What Thomas spoke about.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, investing into reconciliation and investing into good bilateral relations is not an easy task. My very own country, Austria, needed 40 years to admit that we were co‑perpetrators of the Nazi regime and it took us many, many years to invest into good neighbourly relations, to rebuild our relations to our neighbours. This was not an easy exercise because the first step is to admit historical wrongdoings – not an easy one. But the second one is to show some forgiveness also to your neighbours. This is how we build good bilateral relations. What is clear is that the protection of minorities is part of the European acquis and needs to be fulfilled. Including minorities – the Bulgarian and others – into the constitution is a clear requirement from the side of the European Union. Just to make that clear: attacks on minority institutions or attacks on diplomatic property is an absolute no go. Prime Minister Mickoski was very clear. He condemned it with strong words. The perpetrator was arrested and is currently questioned on its motivation. This is how a state needs to react and I think it is good that he did a very clear statement on that publicly. What is not part of the European acquis is 100 % similar history books. Even after 80 years of Austrian history after the Second World War, this not something we try to achieve or we have achieved with our neighbour states. I would never dare to question the identity of my neighbouring country. Never. I would never dare to question Bulgarian identity just because you were 500 years under Ottoman rule. This acceptance of neighbours between each other is a fundament of cooperation. And what I still want to say is that it is also on us, the European Union, to support the platform, to support the dialogue, to rebuild trust, to help with the small steps to rebuild good bilateral relations, in this case between Bulgaria and North Macedonia, but it is the case for the whole region. It is also our responsibility to put resources on the table, to put personnel on the table and to support the region in reconciliation on all the different matters. We also have a responsibility in this. I want to thank all the shadow rapporteurs for the constructive work and let's move forward.

Mr President, Commissioner, for hundreds of years the whole region has been the playground of foreign powers and, unfortunately, it is still again the playground of foreign powers. We have to acknowledge that that region was always part of Europe culturally, historically and economically. Yes, in the 90s there was a missed opportunity on turning the countries towards the European Union, as other Eastern Europeans did. And unfortunately, identity issues, ethnically founded identity issues was tearing the region apart and it was causing massive war, massive horror and massive division in that region. And still from that, we have some results. We have wounds, we have scars, we have open bills. So, reconciliation is one of the key ingredients of the ability of all the countries in the region to actually reach progress and manage good neighbourly relations with all of their neighbours. We have to be aware that we should not set on fire a region again on ethnical and identity issues, and we have to be aware that there are two countries that have prevented massive violence in their countries. One of them is clearly our front runner, Montenegro, and the second one could be a front runner, which is North Macedonia, on which I was drafting this report. Macedonia was a front runner already with Slovenia 20 years ago. We have to say, yes, the country did not do the reforms as fast as possible, but we also have to say that we from the European Union have given promises that we were not able to hold. And we have to acknowledge that many countries in the region, but clearly also North Macedonia, have shown progress. They have shown reforms. You can see that in the acknowledgement of the reform agenda and the payments that have been given to the country. There is a dynamic in there. The country is willing to do the reforms that we are requesting them to do. We have to be aware that this also needs to be granted with some rewards. Some rewards can be partial integration in the market, it can be partial integration in our roaming area, it is the SEPA. We need to reward progress in the region to keep the motivation up and to keep the motivation up in North Macedonia. Yes, there needs to be an alliance in the country between position and opposition to bring the needed reforms forward. There needs to be an alliance also with civil society because no one alone will manage the reform process. You can see on good examples like Montenegro that if you seek this unity or if you seek this compromise, then you can make huge steps in a short time. Another learning is that we need to invest into independent, competent authorities. Rule of law, the division of power, this is the fundament, not just of European values – it is the fundament of an economic development. If you lack foreign investors, maybe take a closer look at the question of how independent your institutions are, what can you further do to invest into this and take care for your national, cultural, natural and historical heritage. Because this is what makes your country strong. This is what you give and hand over to your next generations. Listen to your people because this is the ones we serve. For us here in the European Union, we have to see that bringing in the countries of the Western Balkans – North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Bosnia, all of them – bring security to our European Union. It brings economic value to our European Union. It brings cultural enrichment to us here in the European Union and it brings wonderful natural and cultural heritage for all of us in the European Union. So let's go, step by step, country by country, with the aim to offer full membership to all six Western Balkan states. First Montenegro, then comes Albania and I think the next one on the list should be North Macedonia. They are trying their best. They are doing the reforms. We should grant them with some results and we should grant them with a clear path into the European Union. Let's go and do it.

Mr President, Commissioner, every proposal to reduce our dependency on fossil fuel is welcome, but we cannot overlook realities. In a post‑fossil bioeconomy we need biogenic CO2 chains to produce plastic, to produce clothes, to produce chemicals. And the bad news is, the amount of biomass is limited. This is just a matter of fact. In the moment when we talk about edible goods, to use edible goods to produce biofuel, well, the bad news is that the energy balance is clearly negative. We need much more energy to produce crops and then to produce biofuel from crops than the amount of energy that we can actually extract. And if we import these goods, we are complicit in causing hunger and we are complicit in causing deforestation. This cannot be a general solution. There is a niche for biofuels, especially the ones that are not produced from edible goods, but they cannot replace the need for electrification of our transport systems, and they cannot reduce the investments in alternatives beyond biomass and this kind of biofuel production. So let's face realities, let's face the facts, let's develop proper solutions, and let's not use food to put it into the tank.

Madam President, Commissioner! After Lukashenka's brutal crackdown on the democracy movement in Belarus, we debated here and stated: Oh, we depend on fertiliser imports. We have debated, we have adopted resolutions; Not much has happened. After Putin's invasion of Ukraine, this illegal and war criminal war, we have stated: Oh, the gas we use to produce artificial fertilisers ourselves is being used as a weapon against us. We have adopted resolutions here, we have held debates; Not much has happened. And this time we see a theocratic mullah regime that has no shame at all in shooting its own people in the thousands and now holding the entire world economy hostage. And again, we stand here debating and saying: Oh, we have a problem because we need artificial fertilizers for our agriculture. I can't quite understand that. Are we now ready to seriously question our dependence, seriously do something about it? For decades, our organic farmers have been showing how to produce food without artificial fertilizers, namely high-quality food without these imported fertilizers. We don't need them in organic farming. Innovative agro-ecological farms show how to minimise the use of artificial fertilisers by using green fertilisers with legumes and farmyard fertilisers. And what do we do? Well, the Commissioner's proposal here does mention some of the difficult points, it does mention some of the problems. But it is a symptom control. We must finally get to the point of massively changing our agricultural subsidies and supporting those farms that are no longer dependent on imported artificial fertilisers. This is the only way to guarantee food sovereignty. Only in this way can we guarantee strategic independence and the food supply of our population and can no longer be blackmailed by international and brutal actors.

This is an excellent example of fake news. The Greens are standing up for a sustainable forestry, for forestry that does not destroy the soil, that is sustainably providing us and is resilient in times of climate crisis. And sorry colleague, you are very much advocating for the monoculture strategies of the past. Sorry to say, to produce grains with artificial fertilisers, with pesticides, with tractors, with the work of our farmers, and then pouring all of this into our tanks of combustion engines with 35 % energy use – this calculation doesn't work. And sorry to say, I just find it immoral to put foods that we can eat into our tanks instead of electrifying our cars. This is not a strategy for the future.

Mr President, Commissioner, good morning, colleagues, we are once again in a fossil crisis. We once again realise that we are dependent on crazy, theocratic mullahs. We once again realise that we are dependent on a Russian war criminal. And we also realise that we are dependent on our former US friends that are unfortunately unreliable, and that have co-caused the crisis of today. So good morning, colleagues. The imperative of today is reducing fossil energy and reducing fossil dependency, also of fertilisers. And I don't understand how still parts of EPP and the right of this House can uphold this kind of combustion engine fetish, how you can still block renewable energy, how you can still slow down the construction of a good electric grid. I don't get your point. It's bad for economy, it's bad for people, it's bad for energy prices. So come on people, let's get going now, and we need to replace fossil fuels by our own home-grown renewable energy. And to President von der Leyen, who is not here anymore: replacing fossil dependency by a dependency on imported uranium, which we don't have in the European Union, is a dead‑end street. So please stop this fossil lobbying.

Mr President, Commissioner Kos, more than ever, it is time for European nations to stand together. If we want to defend our European way of life, if we want to defend our rule‑based order, this is what we have got to do: stand together. And there's more understanding for that than I have ever experienced. What is the common interest and what is the actual strength of the European Union? Yes, it's our rule‑based order. It's our predictability, it's the transparency that we're offering, it's the reliability that we're offering, and it's the institutions that are functional and delivering on the rule of law. This is exactly what the merit‑based process means: countries have to fulfil these rule‑of‑law criteria. Countries have to fulfil the criteria of an independent justice, of independent media, of civil rights for citizens. Because this is the precondition to become a member of our common club, and we have to insist on these criteria for membership. We need to deliver also on our promises towards the countries that we have been engaging with. We need to step up support. We're already supporting a lot, but in this current situation and the global situation, we have to step up our efforts in supporting the countries in their ability to actually deliver on the reforms, to actually deliver on the needed steps. So let's look into what we can still do for the countries that are not yet frontrunners. But let's also keep our promises to the frontrunners and let's finalise their accession, because they are also light towers of hope and light towers of our promises that show to the whole region: it is possible, if you do the needed reforms, you're very welcome here in our European Union. I hope the best for us. This is the spirit of our report, and this is the spirit of the majority here in the House. And I'm looking forward to work with all of you to fulfil our European promises, to their citizens and our citizens.

Mr President, we have the Rule that there are no political banners allowed in front of plenary or inside of plenary. This Rule counts for everyone, no matter what political opinion you have, and the ushers have confiscated the banner. Please, Mr President, respect our Rules. It's not a question of political opinion. This Rule counts for everyone here in the House. So just don't say, 'Well, this is just your opinion.' This is the Rules, and the Rules have been executed by the ushers.

Mr President, Commissioner Kos, yes, clearly, we also welcome the accession of Montenegro and Albania to the Hague Judgments Convention. It is a welcome step. Let me take the example of Montenegro in following up on developing a proper rule-of-law state: good cooperation with Eurojust, good cooperation with Europol, court of auditors functional, special prosecutors can work. They have proven this because there have been arrests of former high-ranking politicians and public servants. Yes, they also need to be served with resources. But also we Greens join the call to the Commission to include the European Parliament in the decision-making. It is about treaties between the European Union and third countries, and we need to keep in mind that truly the rights of citizens and the rights of companies are taken care of in all the countries that we welcome in this accession. Please look into future procedures that take the consent of the co-legislator into account. You see, the whole House is asking you for that. I think we should move on this, and you should, as a Commission, finally take this step and take the European Parliament seriously in terms of a co-legislator. Please think about that.

Madam President, there are more than 28 000 people currently waiting on death row, so this is not just a few single cases – and these are just the ones we know about. Is a death penalty a punishment? No, it's pure revenge. How shall I explain to my children and grandchildren that physical violence is never a solution and killing a fellow human being is unacceptable for everyone, whoever it is, whether it is a private person, an institution, a state or a judge: killing a human being is an absolute no go. It's unfortunate that we still need to say this in the 21st century, but this is the reality that we live in. We have to be aware that the death sentence is irreversible. We have hundreds of cases where criminals – or, in the end, non-criminals – are found not guilty after years and years of investigation; some of them even found not guilty after they have been killed by a death sentence. Death penalties do not deter crime. No study shows that a country with the death penalty has less criminality or less violence in society than a country that does not use the death penalty, so it doesn't meet the goal that some claim it does. We have to be aware that the majority of death sentences are happening in political systems that do not accept criticism, that do not accept questioning of the ruling powers. Their death sentences are not used to punish criminal acts. They are used to finally silence political opponents. Because even if they are in jail and they come back out at a certain point – let's think about people like Nelson Mandela and others – they are still endangering the system, they are still endangering the rulers. So that's why death sentences are used to silence political opponents. And yes, for us in the European Union, unfortunately, death sentences are not part of history – not even in Europe. Let's look at Belarus. Let's talk about it – what happens in our immediate neighbourhood. Let's talk about it – how the death sentence is used in Belarus increasingly. Let's use all the tools that we have: first, in our immediate neighbourhood – but actually across the globe, in the United Nations, in all the fora that we have, and with the development and support policies that we have globally – to always communicate that death sentences and killing people are unacceptable for us in the European Union. We consider this a tool of the last century or the last centuries. We are committed that in the 21st century this needs to be finally past.

Madam President, President of the Council, Commissioners, Europe needs to grow up now. We need to stand firm for our values on the global scene. We need to stand firm for human rights. We need to stand firm for democracy. It is going to be your role as the Cypriot Presidency to organise this greater unity that we see now upcoming in the European Union. It is also your role to portray the European Union as an alternative role model on the global scene, a role model that respects the rules-based order, a role model that respects international law, and a role model that stands up against the rise of authoritarianism. This is happening in China, this is happening in Russia, and unfortunately it is also happening in our former friends, the USA, under the Trump administration. That is what you do as a good friend, if your friend acts like a rookie, if he starts to blackmail or even be an aggressor, you need to stand up firmly and say clearly: 'no guys, that's not the way we're dealing with each other on this globe, that's not what friendship means'. So let's not skip our friendship with USA, but let's invest in all the democratic forces, and let's stand together and overcome these disputes – this can even make a friendship stronger than ever. Let's understand that Europe needs to grow up and needs greater unity on this globe. Let's work on this together.

Madam President, It has not been mentioned here yet, but there is a simplification for organic farms. Organic farms will in future be regarded as holdings that automatically comply with all environmental rules of the European Union. Yes, of course, because organic farms follow rules that are much stricter. And these are the best controlled foods we have on the market. And we don't have to repeat these checks once, twice, three times, four times. In the future, a biocertificate will declare that all environmental requirements have been met, and I strongly welcome this. This is finally an appreciation for organic farming. This is also the case for small businesses. You get simplifications. We can be happy about every single small farm that still operates today – for rural areas, for agricultural diversity, but also for many family incomes. You have to come up with a few ideas in order to survive as a small company. And therefore: Yes, flat-rate compensation for small businesses is a step forward – up to €3,000 in the future. Also, no environmental measures were cut, no environmental measures were cancelled, just as the European People's Party and right here in the house would have liked to have made a clear-cut. But fortunately there are people in Parliament, the rapporteur André Rodrigues, but also in the Commission and the Council., which continue to make reasonable and fact-based policies. I welcome that. And yes, there are a few weakenings, with grassland there are a few weakenings, but also a few pragmatic adjustments to the practice outside at our farms. And yes, the crop rotation should no longer be controlled for farms under 30 hectares. Crop rotation, which is the simplest and cheapest measure to save pesticides, to maintain soil health, to prevent erosion, to guarantee diversity in agriculture. This concept is more than 200 years old and was introduced at some point by Empress Maria Theresa. I do not quite understand why we still have to discuss this today, but as long as it is done, even if it is not controlled, I should be right. And yes, social conditionality, i.e. that farms must comply with social legislation, must be a matter of course. But yes, we wrote it down again. So thank you to the rapporteur, thank you to the colleagues. This is a reasonable package. We as the Greens will be able to agree with that.

Mr President, Commissioner! We still lose 800 farms every day in the European Union. And I would like to express my thanks for Commissioner Hansen's proposal to massively simplify the reporting requirements for agriculture under ten hectares and also to expand the possibilities of paying lump-sum payments here. This will support our small-scale agriculture. I would also like to express my gratitude and welcome the fact that organic farms will in future be regarded as Green by definition, i.e. green qua Biocertificate. This is a recognition of the work of organic farms. Organic farms are the best controlled farms in the European Union. And they meet all these criteria. But then we come to the critical parts: We continue to eliminate green measures within the CAP. We have already abolished crop rotation, i.e. continue monoculture after monoculture after monoculture. We remove the buffer strips, i.e. pesticides all the way to the stream, all the way to the water. For glyphosate, this means: If that gets into the water, the water is dead. Yes, we are breaking down more grassland, although grassland is the most climate-friendly way to farm. And so on and so forth. The European People’s Party, in its Nature Destruction Coalition with its new allies – right and right-wing extremists and even more extreme right-wing extremists – is abolishing one environmental measure after another. But when it comes to bees, we all love bees. Just the measures we don't want to put in place. And on top of that, explaining Natura 2000 sites as organic anyway is just technically wrong. And secondly: It is important to strengthen farmers in the value chain – with a contractual obligation, absolutely. But with this unnecessary veggie burger amendment, you're just sprinkling sand in your eyes. Do you think people are stupid when they go to the supermarket, and they don't realize what a vegetarian product is and what isn't? Stop this meat fetishism! Any nutritionist will tell you: We need to eat less meat and milk. Let's welcome this and stop boycotting vegan and vegetarian products, including farm products, here. I hope you will vote with us against this Veggie Burger amendment.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, I want to turn to the Serbian people. If you want a future for your children, and if you want to have a proper income, if you want to have functional institutions and good healthcare, if you want to have an independent justice system and serious and fair elections, please realise that you have to overcome your current authoritarian rulers. No matter if you want to join the European Union one day or not. And I turn to us – to our colleagues here, to the Commission and to the heads of states. Please stop your appeasement policy. It is harming the credibility of the European Union, it is harming our common values and it is harming the stability of the Western Balkan region. Let's come to reason. Let's support the opposition. Many people in Serbia have understood that their future lies in their hands. Let's openly support them. That is what I am advocating for.

Madam President, Commissioner! Drought, extreme heat, floods and then hail – this is the reality that our farmers are currently working with outside. They are the first to be affected by the effects of the climate crisis and species loss, coupled with unfair prices, with prices often below production costs, with a preponderance of supermarkets. This generates 800 farms every day that close in the European Union. In the meantime, there are solutions at the table: We can support our agriculture through strengthened regional marketing, local and regional procurement, and adaptation measures to climate change. Agriculture in harmony with nature is possible. Agriculture that does not torment animals is possible. Innovative companies across Europe are demonstrating this. Whether it is regenerative agriculture, agroecological methods or organic farming. We must ensure that the requirements we place on European farmers apply equally to imported products. A reduced budget for European agriculture, coupled with trade agreements such as Mercosur or perhaps now one with Trump in order to calm Trump in his customs madness, puts our agriculture and our farmers at risk. We need a European policy that supports European tax money for European farmers, for the production of nature-friendly, climate-friendly and animal-friendly products in Europe, for European citizens. We need to focus on this and finally get out of this world market ideology. European money for European agriculture, for European citizens!

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you, colleagues, for your contributions. Just to make one thing clear, this is a report of the European Parliament on the state of accession of an accession country called North Macedonia. This is what it should talk about and this is what we tried, together with my shadow rapporteurs, to portray in this report, with the good and the needed reforms, with the progress and the still‑to‑do's. I am doing this and I think most of us are doing this for the citizens. For the citizens of North Macedonia, for the citizens of Bulgaria, of Greece, of all our European Union. Let me say one thing as an Austrian: the European Union is built on leaving our past behind. Yes, we reconcile. Yes, we apologise. Yes, we acknowledge the atrocities that have happened in the last century. But we leave history with this behind and we join forces to build our common future. This is what Germany and France managed, and this is what Austria managed with its neighbours Slovenia, Hungary and the Czech Republic. We were overcoming history and we joined forces for the common good, for our citizens, for our European Union, for the destiny of our societies. This is what European Union is about, this is what accession is about and this is also what this report aims to be about. I hope that you will vote in favour tomorrow. Thank you for the good cooperation and thanks for everything.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, North Macedonia is a fantastic country north of Greece, south of our wonderful Strasbourg here. North Macedonia is a country that came through the Balkan wars of the 90s without massive outbreaks of violence. Even though this country is a very diverse country that is constituted of different peoples, different ethnicities and different religions, still they managed to form a peaceful society. North Macedonia once was frontrunner, 20 years ago, when they started their accession process, a frontrunner together with Slovenia. Where's Slovenia today? And what happened to North Macedonia? Well, some obstacles were in the way. Obstacles related to history, obstacles related to wars in the last century, obstacles in terms of building good bilateral relations to their neighbours. Good bilateral relations always need to be built from both sides. That is very clear. EU negotiations have not formally started yet. We could, but they have not formally started yet. Still, the country, as it has 20 years of accession path, has already implemented quite substantial amounts of European acquis. So, if you look at the legislation, they're actually quite well on track. If you look into them being a partner for the European Union, they have been a reliable partner to us. They are sharing our common foreign and security policy 100 %. They have been joining NATO, they have been joining our common efforts that we have in the European Union. And especially today when we see the geostrategic situation, when we see that we Europeans understand that we need to defend our destiny by ourselves, and that we Europeans need to stand together in the light of what globally is happening, especially in this light, I think we should look into speeding up accession process with North Macedonia. But also, I must say, the report – and I thank my shadow rapporteurs for the good cooperation – covers a full picture of where the country is and some parts we're commemorating; other parts we're still demanding reforms. The report talks a lot about the constitutional amendment that is demanded to start accession talks, constitutional amendment that includes additional minorities into the constitution, also the Bulgarian one. This report talks a lot about hate speech, about hate crime, about a need for prosecution. It talks about the need for rule of law and further developing not just legislation, but really making it felt for citizens. And the report talks about the need to fight corruption. None of our countries is free of corruption. But the question is, do you have institutions that have the ability and the resources to tackle, to fight corruption? This is the main question here. We're talking about the economic situation that has positive sides, but also downsides and lack of ability to uptake the support that comes from European Union. This is very important that the country invests into professional structures and keeps professional people that have once shown that they can. This country is full of amazing natural heritage: mountains, lakes, cultural sites, but unfortunately the country is also full of illegal waste deposits and pollution. Yes, there is a bettering of the situation, but still there's a lot to do. We can say that in North Macedonia, civil society still has space to work. And also we see a lot of foreign influence and we have to fight against foreign influence, whether it's Russian, Chinese, Saudi Arabian, Serbian, wherever from – people need to decide upon their own destiny. So we talk about media, also about the need for transparency on the ownership of media. And we talk about the potential this country has. This report is an important stepping stone towards EU accession, and I hope that many of you tomorrow in the vote will support this report, will support the accession of North Macedonia to the European Union, at least the next step that we can take in a constructive and united and pro-European manner.

Madam President, Commissioner, yes, indeed, our pollinators are declining. And why is it so? It was just mentioned by the far right: it's because of chemical pollution, because of pesticides. Well, the Commission came up with the so-called Sustainable Use Directive to reduce pesticides. But do you remember why it failed? It was very much on the right side of the House that the Sustainable Use Directive was actually killed here in the House. Yes, it was you guys. This would have been one of the main measures that we would have needed to take to reduce the decline of pollinators. And it's not just honeybees – I'm a beekeeper and a farmer at the same time – it's also about wild pollinators. The Commission – under the rule of simplification – has reduced the fallow land that we need for wild pollinators. Is there real support for organic farming? Because this is the way of farming that safeguards natural pollinators, wild pollinators and our bees as well. Is there real support for beekeepers in the European Union? Well, let's see the new CAP proposal. We need real support for beekeepers because, due to climate crisis and pesticides, it's harder and harder to keep a beekeeper's business going. I can say that from my very own experience. But I'm ready to work on this, and I'm happy to contribute if there are concrete proposals to safeguard wild pollinators and bees.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, in times of rising authoritarianism, in times where we see brutal warfare in our immediate neighbourhood on European soil, if we European states want to defend our way of life, the rule of law, democracy, human rights, we have to stand together and we have to speak with a united voice. And yes, for this, we need to rethink whether majority voting in terms of foreign policy should not be the next step for reforms. But we also have to see that most of these countries that are seeking accession are making great progress. And we have two candidate states that have a realistic chance to join this European Union until 2028: clearly Montenegro and maybe – if they keep the ambition – Albania. I want to say these are two countries that have been reliable partners, that have been sharing our CFSP, so foreign policy, standpoints. They have shown their commitment to the European Union and they have a realistic chance to come as 28th and 29th members into the European Union. Yes, we need reforms of the Treaty, but we also need a signal to the region that enlargement is possible based on merits, based on the rule of law, but that we're acting in terms of enlargement and we're not kicking the can down the road when it comes to reforms. So, let's keep the door open for Montenegro and Albania. The region needs this signal.

Thank you colleague Sokol for this question. And yes, the Montenegrin voters have elected their representatives and it's not my role to comment on this. And what I see up to now is that the government, with its majority that also includes Serbian representatives, is delivering legislation on a daily basis. But we also see that sometimes there are some obstacles coming in the way, and they might also come from that side. For me, the question is not whether somebody is Serbian or Montenegrin or Bosnian. For me, the question is, are people pro-democratic and do they support the pro-European course of the country? And this is what I'm forming my assessments on, and as long as the representatives do so, it's not my role to comment on whatever their background is.

Mr President, Commissioner, yes, Montenegro is still the frontrunner and has a realistic chance to join the European Union until the year 2028. Yes, the government is delivering EU acquis legislation at a very high pace. And yes, Montenegro is a state on the Balkans that has kept good neighbourly relations very much in the past, and I very much recommend to invest time and effort to also do this in our present time. But there are also concerning things happening. The investment deal with the United Arab Emirates was already mentioned, and unfortunately it looks as if it might allow circumvention of EU procurement rules. Montenegro has to be aware, even if the chapter 5 on procurement may be closed – let us see what the Council says – this is just provisionally closed and once circumventing the rules, it can immediately be reopened. Montenegro is also a country of fantastic natural heritage – a lot of jewels. If you have not been there, go there and have a look. But protecting these jewels like the Komarnica River, Salina Ulcinj or the protected dunes of Velika Plaža will be key to closing chapter 27 on environment. Let us work on it and let us do whatever we can to welcome Montenegro as the 28th Member of the European Union.

Madam President, colleagues, the Second World War was raw brutality. It was demonisation and dehumanisation of big parts of society. It was devastating warfare, total destruction and mass murder. That's what it was. Fascism didn't happen overnight. It was carefully woven into parts of society or into society, piece by piece, many years before the Nazis took over Germany and Austria, driven by blind hatred, by white supremacy and racism. Countless people were targeted and killed. But based on acknowledgement of crime, reconciliation and forgiveness, we are building this, our European Union. Yes, to forgive, but never to forget. Because remembrance is not an act of the past, it's a pact with the future. But, colleagues, somehow I have the impression that we did not learn. Once again, strong men have returned – in the US, in Russia, in China, in Hungary. Based on hatred and on disrespect for human rights, we once again see the rising forces of anti-democratic and anti-human policies. Even here in this House we hear hate speech, we hear blunt, fearmongering propaganda. But freedom is still strong and the fight for freedom is still strong. The freedom to love who you love, the freedom to decide over your own body, the freedom to live the life that you want to live, and the freedom to learn from history and the freedom to strive for peace. Because 'never again' is now!

Mr President, Madam Commissioner Kos, Kosovo has developed towards a modern rule of law state and is still developing towards a modern rule of law state. And yes, there are still things to do, and they are not yet there. But they are developing really well. It's a country with 100 % foreign policy and security policy alignment, which is really impressive in this Balkan region. It's a flourishing democracy and they once again have proven that they are a flourishing democracy. They have increasing living standards. They have a young and well-educated population. But still they are blocked from joining international organisations. They could be a frontrunner in the accession process. but they're still blocked from even starting the accession process by the outcomes of the Serbia-Kosovo war of the 90s. And I clearly call on Serbia here to finally make peace with their neighbour and to recognise their neighbour, to move on towards a European future. And I strongly call also on the five non-recognisers within the European Union to lead by example and to free the way to finally start accession talks with Kosovo. I thank the rapporteur for the good cooperation, and I thank Madam Commissioner for her good words. Thank you very much and let us work it out together.

Mr President, Commissioner, you expect us farmers to produce cheap for the global markets. You expect us farmers to produce affordable food for our citizens. You expect us farmers to produce extra cheap raw material for the food processing industry and for the retailers in the European Union. That's why farmers need income support from taxpayers' pockets. This income support should be based on the amount of jobs farmers are offering: you have winemakers with direct marketing who can supply two full-time jobs with five hectares, while sometimes crop farmers with 50 or 80 hectares are not even able to supply one full-time job. So I definitely welcome the slight indications in your vision that we need to allocate some of the basic income support budget based on the amount of jobs a farm is actually supplying. But before we can actually supply income support, we need to have a budget. And you all know here in the room that the CAP budget is not secured. It's clearly not secured, even if farmers have the potential to help us with climate mitigation, with climate adaptation. They help us with biodiversity, with rural areas, with animal welfare – a lot of important roles in society. So let's build this partnership between farming, environment, climate and rural areas. Because if you ask me, this will be the only way that we can secure a reasonable budget for our farmers.