Speeches

Dear Chairwoman, colleagues, the area of the Mediterranean where European Western civilization was born is again, along connected land routes, under the most intense pressure of unregulated, irregular migration. Even the most naive is clear today that dramatic figures show that existing European migration and asylum policies have failed. They didn't deliver the ordered system. We therefore need a responsible common European migration policy in which it is fully clear, even before the conclusions of the European Council, that the protection of our external borders has no alternative. Member States, not smugglers' mafias, should decide who has the right to enter European territory. We need a system that is solidarity-based, that is humane to all those who are truly in need, but that is also unwavering to smugglers who endanger the lives of thousands of people, but also to those who try to abuse the system. Let us not and cannot close our eyes to the instrumentalization of the system and to the dramatic attempts at abuse. The intensity and complexity of the migration issue calls on Europe to adapt to the new reality as a matter of urgency. Europe has not done so yet, but the conclusions of the European Council are certainly the right step in this direction.

Unfortunately, the situation at Europe's borders is starting to be dramatically reminiscent of the major migration crisis in 2015. Thousands and thousands of unknown people are apparently illegally entering the territory of the European Union. It is terribly scandalous to hear, on the other side of the left and here in the European Parliament, a passionate advocacy for non-compliance with our European common rules. Europe can no longer look at this. Europe must act. We need an agreement as soon as possible on the new migration and asylum system, an agreement that can respond to this crisis, an agreement that includes solidarity between states because for too long countries at the external borders have been putting the greatest migratory pressure, but also an agreement on a system where the foundation is also steadfastness towards smugglers, who exploit our indecisiveness and put the lives of thousands of people at risk. We must stop irregular entries and insist on protecting Europe's border.

In a new era of deep uncertainty, Europe, as the best place to live in the world if it wants to stay, must take investment in its security, including the security of the state border, as well as the imperative of economic and technological competitiveness seriously. In both areas, your presidency can steer Europe in the right direction. That is why I welcome the focus on defence, migration, energy: domains that have a critical impact on all and are a true test of both European policies and European civilizations. Do not neglect engagement with our immediate neighbourhood - BiH and other countries in Southeast Europe because it is crucial, because it is important, because it is something that concerns all of us. The Czech presidency will be remembered by Croatia as very high quality, and I wish Sweden a lot of success in a difficult time. Let's go back to our foundations. Common-sense policies have eluded both Sweden and Europe. Common-sense policies will also preserve Europe.

–. ...()...and the most corrupt human beings, as well as the greatest wealth. Which is why, no matter where she was born, no matter what her name, deserves our special protection. They are what remains behind us, they show how we lived, what values we implanted in them and what kind of people we raised them in. The civilisational power of a society is therefore greatly measured in how it treats the most vulnerable, children. The one born and the unborn, the one of one's own, but also the other's. This is why child trafficking and various related practices, as well as the instrumentalisation of children for ideological whims, must be stopped. Adoption is a noble act, but all suspicions of selling children under the guise of illegal international adoptions must be clarified and, if found guilty, punished in the strongest possible terms.

–The Honourable Chair, the Honourable Commissioner, the colleagues, the budget is the cornerstone of any European action in our Member States, in our immediate neighbourhood, but also beyond. Through the budget, we determine our strategic priorities and the future of our development. The political, economic and social context in which we define these priorities has changed beyond recognition following Russia’s brutal aggression against Ukraine. The tectonic changes in the security architecture and security architecture of Europe, the historical turning point, but also other growing global challenges, the unforeseen needs that have arisen in Europe as a result of the war far exceed the means at our disposal. We have a human and moral responsibility to stand with the Ukrainian people who are fighting for their freedom, for their existence, and we also have a responsibility to support Europe in the transformation that lies ahead. In a new era of uncertainty, there are also incredible needs ahead, from the digital green transition, European competitiveness, security and defence. We need a return to fundamental European policies that are lacking without adequate resources. This is why it is high time for a serious, thorough, in-depth revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework.

Dear Chairman, three decades after international recognition and aggression, in the tenth year of our European membership, Croatia rounds off its full return to European civilization. At a time of deep uncertainty and war on the European continent, this, together with better transport connectivity, greater competitiveness, freedom of movement and one great development opportunity, brings us additional security - a stronger and more resilient state border. We regret that Romania and Bulgaria, whose citizens have been waiting for equality and full freedom of movement for too long, have not been accepted. In this sensitive geopolitical moment, we need a stronger Schengen with Romania and Bulgaria. I would like to thank once again all those who have supported Croatian membership in Schengen in the last months, and for the end, I will also ask you for a little more support tonight in our semi-final against Argentina.

The European Year of Youth has rightly put the focus on young people who, unfortunately, once again feel disproportionately the burden of the crisis in which Europe and the world have found themselves. At the same time, new generations continue to show that they are a driver of development and possess special strength, the power of innovation, the power of creativity, the power of excellence. This is why they deserve first and foremost a safe and peaceful, but also a sustainable and digital European future. The war in Ukraine is another shock for young generations. Instead of sitting in classrooms or training on sports grounds, young Ukrainians were forced into their own hands to take a weapon, a fate no one deserves. Together with other European youth, young Ukrainians deserve a safe future, and these are things that unfortunately today we may take lightly, for granted, a safe home, secured education, a safe job and family life. For young Europeans, unfortunately, the war in Ukraine is another lesson and a reminder that these are the values that our generations will have to fight for and fight for.

In a time of brutal war on the European continent, Europe provides a safe haven for millions of Ukrainian refugees from Russian destruction and shells and once again shows our common humanity. At the same time, we are witnessing a drastic and perfidious increase in illegal border crossings of almost 300,000 this year, especially on the so-called Western Balkans route. Reception centres across Europe are crowded, and the external borders are again under pressure from verse migration and thousands and thousands of unknown people trying to cross our European borders illegally under cover of night, without official identification documents and outside border crossing points. Serbia also contributes to this by rewarding countries that do not recognise Kosovo through unscrupulous visa abuse, thus increasing pressure. We urgently need a common, systematic European solution starting with effective strict protection of the external borders and decisive instrumentalisation of migrants in geopolitical games that must not exist. All this also shows that we need an even stronger Schengen, not to undermine it in these delicate geopolitical moments. Clearly, with Croatia involved, which has proven that it can effectively protect the European border and thus provide additional security to all Member States and all European citizens.

When I presented the results of the negotiations for this year's budget last year, it was impossible to predict how dramatically different the situation on the European continent would be, how much Russia's aggression against Ukraine would turn a new chapter and present a new test, not only for our Union but for the whole of European civilization. One of the key aspects that we can act on in such a situation is the budget. This is why we need a strong European budget, which is the main tool for our response to Europe's growing priorities. We have a clear, human, moral duty to help Ukraine and help the Ukrainian people fight for their freedom. We also need to strengthen our energy independence through the green transition process, but we also need to provide sufficient funding for our entrepreneurs, researchers and students in a smart way. All this is summarized in over 186 billion euros of this budget and that is why I congratulate the rapporteurs who led the negotiations.

Dear Chairman, for us Croatian Members here in the European Parliament, this is probably the most important decision in this mandate. Three decades of hard-won independence, on the threshold of the 10th anniversary of our membership of the European Union. By joining Schengen, but also by introducing the euro as the official currency in Croatia, we round up Croatia's return to Europe and in some way become a member of the most elite civilization club. As one of only fifteen countries that are simultaneously a member of the European Union, NATO, the Eurozone and Schengen. In times of war on the European continent, this, together with equality, freedom of movement and a major development opportunity, brings us additional security. And as a nation, we can be proud of that. Croatia has proven that it can protect its borders, European borders, in accordance with the highest European standards. That is why it is important that this report leaves no open questions as to whether Croatia is ready. It is now up to the Council to finalise this decision. I thank Paul, I thank all my colleagues who were involved, I thank the Commission for everything that has been done here in Brussels, but also, in particular, the Croatian police and the Croatian Government, which is the most responsible for this success.

Dear Chairman, Europe has made a clear, human and civilizational commitment at the beginning of the war and is helping the Ukrainian people fight for freedom. The use of energy as an instrument of war against Europe, as a means of political and economic blackmail, invites us to respond even more uniquely and intelligently. The Council conclusions are certainly going in the right direction, but the uncertainty ahead of the coming winter, and even more so ahead of the coming year, has not yet disappeared. We need political, military and financial support, because this is ultimately the ultimate civilisation test for all of Europe. We will need even more solidarity, more unity and unity in support of the Ukrainian people, but we will also need wisdom to avoid the worst consequences for both the European economy and European citizens. However, what is essential is that we understand that the outcome of the war has, and will have, an impact on the whole of Europe and will have an impact on all European citizens. For this reason, Western civilization is now struggling not only with words, but also with deeds.

Dear Chairman, I would like to speak here today, first of all, about Bosnia and Herzegovina. To welcome the European Commission's proposal to grant candidate status to a country that has passed perhaps the bloodiest and most difficult path to its independence, to the preservation of its existence and is now in a specific, specific situation: on the way to stability, on the way to democratisation of the country, but also on the way to the European Union. I would like to tell my colleagues that everyone who cares, truly cares about Bosnia and Herzegovina, must understand that attempts to subjugate Croats to second-class citizens simply cannot pay off, that they cannot succeed, and not only are they, as they are, deeply and morally wrong. Every constituent people should have the right to legitimate representation and, only with respect for all three constituent peoples with full equality, we can think and argue that Bosnia and Herzegovina has a European future and that is why I am glad that the European Commission has recognized this, recommending also work on amendments to the Electoral Law as a precondition for any further progress.

Dear President, Commissioner, colleague and colleague, several hundred thousand people go missing in Europe every year, and in as many as half of all cases they are children. It is clear, fortunately, that a good part of them is found very quickly, but it is also, unfortunately, clear that a good part of them also disappears for a longer period of time. As a parent, as a husband, I can hardly imagine all the agony we can and must sympathize with the missing persons, the missing children, but also their families. Unfortunately, while we are facing a large number of missing persons, there is still a lack of a common European framework at European level. The circumstances of such disappearances are particularly troubling when it comes to disappearance as a consequence of a crime, as a consequence of organized crime, such as trafficking in human beings, as their blackest form. Exploitation of victims, whether it is sexual or labour exploitation, unfortunately happens as we discuss it here. This form of horrific human rights violations is not only a hallmark of some other distant countries, but is unfortunately also present here in Europe. That is why I welcome the initiatives so far. We need to urgently establish a common framework for missing children and all persons and I look forward to deepening cooperation between Member States, but also to an even stronger engagement of the European Union.

Dear Chairman, the whirlwind of the war in Ukraine has triggered the largest movement of displaced persons in Europe since the Second World War. At a time of deep uncertainty for the entire continent, we are also witnessing a dramatic increase in irregular crossings on the so-called Balkan route with over 100,000 illegal migrants this year alone. The situation is bad, and it threatens to become extremely malignant, largely due to Serbia's actions. By unscrupulously abusing the visa regime, Serbia rewards countries that do not recognise Kosovo, allowing migrants from countries that did not have them before, such as Burundi, India or Cuba, to now appear at Europe's borders at night. The creation of migratory pressure on the state and European borders once again raises the fundamental question, the question of Serbia's civilizational orientation. In this crisis that exposes it, it seems at least European. If this continues, the highest price of this dishonest and anti-European policy will, unfortunately, be paid by the citizens of Serbia. In Europe, there can be no point-to-point viewing of any form of state role in artificially creating migratory pressure, especially when it comes to a regime that still finds its model in Russia and privileged political and energy relations with Moscow.

Madam President, I think that it's completely clear that for the past two years, Europe has really been deciding on its priorities in unprecedented circumstances in which we had to tackle the economic and social consequences of the pandemic. Now, this year, the circumstances under which we are negoitating the annual budget for the next year are even more dramatic. Europe gave a clear answer to the unprovoked, brutal Russian aggression and took a stance together with the brave people of Ukraine. We all feel, we all see that a new and different Europe is being shaped by the war and that a new Europe is emerging, one that has to focus on key priorities and sound policies. This definitely means focusing on securing energy supplies, continued investment in security and defence and support for humanitarian aid, but also preventing the new migration crisis. The announced joint procurement act for the European defence industry is the right incentive for cooperation between the Member States, as well as for the industry that has been mobilised like never before. Likewise, with the European chips act, we have the possibility to increase Europe's independence with regard to semiconductor production in times when global supply chains are significantly disrupted. But all these efforts require an appropriate budgetary architecture. They all require the revision of the MFF. This is something that is urgent, this is something that is crucial. In the end, this can only be achieved if Parliament is united in its message for this, but also for this annual budget. I hope that, together with our colleagues from the Commission, but also from the Council, we can continue in building a resilient and secure Europe.

Mr President, dear Vice-President Schinas, dear colleagues, Romanian and Bulgarian citizens have been waiting now for 11 years to enjoy all the advantages of free movement and to enter into the Schengen area. Parliament has repeatedly emphasised its support for the Schengen enlargement, as we do today, because it is crucial for the equality of citizens within the EU. Stronger economic cooperation, enhanced connectivity, but also better protection of the external borders is in the interests of the whole European Union and not only in the interests of those two countries. This is especially true at a time of great uncertainty and damaged security architecture across the entire continent. Ladies and gentlemen, soon we will discuss and vote here in the European Parliament on the report on Croatia’s accession to the Schengen area. Let me be clear, in December it is high time for the Council to act not only for Croatia, but also for Romania and Bulgaria, because this is in the interests of these countries, but this is also in the interests of all Europe and of fostered security on the European continent.

The Honourable Chairman, Honourable Commissioner, Colleagues and colleagues, is an integral part of Russia's great-state concept of expanding control and domination beyond its borders. Propaganda, hybrid actions, disinformation and historical falsification, and unfortunately the military aggression against the Ukrainian people since 24 February. With similar attempts, Croatia witnessed 30 years ago, as a victim of the aggression of the Greater Serbian Milosevic regime, but unfortunately even today the Serbian authorities are already perfidiously implementing the hybrid version of Serbia's policy from the 1990s towards neighboring countries. Misusing the judiciary, claiming cultural heritage, manipulating history and violating minority rights. Such toxic reflections, which still find their role model in Russia and privileged political energy and economic ties in relations with Moscow, harm Serbia, damage the whole of Europe. And as long as that is the case, my colleagues, I think it is completely clear that Serbia has no place in the European Union and that Serbia will not only formally move away from the negotiations with the European Union, but that it will also fundamentally, deeply, unfortunately, move away from the entire European civilization.

In addition to the brutal violation of the international order, the open threat of nuclear attack, the Russian regime began to use energy as an instrument of war against Europe, as a means of political and economic blackmail. Contrary to what we could hear from MP Kolakušić, history shows us that relaxation or division in the face of tyranny or imperialism cannot help. Exactly the opposite. History also shows us that it does not contribute to relativizing aggression, and it is especially incomprehensible when it comes from the mouth of a colleague who also comes from a country that only 30 years ago was the victim of similar aggression. Colleagues, the outcome of the war in Ukraine will shape the future of the whole of Europe. That's why this is a civilization test for Europe. This requires unity and unity in support of the Ukrainian people. This calls for a return to fundamental European policies, to common sense policies, in particular in the areas of defence, security and energy. That is why, ultimately, it is also a matter of survival in a new ruthless era of global uncertainty.

Honourable Vice-President, Honourable Commissioner, Cohesion Policy has been successfully reducing economic and social disparities between different parts of Europe for decades, so that families can be lived, operated and established in every part of Europe with quality and dignity. At a time of major change, we need to further increase accessibility, increase flexibility, but sometimes make cohesion funding more meaningful and ensure that it reaches the most deprived. This summer, Croatia opened the Pelješac Bridge, the most important infrastructure project that connects Croatian and European territory, inspires and shows what we can do united, what we can do with a clear vision and with the smart use of European funds. For decades, connecting Dubrovnik, a global tourist symbol, and the south of Croatia with the rest of the country, with the rest of the European Union was just an unattainable dream. But today it is a reality. Today, this has been done with great help from European funds. With the smart synergy of cohesion policy and national recovery plans, we can achieve the much-desired resilience and recovery that is necessary for the green and digital transitions of European society and economy. However, this will not be possible in the long run if we do not support the demographically vulnerable parts of Europe, if we do not try to prevent and prevent the population collapse that is particularly threatening certain parts of Europe. This is why we must be able to adapt, which is why we must be able to prepare, without neglecting demographic policy, the demographic dimension of cohesion policy, which is also one of the objectives of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which clearly emphasises in its Article 174 that special attention must be paid to regions with demographic handicaps. In this regard, I would like to thank my colleagues for drawing up this comprehensive, broad report and I truly believe that in the years ahead we can continue to adapt cohesion policy in such a way that the funds are used even smarter, but also in such a way that demographic problems are no longer ignored.

Dear Chairman, while the Ukrainian people are fighting for their own existence, for freedom, but also for our European values, in Serbia in Belgrade we are witnessing a sad, shameless calculation that is still ongoing and we are witnessing all different ways of circumventing sanctions. In this way, Serbia is not only formally moving away from the European Union, but also civilizationally away from all of Europe. Second, what we are witnessing in our immediate neighbourhood, unfortunately, are elements of the old open politics of Serbia from the 1990s where there is a lack of sincere, real cooperation, first of all on reconciliation, and on those remnants of open issues from the 1990s. We are witnessing an unacceptable expansion of jurisdiction, a failure to resolve the fate of the missing, a problematic attitude towards minorities within the Republic of Serbia, but also an unhidden recourse to the cultural heritage of other states. This is completely unacceptable and as long as Serbia is not ready for the European Union!

Dear Chairman, some of the colleagues in this discussion today are very respectful of the Constitution of the state we are talking about, according to the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, calling the basic principles of this document, which stopped the bloody war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, some kind of tribal system, some kind of ethnic system that we should overcome and replace with some kind of fantasy world, a world in which these ethnicities that exist will be lost, in which the rights of the three constituent peoples will not be respected. And that's wrong. This is completely wrong because it encourages such tendencies, which are quite common in Bosnia and Herzegovina only covert, tendencies of the largest Bosniak people in which it participates in the way of outvoting, outvoting and elective engineering. This is not something that is a European concept. Europe knows something completely different - subsidiarity, which also exists in the institutions of the European Union, because it is a reality. This is the reality of the European Union today, but it is also the reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Colleague Franz, it seems to me that we agree that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs stability, functionality... Colleague Franz, we agree that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs peace, stability, functionality and a European perspective. It seems to me important to emphasize once again that Bosnia and Herzegovina also needs respect for the rights of all three constituent peoples, not as something that is important in itself for some abstractness, but because without that respect, without an agreement on the future of the country, it is impossible to achieve such stability and a European perspective. What I want to ask you is how do you think... (Chair took the floor)

Dear Chairman, thank you very much to your colleagues for their support, but also for recognizing the enormous progress, the enormous efforts of the Croatian government in meeting all the demanding criteria for the introduction of the euro. I have to answer, too, to my colleague Ilčić because it is obvious that some today, unfortunately, forget that even kuna was never an end in itself, but a tool for a higher quality of life for Croatian families. If today we can secure it better, stronger with the euro, and there is no dilemma about it, I see no reason not to. The currency is always the tool of one economy, and it can never be just its decoration. Croatians still mostly save in euros, companies that export and import operate in euros, and due to the introduction of the euro, we already enjoy a record credit rating today. With the euro, but also with the record European funds at our disposal that drive entrepreneurship and innovation, digitalisation is a truly first-class generational opportunity that we must seize with a strong, ambitious, attractive and open mind. Because we can do it, and because Croatian citizens deserve it!

On 24 February, the Honourable Chair, Commissioners, colleagues, devastating Russian missiles, tanks and the sounds of sirens marked the beginning of the Russian regime's bloody aggression against Ukraine, but also the beginning of a new era of European history. More than 13 million Ukrainians, whose homes were destroyed by shells or lacked water, food and electricity, had to flee their homes in four months of war destruction. Nearly six million people, mostly women and children, have sought safe haven in European Union countries. We have clearly committed ourselves humanly and civilizationally to help them, and that is also the main goal of the amending budgets and reports that I present to you today. With the amendments, we provide the main part of €400 million to assist in the reception and registration of Ukrainian refugees. Concrete solidarity, financial, logistical, humanitarian aid, as well as any other form of support to the Ukrainian people who are fighting for their freedom at this time, is a human and moral obligation for their existence throughout Europe. A brutal Russian aggression that can have no justification will have long-lasting consequences not only on Ukraine, but also on Europe and even on our European finances. We are aware of this and therefore we need to take all measures in a timely manner to mitigate these consequences, be it for the care of refugees, the provision of energy supplies or the protection of food supplies. The main measure we have already highlighted here in the European Parliament is that new and adequate financial resources must be provided. This certainly includes an in-depth analysis of the current Multiannual Financial Framework and its, hopefully, upcoming revision, given the long-term consequences of the war in Ukraine, but also simply the long-term unsustainability of the current financing method and the current overstrain of many European programmes that are simply needed and without which we cannot. We are facing a real civilisational test that requires a common and unique response from the whole of Europe, but also a test of true readiness to respond concretely, tangiblely and with sufficient financial resources to all the current humanitarian challenges, but also to all that is ahead of us, and I think it is not an exaggerated secret and that it is quite obvious that the months ahead will be quite difficult and that this will certainly have an impact on this financial aspect. Ukraine needs a lot more at the moment. And of these 400 million euros that are a big deal, which will certainly help to take care of Ukrainian refugees here in Europe, but they need, and therefore I absolutely support, unequivocal support for the European aspirations of the Ukrainian people that we expect tomorrow at the Council meeting. Thank you very much, dear colleague and colleague, dear Commissioner. I think that with this step we are doing a good thing, a good thing for Ukrainian refugees and that these 400 million euros will provide one first aid in the right reception, but also in the registration of Ukrainian refugees.

Already today, the Honourable Chair, the Honourable Commissioner, colleagues, AI surrounds us even more than we are aware of, in many everyday applications, applications and services, from social networks and online search engines to medical diagnostics or smart transport. In any case, AI is already today the central technology of the new digital era that has the potential to transform and transform our societies from the ground up. It is also clear that its widespread application does not come without danger. We have heard and heard a lot about the protection of citizens' fundamental rights today in this debate and it is clear that we must expect new technologies to respect human dignity first and foremost and to respect all those democratic European values in which we believe. At the same time, our development depends on the ability to adapt to new, often cruel times, the cruel time in which we live. That is why we need an adoption-friendly approach that encourages European competitiveness and faster and better adoption of new technologies. It is our duty to offer the new generations precisely this, so that quality, good living is possible in Europe. This is not possible without the use of new technologies, it is not possible without the use of artificial intelligence. At the same time, we also owe them responsibility in managing our society and managing the future. That is why, in any case, we support the right, effective, better, better application of artificial intelligence, but with all those fuses that will ensure that man remains at the center of its application and that we have a normal, European, balanced approach between those extremes that we unfortunately see when looking at the global situation.