Speeches

With this more flexible framework for new genetic engineering techniques such as CRISPR technology, we will enable farmers to use more robust crops, which, for example, thrive better in long periods of drought or extreme rainfall and are more resistant to diseases that require less pesticide use. This not only contributes to our food security but also to our fight against global warming. This proposal is an important priority under the Belgian Presidency. The dossier shows that the political debate can indeed transcend itself and one can embrace biotech as a fully-fledged tool in agriculture, both on the peasant side and on the environmental side.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, it is a pleasure to be able to give my very last intervention in plenary on the Net-Zero Industry Act – a dossier that I worked hard on together with my colleague Christian Ehler. For me, this dossier summarizes the essence of the European Union today: the green transition is clearly underway, but we are not doing it rashly, we are not doing it naively, we are doing it with a focus on competitiveness and employment. Since I became a Member of the European Parliament in 2014, the world has changed enormously. Yes, as a continent, we need to embrace the green and digital transitions. But this can only be done in a sensible way, with a view to the future and with the necessary courage as a European Union. This regulation for a net-zero industry finally dares to look at the long term, will trigger the necessary investments and will make us more resilient in a world where we as Europeans will have to show our teeth to stay afloat.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, today is a milestone for regulating artificial intelligence. Because with this agreement, we as the European Union take our responsibility in finding the fine balance between regulating and innovating, between protecting individual citizens and investing in technological progress. This AI law will become the framework for the safe and responsible development of artificial intelligence, which will change our daily lives at a rapid pace in the coming decades. Think of work, of defence, of agriculture, of transport, of health care, and so on. Our AI law has the potential to become a global standard, but let us therefore carefully handle the further implementation and therefore allow us to free up sufficient resources for enforcement. It is up to all stakeholders – policy makers, developers, users and providers – to assume a common responsibility within this framework.

Mr President, Vice-President of the European Commission, State Secretary, colleagues, strengthening our defence must now be done first and foremost through the rapid development of sufficiently high-performance defence capabilities, and indeed with a strong industry in which our SMEs are given every opportunity. To this end, we look forward to the new EDIS strategic framework and we stand ready to congratulate the European Commission. But at the same time, let us be honest with the citizens: the requested budgets and the necessary public support will require conviction and determination from all of us, especially in the light of the war in Ukraine. The strengthening of our defence is, of course, about much more than our industry alone. The budgetary agreements made within NATO must be taken very seriously, including in Belgium. It is clear that the impact of this will also be felt by our citizens and that is why we urgently need a public debate about the importance and cost of the need for security.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, how many times has the debate here in recent years been about the conditions we impose on farmers? And how many times was the debate about the situation of farmers themselves? How many times did the European People's Party ask to speak to the farmers and not to the farmers? Those who speak to farmers today are not at all surprised by the protests. Of course there is the need to pursue climate policy, but we have loaded their cart with new rules and we then let them go with tied hands on a murderous world market, and that with less and less agricultural budget. While we have secured nature or industrial projects in recent years, there is no protection whatsoever for the role of agriculture and food production. For me, therefore, the strategic agricultural dialogue must lead to a true European agricultural protection law that checks all European legislation against essential factors that can have an impact on our food security. Think of the availability and quality of land, think of young farmers, think of cost-covering prices, availability of water and so on. The farmers feel rightly pushed into a corner. It's time to put them back at the heart of what they deserve.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, the situation in Hungarian prisons raises a number of questions following the imprisonment of Italian citizen Ilaria Salis during a violent anti-Nazi rally in Budapest last year and her appearance – heavily captivated – in court a few days ago. Several international bodies have expressed concerns in recent years about overcrowded prisons, substandard detention conditions and the lack of effective remedies for prisoners in Hungary. The European Court of Human Rights and the Council of Europe Committee for the Prevention of Torture have documented cases of human rights violations, which would indicate a systemic problem with the Hungarian criminal justice system. My question is therefore simple and above all addressed to the European Commission: Is the European Commission indeed aware of this situation and can it assess whether the fundamental standards on detention conditions in Hungarian prisons are being respected and therefore whether there is a need to initiate a procedure? Finally, more generally, the question: What concrete further steps does the European Commission intend to take in the discussion on minimum rules on detention conditions in Europe?

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, this week's German protests remind me of the 2700 tractors that came to Brussels last year. It was then a clear signal that the European environmental obligations lead to a standstill, a standstill in Flemish agriculture and horticulture. Just in those places where the land gives us the most income. This is where Europe can best ensure its food security. This is where farmers feel most constrained in their business operations. The cumulative effect of a lack of valuation, structurally lower wages, unprecedented permit uncertainty and well-intentioned environmental legislation that in practice ends up in the necks of individual farmers, rightly causes a lot of dissatisfaction. In addition, we invest too little in important functions in rural areas. This results in faltering public transport, more expensive energy for the people there or, for example, the loss of local facilities such as schools or doctors. Commissioner, our own food production is of the utmost strategic importance, beyond making our own microchips and medicines or building our own cars. It is time to put food security high on the agenda and give farmers the recognition they deserve. In words, deeds and in pennies.

Madam President, Commissioner, Prime Minister, colleagues, the Belgian Presidency is coming at a crucial moment in Europe, but at the same time the task is clear and, in my view, twofold. Firstly: with the European elections in sight, we must put results on the table as soon as possible. Because only with the results of the green and digital transitions will we be able to present the bilan to the European electorate with confidence. In addition, young people will be voting for the first time in Belgium. We have a collective responsibility to convince them to exercise their democratic right. Secondly, I am counting on the Belgian Presidency to give an important impetus to Europe's strategic agenda. It will be a matter of setting a firm, sustained course so that we as a continent take the place that is needed in this geopolitical, turbulent landscape. De oorlog in Oekraïne blijft woeden. Relations with Russia are under pressure. The Middle East is a hotbed. China requires our strategic attention and this autumn's elections in the United States will colour the alliance with Europe. For me, the strategic agenda means: to work thoroughly on the enlargement of the European Union and to do so with full respect for a merit-based process, while at the same time reforming and consolidating the Union; and anchoring a highly competitive Europe. After all, we have taken steps forward with our climate policy. But now we must also give substance to the competitive part, so that we can make companies, large and small, but also farmers Keep giving perspective in the future.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the strengthening of European defence was forced to become an undisputed policy priority. Too long and too far we have let a backlog grow in this domain. But since Putin has shown what he is capable of, laxity has given way to initiatives to literally arm us against increasing threats. Since March 2022, there has been a very strong political will that is also needed to give the European Union’s security and defence policy a real upgrade. External pressure has brought progress, but more than an effective response in a crisis situation, we really need a strong and fully-fledged European defence in the long term, mainly and primarily through more and better investment in industry and technology, tailored to everything we have agreed with each other in the Strategic Compass. Strategic self-reliance requires sustained efforts, even when it will soon cease to burn. It is for this reason that I would like to express my support for the European Defence Investment Programme and at the same time call for sufficient resources to ensure its impact, and that we can and must fully and credibly promote a truly comprehensive strategy for a European defence industry.

Mr President, High Representative, colleagues, in the spirit of a transatlantic partnership, relations between the European Union and the US are actually one of the most important pillars of our foreign policy, a strong and indeed necessary lever in many policy areas. Brussels and Washington share many values and interests, and strong cooperation is indispensable to have critical mass in addressing regional and global challenges. But a basic value par excellence that we share with each other is democracy based on the principles of the rule of law. Unfortunately, that turns out not to be an achievement, let alone an evidence. The increasing pressure on this – both from within and in confrontation with authoritarian regimes – calls for a more focused and proactive cooperation between us to strengthen democratic resilience in all its aspects. I have repeatedly called for the establishment of a centre of democratic resilience within NATO to underline this commitment and the interests shared by the European Union and the US. I will continue to do so as long as the need for such initiatives remains palpable.

Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, the protection of strategic sectors of our economy is actually yet another challenge that can only be adequately addressed at European level in the current context of increasing geopolitical rivalry. Today, I would like to draw particular attention to an essential part of that strategy that we all have in mind: protection of critical infrastructure. Because the security of infrastructure with strategic relevance to our economy is one of the basic elements of resilience that the EU clearly lacks today. In fact, to such an extent that economic interests and challenges in the field of defence actually go hand in hand here. Against the background of increased cooperation between the EU and NATO – especially in terms of resilience, prosperity and the security of our citizens – I really want to promote a strategy that also takes into account the coherence between the two.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, in the light of future enlargement and in times of increasing geopolitical challenges, institutional reforms are more than desirable in order to improve the functioning of the Union and strengthen our unity and decisiveness. But let's be honest: it will not be easy to convince all Member States of this and to take the right path to opt for the reforms that ensure more and better and not less and worse Europe. The debate must be held, the negotiations must be given a chance. But with the prospect of a new wave of enlargement, we should certainly continue to follow other paths that lead to greater efficiency in our Union's policies and actions. I am thinking, in particular, of a greater political will to make systematic and optimal use of all the possibilities that the Treaties already offer – such as the so-called passerelle clauses – and, for example, of a stronger differentiation of the European integration process.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, our European industry is facing the urgent challenge of further boosting our competitiveness. I would like to congratulate Christian Ehler on this European response to the American Inflation Reduction Act. The public sector also has a role to play here, by not only choosing the cheapest technologies in public procurement, but by differentiating supply, so that we become less dependent on third countries and create a market for our own products from our own producers. However, our European ambitions in this transition are very high. That is why I am cautious about introducing additional social, protectionist criteria that risk making the public procurement process even more complex and putting pressure on the cost and speed of our green transition in the short term. Above all, let us ensure workable legislation for our companies that really strengthens our competitiveness.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, for protein, for our animal feed, we are too dependent on imports from countries such as Argentina, Brazil and the United States. That dependency for soy, for example, amounts to no less than 97%. That's pretty much the same dependency we have on microchips from Taiwan. Given the price, the volatility of raw materials on the world market and trade distortions caused by the Russian war in Ukraine, this dependence on foreign countries is nothing more than an immense Achilles heel for Europe. It is also not in line with our view on, for example, deforestation in third countries and it must therefore be clearly different in the coming years. This Parliament is therefore right to call for an ambitious European protein strategy that focuses on the increased production of plant proteins and on the diversification of supply. For me, three principles are crucial: First, the farmer must be at the heart of this strategy. The protein strategy has immense potential to create opportunities for farmers by, for example, providing incentives and support to produce protein crops. But of course the creation of a real market for these new proteins is also crucial. A market that really delivers something for farmers and also provides the necessary R&A and innovation. A second important principle is the level playing field. We can indeed produce more protein ourselves, both for food and for feed, but only of course on the condition that we do not leave the back door open for cheap feed from abroad, produced on the basis of lower standards. This is the only way our farmers can be truly competitive. Thirdly, we must accept that animal proteins are by definition circular. The residual flows of food can be used as feed. Residual products such as manure can serve as an alternative to expensive fertilizer or for energy generation. I am therefore pleased that once again in this text a majority of Parliament supports the authorisation of RENURE products. That signal really can't sound any clearer now. Finally, we must recognise that we have closed our eyes to this dependence for too long. But today this Parliament is calling for clear action from the European Commission. Please come up with an ambitious protein strategy. Put our Union on the path to greater autonomy.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, research shows that as many as a quarter of Irish farmers have suicidal thoughts, while in Flanders in two years the demand for mental health care in the agricultural sector has increased by 90%. And yet, as you can see, mental health in agriculture is still under-exposed, even in this debate tonight. The perception of this sector is not positive, while it plays an extremely important role in our society, especially in rural areas. Signals of mental distress among farmers and peasants are sounding louder and louder across Europe. But – and this is really the perverse – at the same time there is a great lack of good figures to map the situation. However, the root causes are known: large regulatory burden, financial uncertainty, hardly any valuation, uncertain future and so on. Commissioner, this is the first call I want to make to you tonight: Provide data and figures. Fully map the problem of mental health, broken down by professional sector. In Flanders, we know ‘Boeren op het Kruispunt’ (Farmers at a Crossroads), an organisation that assists farmers in their problems. Many find a listening ear when they are in difficult times. And this is also my second call to you tonight, Commissioner: provide structural support for these types of organisations that can assist farmers, ensure a similar ‘Farmers at a Crossroads’ in all Member States, and in particular address the root causes together with your colleagues.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, I must congratulate you. I am very pleased that you are taking action, that you are acting against being blind to illegal content, extremely violent images and terrorist propaganda. It is good to see that the Commission finally has a stick behind the door for the lax policies of some online platforms. A few years ago, we were in exactly the same situation of cowardly terrorist attacks and war. We found that illegal and violent content on online platforms could circulate freely and go unpunished. It should be said: Afterwards, Europe really took the lead in curbing the free circulation of terrorist propaganda. It is with the impetus of this Parliament that the Digital Services Act finally gives us the necessary tools to act. And no, it's not about censorship or curtailing free speech, which some here believe. Well, it's about online mega-platforms that need to respond effectively and quickly when clear illegal or violent images or messages are flagged on their platforms. About having enough trained staff to do content moderation where necessary, in full transparency, with all guarantees of course and with the necessary sanctions if those companies violate our European rules. So, Commissioner, yes, I am giving you all the support you need today to use all the tools in the Digital Services Act to finally get the platforms that think we are laughing at it to action.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, this summer the Financial Times referred to Belgium as the Member State with the most water problems because of the high population density on the one hand and the limited infrastructure on the other. Farmers are the first to feel it. Yes, in recent summers there has always been a prohibition on water abstraction in my home region, which immediately made irrigating crops a major challenge. If the farmers in my region are already feeling it, they can of course guess what the situation in southern Europe is like. Agriculture is very vulnerable to drought. I see more and more water basins built on farms themselves, often partly paid for with money from the common agricultural policy. But that is still happening today too sporadically, too arbitrarily and actually without an overarching policy plan. That is why I am so glad that Parliament is launching this political call, because we really need structural solutions and investments that guarantee long-term access to water. It is also for this reason that I recently signed the call for a European Blue Deal. It is the responsibility of this – but also of the next European Commission – to make water a real priority with incentive rules rather than unnecessarily high requirements. Let us pay particular attention to the vulnerability of agriculture. Infiltrating, buffering, reusing and closing cycles is the message. The techniques and knowledge are available. Now is the time to make European solutions a priority.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the migration pact is really nothing more than a real test case for the European integration process and for the necessary public support among Europeans. The implementation of the migration pact will allow us to measure how effective majority decisions are in areas where unanimity no longer exists in the letter, but in fact still seems decisive in the spirit. What is a plea for qualified majority still worth if it were to remain a dead letter in practice today? We can and will also measure the feasibility of a new wave of enlargement in the implementation of the Pact on Migration. For further enlargement may be geostrategic or coercive, but it will not be defensible to our own people until the Union does what it has to do, that is, until it has its own house in order.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Turkey is an important strategic partner for the EU in several policy areas. The interests of greater cooperation justify a strengthened but critical commitment in our relations with this country. And that is why, Commissioner, we must work towards a strong and dynamic strategic partnership, we must look for a new framework of cooperation in which both Turkey and the EU benefit more, indeed benefit greatly. But the prospect of Turkish EU membership has no foundation. Not now, but not tomorrow either. That much is clear. The public support is lacking and the budgetary capacity is simply not there. Apart from the structural deficit with regard to the usual accession criteria. Therefore, as partners, let's deal with each other correctly and invest fully in a workable alternative that will benefit both partners in a sustainable way.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we all agree that Russia’s withdrawal from the grain deal is irresponsible and it has once again shown the seriousness and unpredictability of this war. The summer harvest in Ukraine is positive and now it is really important, Commissioner, to get those cereals out of the country and onto the world market as soon as possible. This can be done – as discussed earlier – by road or rail, but also through additional capacity on the Danube. This is crucial not only for countries in the south that literally need these grains, but also to reduce input prices for our own European farmers. That is why today, Commissioner, I am calling for you to come up with a plan to really control the prices of raw materials in Europe, even if Russia is still obstructing and holding on to its aggression and irresponsibility for a long time. It is very positive that we as the EU continue to take our responsibility, but we must ensure that we are not blamed for the consequences of our responsibility.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, our internal market is and remains the foundation of our European Union. It is our best guarantee of prosperity and progress. And yet, and yet. During the COVID crisis, we saw Member States roll back on themselves in a panic reaction and close their borders. In Flanders, with us, the borders with the Netherlands and France were closed. Only via the main roads you could only cross the border for a valid reason in a certain period of time. Freight transport was delayed and even fatal accidents occurred in long border traffic jams. The so-called green lanes, Commissioner, only partially resolved the issue. That is why I am voting for this Single Market Emergency Instrument this week. What happened ad hoc and randomly during the COVID-19 crisis is now given a clear legal framework. Building strategic reserves, joint purchases, setting up real fast lanes and uniform certificates for cross-border workers. Colleagues, let us use any mandatory priority orders on companies only as a last resort and under very strict and clear conditions. I am convinced that this instrument will allow us to be much better prepared and more resilient to safeguard our European internal market during the next crisis.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Migration Pact rightly has the ambition to make the influx of migrants manageable again in the Union. The strengthening of the external borders obviously plays an important role in this, as does an effective return policy. But cooperation with third countries is also essential in our migration policy, always respecting, of course, the rights of those claiming protection. The agreement between the Union and Tunisia is a good agreement on the substance, but now the main focus must be on its full and correct implementation. We actually need more such agreements to ensure that people see a future in their own country or region in the future, including by investing more specifically in education and employment, by tackling criminal smuggling networks more efficiently. And it is only through that active and sustained cooperation with those countries in all relevant policy areas that we can make the influx of migrants manageable and thus also make our migration policy manageable. That is why I support this agreement.

Mr President, Commissioner, the war in Ukraine constantly demonstrates how essential NATO and EU-NATO cooperation are for the security of our citizens. Security is now a top policy priority and the transatlantic partnership is the basis on which our security policy is effectively implemented. Support to Ukraine is at the top of both the EU's and NATO's political agenda. And that support is clearly fundamental and multifaceted. One of the bigger challenges in the longer term is to provide workable security guarantees for Ukraine. Commitments have been or are being made both at the European Council and at the NATO summit. Following the European Council, the EEAS is now preparing a policy document and in Vilnius, the G7 would today issue a declaration to which other countries could also join. That is something we should absolutely applaud. It is very important that our political leaders make strong commitments on Ukraine's security, both in the EU and NATO context, because they respond to real needs, because they give a new impetus to strengthening the necessary European defence, because they are an additional investment in cooperation between the two organisations – EU and NATO – and also in the transatlantic partnership, and because they are a start to a new security architecture that must continue to safeguard peace and stability in Europe in the future.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, in order to be credible and to have an impact in its ambitions to contribute to a lasting solution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, the Union must be balanced in its positions and actions, and therefore also in its criticism. Our criticism of Israel's settlement policy can hardly be clearer, can hardly sound louder. But we must also be able to say to the Palestinian Authority what it says: critique which is essential to promote the prospects of lasting peace and which should benefit in particular the Palestinians themselves, because they have every interest in the international community not taking peace with the lack of democratic legitimacy, with divided or lacking leadership, with lack of transparency and problems such as corruption, and with the harmful role of terrorist organisations. We urgently take the plight of the Palestinians to heart, but not by giving carte blanche to their leaders.

Mr President, I would like to warmly congratulate the rapporteur Marlene Mortler on this report, which contains numerous important recommendations to ensure the short- and long-term affordability and availability of food. However, I would like to highlight one thing: the ‘Young Farmers Socio-Economic Test’. On 26 September, young farmers from Flanders and the Netherlands protested in front of the Parliament on Luxembourg Square and advocated for this young farmers test. Shortly nine months later, this report has been drawn up, which clearly calls on the Commission to assess the socio-economic impact of any future proposal for agricultural, climate or environmental legislation on young farmers. This is what I call policy making: not over farmers, but together with our farmers. Let's take an example of that.