Speeches

Mr President, Commissioners, ladies and gentlemen, we must not underestimate the historical importance of the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. This is the world's first jumbo package of legislation to regulate big tech. This will give our online world a solid foundation in the 21st century to make it fairer and more transparent from now on. We can be proud as a Parliament, because we have closed the loopholes. We have increased the protection of minors. We have already seen positive signals in recent weeks from the platforms that are working on this new regulation. But implementation and enforcement are becoming really crucial. As always sits the proof of the pudding in the eating. Parliament will closely monitor the compliance of the Commission and the Member States with their obligations, so that the Digital Markets Act and the Digital Services Act really bring about a change of mindset on the ground.

Mr President, the recent revelations about Pegasus are staggering. And the simple fact that we have to have our phones checked here is actually frightening. Indeed, the Spanish government has confirmed that Prime Minister Sánchez is being tapped. In Hungary journalists and activists and students were targeted, in Poland the opposition members are being monitored. Even citizens are found to be victims on a large scale in Europe, and free elections are harmed by Pegasus. Let me be clear: illegal state interference and surveillance of journalists, politicians and citizens is totally unacceptable. Democracy cannot function if governments know everything about their policymakers, opponents and voters. That is more than an unwanted invasion of your privacy, of your secrets, of your intimacy. It's forbidden. The new PEGA committee of inquiry, here in the European Parliament, is clearly asking the European Commission to act effectively and defend the fundamental rights of Europeans. First, by collecting information on the extent to which Member States are carrying out illegal surveillance. Transparency is desperately needed, so that the governments of the European Member States that use Pegasus spy software illegally are also held more accountable.

Mr President, despite the war in Ukraine, our concerns about the rule of law in Poland and Hungary remain, of course, legitimate. Poland still does not meet the conditions set by the European Commission on the abolition of the controversial Polish Disciplinary Chamber. Moreover, we see that the situation has deteriorated even further since the start of the war in Ukraine. Recently, another judge has been suspended from applying EU law and rulings of the Court of Justice of the European Union. In Hungary, on the other hand, the elections were free, but the OSCE notes that the electoral playing field is uneven and does not actually meet international standards and obligations. Orbán's party has reformed the current electoral system to its advantage and, of course, has a major influence on much of the media landscape. The border between the state and the party is increasingly blurred. I'm not saying that, the OSCE says that. But, colleagues, the harrowing war in Ukraine reminds Europe more than ever of our duty to defend democracy, the rule of law and our values. As long as Poland and Hungary continue to break the rule of law, no European funds should flow to these countries. The European Commission should therefore no longer have any doubts. It must assume its responsibility by not waiting a day longer to trigger the conditionality mechanism, as the European Parliament has been asking for months.

Mr President, High Representative, thank you for your reply. You referred to the guidelines that the Member States will hopefully follow as unitedly as possible. In mid-May, together with the European Defence Agency, you will put proposals on the table. May we hear some more details about the proposals you expect to make there?

Mr President, High Representative, I am right in front of you, thank you for being here at Question Time and for being able to speak on a topic as important as the Strategic Compass. It has come a long way and just at the end it was completely overshadowed by the war in Ukraine. But now it is finally adopted and the real work begins. The first concrete objective set out in Chapter 3 of the Compass, the investment chapter, is on the horizon. Member States should have targets for more and better coordinated defence spending by the middle of this year. My question to you is simple. Mid-2022 is coming very fast. That deadline is very close. How can we – how can you – ensure that Member States meet that crucial first deadline and ensure that the Strategic Compass does not start immediately with a false note, but, on the contrary, can start immediately?

Mr President, Commissioner, State Secretary Beaune, the European Commission must immediately trigger the conditionality mechanism and use it against Hungary and Poland. The European Court of Justice has given ready-made wine; There are no more excuses for further delay. The longer the European Commission waits, the more illegally obtained money flows into the pockets of corrupt accomplices and relatives of Viktor Orbán in Hungary and the more time the Polish government has to further dismantle the independent Polish legal system. These attacks on the rule of law must be stopped immediately. The European Commission says it wants to build a case that is 100% untouchable. That there is corruption and problems in Hungary and Poland, however, has been established with two hundred percent certainty. The European Court of Justice has today given Europe an unmistakable fiat to protect the rule of law by hitting non-compliant Member States where it hurts, particularly in their wallets. I would therefore like to ask the European Commission to do its job. I would like to say to the Member States: It must be done with lip service. It's time to show our teeth and stand up for our credibility.

Mr President, the single market is and remains the jewel in the crown of European integration. We can be proud of it. Meanwhile, the focus is shifting to the digital single market, while the single market for goods and services is far from finished. As a member of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development and the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, I come into contact with many links in the agri-food sector and, during farm visits, I am always confronted with the protectionist measures of neighbouring countries, whether through legislation or specifications or in everyday life. Thanks to the European Green Deal and the coronavirus crisis, the focus is more than ever on sustainability and local production. However, we must not slip into a situation where each Member State, under the guise of local production, forecloses its own market and only accepts products from its own country. This could have far-reaching consequences, especially for smaller Member States such as mine. I would therefore like to ask the European Commission to step up its role as guardian of the single market, so that the single market can do even more for all businesses in the Union. I count on the Commission and the Single Market Enforcement Task Force to strengthen and empower the Single Market, while also completing the Single Market for goods and services. Companies should be able to report non-tariff barriers more quickly and easily, and the Commission should work consistently on this. Only in this way can we further deepen the single market and maintain the confidence of companies in the market.

Mr President, cyberattacks are being carried out on the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence and on Ukrainian banks. The conditions and pressure to take the necessary steps quickly in the area of our common security and defence policy have never been more palpable than they are today. Understanding of the need for a strong self-defence is on the rise. Today's crisis, which is the result of Russian aggression against EaP countries, has once again clearly exposed the pain points: too little unity, too little capacity and too much dependence. However, she has done this in a way that also encourages more personal willingness and commitment. The US and NATO are important partners and the usefulness of good transatlantic relations can therefore hardly be mentioned as a pain point in these times of crisis. In this context, I would like to point out that parliamentary diplomacy can also be important, as can be seen from the Transatlantic Legislators Statement, which was signed a few days ago by both European and American Members of Parliament, including some of us, as a statement of principle of support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Mr President, our relations with our southern continental neighbour are of immense importance, indeed a priority in our foreign and security policy. The spirit of which these relations must be imbued is that which is also reflected in our Group's Africa Paper, namely to invest more in a partnership, with a balance of interests and values, for the benefit of equal partners. I have repeatedly called for it, and I will do it again today: Africa deserves a more coordinated approach through increased cooperation between transatlantic and other like-minded international partners. In our new Global Gateway strategy, Africa must be a priority. The basic needs, but also the immense potential of this continent, require optimal alignment between, on the one hand, the Global Gateway strategy and, on the other hand, the G7's Build Back Better strategy. For too long we have been looking at how the future of Africa will be determined by China and Russia, who are investing in the continent as a purely economic and political wingewest. Let me conclude with the importance of security as a theme in our relations with Africa, as a basic condition for progress there, but also for our stability here. I am certainly one of those who are in favour of more resources for security in countries of our Eastern Partnership, with Ukraine of course leading the way. But I am not among those who believe that this should come at the expense of our commitments to Africa.

Mr President, Commissioners and colleagues, many platforms such as Facebook are actually working as a factory without windows at the moment. No policymaker, no social organisation, let alone the individual citizen, actually knows exactly what is going on behind the walls of that factory. We do not get a grip on the algorithms and we are unsuspectingly pushed in a certain direction. Abuse is not prevented or prevented too slowly and there is actually no clear legal framework. Everyone is treated on a random basis. And that's why it's high time we set a limit, make rules for tech companies. Companies need to be more responsible with the content we want to post. And we owe it to ourselves to take our responsibility and make a clear legislative framework. Colleagues, I myself have three children of four, two and a newborn. The two seniors now often watch videos on YouTube. Vlad and Niki will certainly know the young parents. Well, I'm honestly concerned about when they realize that they actually have unlimited access to all the content that comes online, and especially the content that is distributed through the major platforms. Among other things, the steering algorithms or the radically personalized advertisements can be harmful to them. I am therefore proud of the decision we want to make to better protect minors in the online world in the future. With a ban on commercially personalized advertising aimed at children and higher requirements for transparency, such as a mandatory label on deepfakes, we offer minors a safe online environment. With the Digital Services Act and the previously adopted Digital Markets Act, we will set the gold standard worldwide. I am convinced that this will lead to a better, safer online environment where fundamental rights of users are protected and where companies also know clearly what their rights and obligations are. Big tech will no longer be able to operate without rules and without accountability. Safety over economic profit.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, since 1993, the internal market has been the cornerstone of our European cooperation. And today, almost Christmas 2021, we are still discussing barriers in that single market. It shows that we have to make every effort to keep those markets open, day in and day out, and that we have to prove to each other that we think it is worth keeping that market open. Corona has shown how fragile the card house of the internal market is. If one country closes its borders, then we see very quickly that the other countries follow, with minimal intervention possibilities, Commissioner, for the European Commission. But as striking as the impact of the COVID crisis was, new barriers are still emerging, especially in the agri-food chain. That is what strikes me. Under the guise of local production or short supply chains or animal welfare, Member States are step by step closing their markets, with dramatic consequences indeed for producers from small countries. The Single Market Enforcement Task Force is therefore an important signal, but it needs to become an effective body.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr High Representative, developments at the Russian-Ukraine border actually confirm what we have known for a long time: we need united and effective action in our foreign policy and our security and defence policy is about much more than the military aspect alone. As disturbing as these developments are, we must never give in to those who do not respect the sovereignty of a sovereign country. Ukraine is an important partner of the EU and NATO and it is inconceivable that the EU or NATO would a priori reject a subsequent accession of Ukraine, because Russia does not want to respect its sovereignty. With this attitude, we are obliged to impose effective sanctions and to pay particular attention to the familiar transatlantic cooperation in dealing with this crisis. But this crisis is also a crisis characterized by a total lack of trust between rivals. As long as mutual understanding and trust have any relevance in our relationship with Russia, we must continue to invest in it and engage in some form of dialogue that we may have. Talking to each other – without denying our principles – can hopefully contribute to de-escalation and who knows what else. But that only makes sense if Putin believes in our strength and if we are credible. However, we have to take care of that ourselves.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, do you remember where you were when you first went online? The modem that cracked and stopped. But the world has changed in the meantime. I'm glad you did. Google searches 5.6 billion times a day. There are 1.6 million Amazon packages sent every day. It shows that our digital economy is running at full speed and that people have indeed found their way to the internet. But it also shows how huge these companies are and what impact they have on our society. Because with such a large scale and such an influence comes, of course, also a great responsibility. Unfortunately, it is still too often lost today. In fact, the ‘Facebook Papers’ shown by whistleblower Francis Hogan have only fuelled distrust and the Commission’s many lawsuits against these tech giants are proof of this. It is therefore positive that Europe is taking the lead and creating clear rules. Instead of chasing after the facts, we now get into the cockpit and can act decisively if necessary. The biggest tech giants today determine the ins and outs of the digital world and that has to be different. I am therefore pleased that we are resolutely opting for strong rules that create a healthy and competitive digital environment, whereby, of course, smaller companies in Belgium and elsewhere in Europe can also grow and also have the opportunity to reap the benefits of the digital transition. That is why I would also like to congratulate Mr Schwab. After the GDPR, we are now once again setting the gold standard with Europe.

Mr President, we cannot stress enough the strategic importance of the Sahel in European Africa policy. But our commitment – be it in the field of security, humanitarian assistance or development and state-building – in this region and in Mali in particular is severely affected by destabilising factors, such as the operations of the Wagner Group, which certainly require more of our attention. The Union and the Member States must take targeted and effective action against this. I also think it is important that my country Belgium takes full responsibility for this. The sanctions against actors behind the deployment of this mercenary gang do not come too early, but more will be needed. I take two points from our resolution. First, the likely influence of and direction from Russia must be thoroughly investigated, and if possible revealed. There is strong evidence that this is also a method of hybrid warfare, as in eastern Ukraine. Where hybrid threats arise, we are obliged to invest in resilience. Secondly, why is the Union not more actively developing an effective policy, Commissioner, against the undermining of mercenaries in conflict zones in general and against their destabilising effects on our foreign and security policy? A reflection on mercenaries and how the Union should deal with them politically is really on the agenda.

Mr President, we are finally reaching the end of a long negotiation. But what did we actually learn in those years when we negotiated agricultural policy? For me, it can't be clearer: The COVID-19 pandemic has shown us that we were short of masks, but never lacked food. That the British have had to deal with empty shelves since Brexit, but we never had to fear shortages! In those years it has become very clear to me that we must be able to provide our own food and not become dependent on third countries, that our own food production is indeed and must remain of strategic importance. The tension between sustainability and feasibility was a common thread throughout the negotiations. Both for the farmers and for the climate there were high expectations. The CAP is now meeting these expectations. It guarantees an income for the farmer and at the same time resolutely goes down the road of sustainability. The real game changer in this CAP is the flexibility for Member States to place local accents. My region of Flanders is already moving forward and preparing ‘pre-eco-schemes’, including precision and carbon farming. My final words go out to Europe’s young farmers. Young fathers and mothers, with children like mine. He works from early in the morning to late at night, she has a full-time job in the healthcare sector and then the household is added ... An incredible entrepreneurial drive, which we must reward! However, colleagues, we provided only 3% of resources for them. That's too little. More is needed, because without farmers there is no food, without new farmers there is no independent food production!

Mr President, Madam President, Prime Minister, by declaring articles of the EU Treaty incompatible with the Polish Constitution, Poland was put on the path to polexit. That is not just an attack on the Poles, it is a threat to Europe as a whole. European subsidies cannot and should not flow to countries where governments mock and even openly deny the club's rules, as you here today, Prime Minister Morawiecki. It is not fair to the other Member States and it is certainly not fair to the Poles who do not want it themselves. Discussions on compliance with the principles of the rule of law in Europe are stalled. The question is: What's next? I remain convinced that we must continue to call on the European Commission here to use all the tools: the infringement procedures, Article 7 and the conditionality mechanism for allocating European funds, immediately, so as not to further sponsor the autocrats in Warsaw. But political differences cannot be resolved by lawsuits alone. That is why I also oppose the fact that we as the European Parliament would now refer the European Commission to the Court of Justice. A dispute between institutions would weaken the political pressure that we can now exert together. Today we are sending a clear signal to the Polish people that Europe is behind them. 88% of Poles want to stay in the EU. More than 100,000 people took to the streets last week to show their support for a European Poland. Legally, the primacy of European law must continue to be defended in order to avoid further dismantling of the rule of law in Poland. But it is also up to our European leaders to make this difficult political decision.

(NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, following the verdict in the trial of Rusesabagina and the sentence imposed on him, the European Union – and not only the European Parliament – no longer has any reason to be shy or reluctant towards Kigali. The trial does not pass the test of international law in any way, and the sentence that was handed down only adds to the injustice. The very way in which Rusesabagina was arrested would actually justify a fierce and very principled Union response. The silence of many Member States and of the EEAS stands out in this file. The Americans and the British fortunately condemned the way Rusesabagina was treated and is treated. Even if it is – indeed – a politically delicate dossier, we are obliged to stand up for the values we so much like to say we cherish, and for the protection of our own citizens – Rusesabagina is a European citizen! It deserves all the support that the Union stands up in the world for the promotion and safeguarding of values which we are convinced are universal in nature. Exporting democracy, the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms is a basic element of our foreign and security policy. Principles such as the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary are also discussed here, as well as guarantees of political pluralism and critical opposition. I therefore call on all those responsible for the Union's policies to do everything in their power to secure the release of Rusesabagina. Rwanda attaches great importance to good relations with the Union and its Member States, and I cannot therefore imagine that Kigali cannot be moved to reasonableness in this questionable dossier. The Union, for its part, attaches great importance to the values mentioned, and I cannot therefore imagine that we would care less about them in our relations with Rwanda.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we are taking an important step forward with this agreement on a new fully-fledged European Asylum Agency. The signal that we give with this creation is not misunderstood. On the one hand, we show solidarity with the Member States on the front line, but on the other hand, we also show solidarity with those in need of protection. For the EPP, creating a sustainable, fair and harmonised asylum system for Europe remains an absolute priority. The European Asylum Agency is a first important building block in this process and will make a tangible difference to Member States, both under normal conditions and under pressure, in four ways: 1. Thanks to a large pool of experts, Member States will be able to rely on increased operational support and technical assistance to make asylum decisions faster and fairer; 2. It will also effectively improve the protection of applicants for international protection by making asylum procedures more efficient; 3. It will close the gaps between Member States and create more convergence on reception standards. This will alleviate the disproportionate pressure faced by some EU countries; 4. Finally, the Agency will also play a crucial role in improving European asylum and migration management through a much faster exchange of information on migration movements. In a nutshell, the Agency will strengthen cooperation between Member States and third countries, thereby also contributing to solidarity between Member States and the overall external dimension of the EU. The compromise on the EU asylum agency also gives me hope because we can finally make progress in the negotiations on the migration pact. The European Parliament will continue to urge Member States to negotiate constructively this reform package for a stronger and more efficient EU migration policy.

. – President, Commissioner, colleagues, The ongoing humanitarian crisis and Tigray, Afar and Amhara is shameful for the international community. Also for us. The EU presents itself internally and externally as a Union of values. That is very important, but if we really want to do it credibly, then we need to act quickly and effectively. That's the only way to make an impact. global actor and to deliver on that ambition on the ground, in cooperation with our allies and multilaterally under the leadership of the United Nations. That's where the solution lies. It is, of course, first and foremost the responsibility of the Ethiopian Government itself to protect its people. It is also its responsibility that the UN and other humanitarian organisations can operate safely and deliver aid. There are indications that the government is hindering or preventing humanitarian assistance to the population, including medicines. If it commits violations of international humanitarian law, it cannot remain without a response from the international community. At the same time, every effort must be made to get the new government on the right track. There are deep wounds in Ethiopian society. It is also clear that the government is not the only one to blame, and that there are serious and grave violations of universal human rights and the rules of international humanitarian law. A process of dialogue and reconciliation is urgently needed and that is why it is so important that all these violations are subject to an international, reliable and impartial investigation and that a mechanism is created to prosecute and bring the perpetrators to justice.

Mr President, Lukashenko seems to surprise us again and again: his hijacking of planes, his repression of the opposition, yes, of his own people, his use of migrants as a weapon of hybrid warfare. We stand there and we look at it. Or so it seems. Lukashenko not only attacks borders, he also pushes boundaries. His maneuvers represent the rigor and decay of norms and rules of international politics. Something we've actually been seeing for a long time. Consider the annexation of Crimea and the debacle of Kabul. But the European response to this remains sadly diffuse. We need to be so much stronger. Let's take a look at everything again with a few questions: What is the best way to invest in greater resilience? How do we make urgent progress on defence and security policy? How can we make a qualitative leap in our asylum and migration policies, including the effective protection of our borders? How should we safeguard international law? Something that turns out to be much less obvious than we all thought. We want to be a full player in the world. We have the potential, but then we really need to move forward.

Mr President, AI will shape our future. It will change how we work and live, whether it is in health care, agriculture or, yes, law enforcement. The question isn’t whether we like it or not, the question is how Europe will deal with this change. And one thing is clear: AI is here to stay. Already today, criminals are shifting their operations. Whether it is in organised crime, terrorism, child porn, money laundering or human trafficking, it happens online. For me, law enforcement authorities must be able to use the full potential of AI to fight criminals. It will allow them to fight criminality faster, more efficiently and in a more targeted way. And yes, that includes facial recognition in public spaces – on the condition that all fundamental rights are guaranteed and that there is no room for bias. And, colleagues, don’t get me wrong. This does not mean that we want to give police forces carte blanche to do whatever they want. It’s our duty as policymakers to set up a strong legal framework within which they can safely use AI while guaranteeing the safety of our citizens. It’s too easy to argue for moratoria or bans without taking into account the challenges our police officers deal with on the ground. If we really want to be serious about setting up, putting people at the core of trustworthy AI, as we said we would, then it is also about their safety and the benefits AI can bring to better protect ordinary citizens and police officers alike. How do we do that? It’s simple. Let’s not get trapped in focusing on certain AI applications and tools, but let us assess each use in its specific context against a set of principles and values, and that is what we should be discussing. Proportionality, necessity, limiting the use in time and place, transparent and strong democratic oversight, and prior legal authorisation where necessary. That’s why I think this report falls short of the expectations people have and why my Group presented amendments to it. Digitalisation of our society is inevitable. We cannot be blind to this new reality. It is our duty, all together here in this House, to find the right balance between the use of new technologies on the one hand and the protection of our fundamental rights on the other hand. We have to remain vigilant, but we should not throw the baby out with the bathwater.

The world's food systems are under pressure. Next week's UN summit should be a catalyst for healthier, more sustainable and fairer food systems. However, we also need to look at ourselves and come up with a credible food strategy. First of all, we need to create a resilient food economy. The pandemic has shown that the EU food sector is a strategic sector. For example, we need to come up with a European protein strategy in order to become less dependent on the rest of the world. Furthermore, we need to empower consumers through clear, transparent information, and put healthy, locally produced food at the centre without isolating our economies. More importantly, we need to engage in circular and sustainable business for innovation, fight food loss, work on healthy soils and promote biodiversity. New gene technologies can help with this. Finally, we need to ensure that healthy, sustainable food is available to all worldwide, prioritising the promotion of healthy diets and the reduction of food poverty. Farmers must be at the heart of this. In order to actually work from farm to fork, we need to offer farmers market opportunities and get all stakeholders in the food chain on board. We need to strengthen the position of farmers worldwide in order to be able to implement a sustainable, local and healthy food policy that matches everyone's own reality, ambitions, opportunities and challenges.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, today the European Commission promised in its State of the Union that next year there will be a Media Freedom Act to guarantee the independence of journalists. This is urgently needed because the situation in Poland is becoming increasingly acute. The intolerance of the current government towards the free media actually continues to increase every day. Journalists are intimidated every day. The press is subject to a kind of new advertising tax, ironically intended for a solidarity campaign for the development of free media. The state broadcaster is in fact reduced to a mouthpiece of the government and private media houses of non-European properties are severely restricted. Vigilance in Poland is more than necessary. The European Commission has already taken a first step and put forward a recommendation to better ensure the safety of journalists in Europe. Good work, dear Commission, but also make sure that this actually happens on the ground. The European Parliament will not leave this file alone.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, five years after the UK's naive referendum, we are still debating Brexit. And rightly so. The impact of the divorce is inconceivable. Trade between the European Union and the United Kingdom has suffered enormous blows, especially in those countries that are particularly dependent on trade with the United Kingdom. Think of my own country, Belgium. Think of my own region, West Flanders. Exports of European agri-food products have fallen by 6%, with pigmeat, fruit and vegetables being the main victims. Tough customs procedures, trade tariffs, certificates, extra costs and less turnover, that is the reality today. But Flemish fishermen have also been very affected by Brexit. British waters are the most important for their fishing, but access to them is no longer guaranteed in the long term. That is precisely why I am very pleased that, under the impetus of my good colleague Pascal Arimont, there has been a clear earmark for the fisheries sector. In Flanders, this amounts to EUR 27 million for fisheries. Let us be vigilant in the coming months and not make it worse for fishermen than it already is.

Mr President, the crisis in Lebanon is a deep-rooted, dangerous crisis with detrimental consequences for society and risks to stability in the region. Lebanon is a crucial partner in our southern neighbourhood and deserves more attention and concrete commitment from the EU. Our commitment must be felt as humanitarian assistance for the people in need. Our help to ensure the stability, security and sovereignty of the country must be concrete. Only in this way can we contribute to the restoration of democracy, the rule of law and political governance and thereby help the people. The formation of a new government is a first meaningful step. We must now ensure that the parliamentary elections of May 2022 are actually held and conducted properly. We have learned a lot from our experience in Afghanistan. One is that an evacuation of people should not be an evacuation of responsibilities. This applies not only to Afghanistan, but also to other regions where we can do a lot if we really want to be a global actor. Our Southern Neighbourhood policy aims to bring about reforms that should give the country and the region more stability and prosperity. It is therefore crucial that the country is freed as much as possible from foreign influences that threaten fragile stability and peace throughout the region.