitates the aggressor itself. It's a balance, but one worth fighting for – for Georgia, for the Eastern Partnership and for the future of Europe.

Madam President, colleagues, I'm not going to be the first one in this round who will repeat the facts, but it is important to repeat them again and again. The release of Siarhei Tsikhanouski was a moment of hope, but the grim reality is the 1 100 more who are still there behind bars. Every reunited family – every father who can embrace his daughter – is a moment of hope. But, how many of them cannot? How many of them are even in unknown locations? Maryia Kalesnikava, Maksim Znak – we don't know where they are, whether they are still alive. And one more thing is important: this was not an act of mercy. These are cold-blooded strategy calculations by Lukashenka. Let us not be deceived by what he is playing here. This is not genuine reform; it's manipulation. Genuine reform would be the unconditional release of every political prisoner in Belarus and, for us in Europe, it would be a policy where every Belarusian refugee would feel at home, that they would not have problems with their documents, that they will not be begging in our own foreign ministries for new passports because Belarus does not issue for them the passports of their own nation. This we owe to them. Zhyve Belarus!

Mr President, colleagues, I understand the fear of our extremist colleagues. But let's be honest: what you truly fear is anything that threatens the privileges of your billionaire friends or empowers democratic institutions. As long as it's not Kremlin murderers, who you support. And Madam Laykova, I would like to tell you what is dystopian: dystopian are your fakes. You were saying that the EU is going to strip citizens of their savings within six months if the savings are not spent. This is fake! And this is what we are against. The digital Europe is not a Silicon Valley fantasy. It's a public alternative to strengthen our monitoring sovereignty. The digital markets are needed, because to compete with US tech giants and Chinese communists, we need more Europe, not less. And on digital identity, yes, we Greens rejected the Council deal. Why? Because we need more safeguards in order to prevent the wallet becoming a Trojan horse. But we've improved it and rights will be preserved. Surrendering digitalisation to American billionaires and Chinese communists cannot be the solution. Nor to your Putin friends!

Mr President, when Victoria Roshchyna, a Ukrainian journalist, returned home in February 2025, she had broken ribs, electrical burns, missing eyes and part of her throat gone. Now we know what happened to her – she was severely tortured and finally strangulated to death. Just one of many. Civilians, prisoners of war, Crimean Tatars accused of being terrorists, journalists who dared to speak Ukrainian – this is a war waged in torture chambers, psychiatric wards and filtration camps. People – we know their names, we know their stories, and we know that silence equals complicity. That is why our resolution during the next session will expose the scale of these atrocities, from the abduction of thousands of children to the use of psychiatry as a weapon against free will. Our Parliament demands action, access and active involvement of the International Red Cross coordinated EU response. I assure you, we will do our best to stand on the side of Ukrainians.

You can do that, Mr. Colleague. That's because we're a confident side, and because we're willing to use the $300 billion, we need to be talked to. And the Americans have to decide: It cannot be that two months ago Trump demanded that we confiscate this money, and now they want to give this money back to Russia – we are not playing along. If Americans and Russians want to negotiate with us, then Ukrainians and we have to sit at the table, and then we will decide the fate of this money. But what matters is: We have to be prepared to confiscate the money.

Mr President, colleagues, let me be blunt. I have not been an outspoken proponent of confiscating frozen Russian assets in the past due to its legal sensitivity. But times have changed. In our new world, where the United States is joining the side of Moscow and stepping back, the EU has no other choice but to take responsibility. We cannot afford to be hesitant. The EU needs to fill the void. The calculation is very simple. What we have is not enough – not for Ukraine, not for our own security – and the responsibility of Moscow will probably never materialise if Washington joins and supports them. The compensation will probably never come. The tribunal will now materialise, but the damages remain. Under those circumstances, the solution is clear. We must prepare now to confiscate USD 300 billion in frozen assets, so we can act in the moment as needed. This means the EU must find a legally secure solution to make the frozen assets of the Russian central bank available to Ukraine and to us.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President, Mr President, our challenges are monumental; our instruments are outdated. But the idea that unites us all – our Europe – it is not. I believe in the power of Europe because, frankly, what other choice do we have in the world divided between Trumps and Xis and Putins? Ideas inspire, but actions define our future. We need real European capabilities, not grand promises; real European money, not 800 billion of hot air that was promised by the Commission. We need a strategic decision-making centre and we need an opportunity to leave spoilers like Orbán behind. We need a decision-making centre, not 27 passionate speeches per meeting – a core Europe for defence that should emerge with the big and bold, with the committed and capable. France and Germany, yes, but also Estonia and Latvia and Lithuania. Let's not forget about those. And London and Oslo. And yes, we make Europe act again. And yes, we will.

Thank you very much. As every morning during the past weeks, we are waking up to a new reality. Now, it's the biggest push against Europe's security interests by Trump. But frankly, we had known it all along. In this marriage, we have over-relied on one partner. In strategic communications, it's not even a country: it's one unelected, unaccountable man, driven by personal whims. Today, Musk can decide if, at a time of war, we can continue talking to each other, or not. Our biggest strategic risk on this side of a potential frontline of a future war is communication failure. Low-Earth orbit satellites revolutionise global communication in times of crisis, but their infrastructure is in the hands of a few private non-Europeans: Starlink today, Amazon or OneWeb tomorrow. So this is not the way to go. IRIS² will only be valid and will be functioning in 2030. It is good that the US Space Act is part of a Commission working programme. We have seen this. But we need clear strategic goals: equitable division of use of space; common standards for compatibility of systems; enforced cybersecurity, which closes the gaps of NIS 2; massive investment in efficient launchers, in reusable satellites, in an independent space supply chain. It is not about science fiction; it is about our survival!

Mr President, colleagues, as every morning during the past weeks, we are waking up to a new reality. Could you be silent there, please? Hello?

Madam President, I met Alexei the day before he returned to Russia from Germany. I often think of him these days. Ich habe mich lange gefragt: What would Alexei say if he were here? He wouldn't have talked about himself, more about the matter. On the importance of fighting the Putin system and the war – without fear. Ich habe keine Angst, hat er gesagt, und ihr solltet auch keine Angst haben. He would talk about people. People killed and tortured by Putin’s system, first and foremost his own lawyers – Vadim Kobsev, Alexei Lipzer, Igor Sergunin. Now these people, just because they defended Navalny, are themselves in detention, in the camp. He would talk about the opponents of war, talk about Alexei Gorinov – seven years of torture in a prison cell. About the theatre makers Yevgeniya Berkovich, Svetlana Petrijchuk – six years of camp for a harmless play. About cardiac surgeon Ivan Tishchenko – four years in prison for making a small donation to Navalny’s NGO. And that would be the best monument to Alexei; If we don't forget them. People who are against the war, who are against Putin and therefore end up in camps and die of cancer there. Irina Bystrova, Maxim Voronovsky, Ledkov, Lutor, Zhukov, Lagutin – the list is long. They are a reminder of courage. You are the little sign of hope. You are Alexei Navalny. A week ago, war adversary and poet Wadim Stroikin crashed out of his own window as police stormed his home. If you decide to kill me, Alexei said, it means we're incredibly strong. We are not aware of how strong we really are.

(The speaker used a non-EU language) Nothing without Ukraine, nothing without Ukraine and without Europe. (The speaker continued in a non-EU language)

Mr President, we were talking here about misinformation and lies, and some of those lies have made it to this panel, to this podium. People talking about 'bloody Maidan' or violence in the streets. We were in the streets. Many of us went to Tbilisi. We were actually doing your job while you were still here. And we were walking with those people through the cold Georgian evening and cold Georgian night – hundreds and thousands of people. They walked for their future and the future of their grandchildren, proclaiming they want a European future. Georgians dream of a democratic future aligned with the European dream. And this is the true dream of Georgia. But the party that calls itself Georgian Dream, uses the full force of its authority to persecute journalists, attack peaceful protesters and even opposition and former prime ministers like Giorgi Gakharia, who was attacked in a brutal way just a couple of days ago. So, Irakli Kobakhidze and Mikheil Kavelashvili: the Georgian Dream of the new, tailored direction has its names. So, Irakli Kobakhidze and Mikheil Kavelashvili, I'm asking you, how much are you ready to escalate? Your people want only one thing: they want a rerun of elections under democratic circumstances. And this is what you have to grant them. This is the right they are fighting for, and they don't want to be tortured. We saw people who were tortured in Georgia. They have a right to be safe, and if not, then we should work on a coalition of the willing who would impose targeted sanctions also against you.

Congratulations, President Trump. You are our reality. Yesterday, we saw it. We heard it. We listened carefully. We understand clearly that now is Europe's moment to shine. With Trump as president, we don't have a choice but to mature into a united global power that is self‑conscious, value‑driven and cooperative. A union of democracies that take responsibility. Many Europeans understand it, but they question, can we make it? Yes, we can. We can stand for Ukraine forcefully and build our own defence with our American friends and, if necessary, also without. Yes, we can! We can serve as an example that trade is the answer to wars and cooperation is the only answer to nationalism. Yes we can! We can be a safe home for all – a white male pensioner and a queer IT specialist and her wife and their children. In fact, we welcome those from Meta and X from the US to European tech firms. Yes, we can. We can learn to disrupt and innovate, to build industry and AI applications that serve people, not oligarchs. And yes, we can become a driver for green technologies, because our answer is not, 'Drill, baby, drill'. Our answer is, 'Shine, baby, shine, over generations'. It's not going to be an easy path towards Europe that is confident and capable, but we shall walk it together, and together we trust. Because yes, we can. And now we must.

Is it correct that you were able to end up as a colleague here because of your activities on social media during the election campaign, on TikTok and many other social media? Isn't it true that you haven't been censored? You are here. You have been awarded with a mandate by this European Union with the freedoms that we have. So, what are other proofs that your activity has been censored?

Madam President, The word ‘disinformation’ comes from Russian and was invented under Stalin. The KGB classified disinformation as active measures. Today we are experiencing a renaissance of these active measures. History has also been part of these attacks for two decades. It's a parallel universe of history that Putin invented: There was no decomposition of Poland, there was no occupation of the Baltic states by Moscow, and Molotov-Ribbentrop sounds to some Russian ears like a ferocious cocktail and not like a criminal pact between Hitler and Stalin. Nobody talks about genocidal deportations of Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Russian Germans, but all about the invented Nazi regime in Kyiv, which, by the way, is currently ruled by two Jews. This pseudo-history meets the technological present in Moscow: In June 2024 alone, there were 1,400 fake pro-Russian accounts on X, reaching 4.5 million users. This is what it looks like when the past Made by Putin the future Made by Putin hits. We have to be prepared for this future, we have to be resilient, technologically, but also in terms of our attitude. That is why we must always remember this true story, and we will do so in the coming sessions in Strasbourg, including in the form of our resolutions. Ladies and gentlemen, let's get started!

Mr President, sexual violence; electric shocks through field phones or car batteries; mock executions; sleep deprivation; and forcing detainees to sing the Russian national anthem and patriotic songs for hours at night. Those are the standard methods of torture by Russia. Putin's Russia blatantly disregards the Geneva Convention, sentencing prisoners of war and civilians to 20 years in prison, including life sentences. These trials are fabricated. Confessions are obtained by torture, and the legal process is nothing more than a theatre. Thousands of Ukrainian prisoners of war are held incommunicado without any rights guaranteed by international humanitarian law. Thousands of Ukrainian prisoners of war are struggling. They are being severely physically and psychologically tortured and they live in hunger, without basic supplies, without medical assistance. Death in such conditions is also a murder. So, before we call for their liberation, first and foremost, we need to help them stay alive by using all our networks and all our power.