Speeches

The adoption of the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime is an important complement to the EU’s human rights and foreign policy instruments and strengthens the Union’s role as a global human rights defender by enabling it to adopt restrictive measures against legal and natural persons involved in serious human rights violations worldwide. Among other things, the list of specific serious human rights violations also includes violations related to sexual and gender-based violence. It is important that Member States interpret and apply sanctions in a uniform manner and comply with all relevant Council decisions in this regard.

Indeed, as we all know, for thirty years Europe, the European Union, the countries of the European Union did not contribute enough to their security and defence. But as we have seen in recent years, first and foremost because Russia once again attacked Ukraine, the way of thinking has changed in many countries and Europe has finally taken its defence and security seriously. Without such a political vision? How should Europe develop further? How can we protect our interests? Well, there will be no action, so the decisions of this Parliament should not be underestimated in any way either. But I agree, of course, that too much time has been wasted, that now is the high time for Europe to take much more responsibility for itself and get rid of unnecessary dependencies on third countries in many areas. Thank you.

Dear Mr President, Dear colleagues, Over the past ten years, the European Parliament has adopted several resolutions saying that much more attention needs to be paid to the Arctic. I have stressed the same as the rapporteur for the Arctic. And, unfortunately, the European Parliament has been right. The situation in the Arctic has become increasingly complex and problematic. Of course, the future of Greenland can only be determined by the people of Greenland themselves, and Europe can support them in this. Other European countries can permanently contribute more to the security of Greenland and thus of the whole Arctic with their presence there. The European Union must also be very open and positive towards Greenland, but also towards Iceland and Norway, creating a favourable atmosphere for their possible accession to the European Union. However, what is happening around Greenland is part of a wider rapidly changing security picture in the world. The European Union must therefore speed up internal defence and security cooperation and free itself from dependence on third countries. The European Union must show itself as a strong and reliable partner in the world, for example, by finally enforcing important agreements with Mercosur and other countries that want to be close to the European Union. And Ukraine must not suffer from all this story. We must continue not to neglect Ukraine, because the only one who will win from this situation is Russia.

Madam President, dear colleagues, a couple of examples of Russia's activities in EU countries over the past few weeks: the EU and NATO central hub, Brussels Airport, had to halt operations on several evenings due to drones; there was an explosion on one of Poland's busy railway lines; Vilnius Airport has been repeatedly closed because of balloons and so on and so on. Russia is consistently endangering the security of Europeans and is becoming increasingly brazen. But what is Europe's response to the violation of its Member States' sovereignty? Essentially silence. And even more – there is still no courage to decide on using frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine. The only message this endless hesitation sends to Russia is that it can push even further in its hostility towards Europe. It is time to put an end to this. EU leaders must find the courage to make decisions – from the use of frozen Russian assets to giving a clear response to the harassment of Brussels and other European airports and attacks on Poland's railway.

Madam President, we all remember how quickly the things may change – also in the northern part of Europe, when, for instance, Finland and Sweden decided to join NATO, although for decades and decades, the majority of these societies said that it was not necessary. But then the events happened – Russia attacked once again Ukraine and public opinion changed dramatically. One of the aims – why we need a new and very clear and concrete EU Arctic strategy – is to try to be a bit more ahead of or in front of real possible dramatic new developments, so that is why I am also very happy that in this House, the European Parliament, we are actually very united, clear and strong as regards what the European Union has to do in the Arctic and what the EU's Arctic policy should be. We all understand here the importance of this part of the world, the Arctic, and of course also Arctic developments and influence on Europe. So that is why, once again, I really hope that the European Commission will come out pretty soon with the new Arctic policy document, with the new Arctic strategy, and also the new financial framework of the EU also should clearly reflect our needs and policies vis-à-vis the northern part of Europe and the Arctic as such. Once again, dear colleagues from all political groups, thank you for your excellent cooperation in preparing this report. And I really hope that tomorrow the majority of this House can support this recommendation about the EU's Arctic policy.

Madam President, today we are discussing Europe's role in the Arctic – a region that is no longer distant, no longer abstract, and certainly no longer frozen in time. It is home to more than four million people, vibrant cultures, and ecosystems that are among the most fragile on Earth. And today, the Arctic is also where climate change, authoritarian aggression, and global power competition collide. What happens in the High North will shape Europe's security, our economy, and our climate future. For decades, the Arctic has been a region of peace and cooperation. But that reality is changing fast. Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine and its hybrid war against Europe has shattered the foundations of international law, and its militarisation of the Arctic is accelerating. New bases, expanded nuclear-related infrastructure, construction of nuclear icebreakers and the militarisation of the Northern Sea Route are turning the Arctic into a theatre of strategic pressure. China, declaring itself a 'near-Arctic state', is joining this push: investing in dual-use research stations, attempting to buy sensitive infrastructure, and launching joint patrols with Russia. Together, they are attempting to reshape the rules of the High North. Europe must not be naive. The Arctic is directly linked to our security. The GIUK gap is essential for our maritime access to the North Atlantic. Arctic undersea cables and pipelines are lifelines of our digital and energy connectivity. And we have already seen hybrid attacks, GPS jamming, and shadow-fleet incidents that threaten both our infrastructure and our sovereignty. But security is not the only dimension. Climate change is transforming the Arctic three times faster than the rest of the world. Melting permafrost, disappearing sea ice, methane emissions, shifting ecosystems – these are not abstract threats. Faced with these challenges, the European Union must step up. We must reinforce cooperation with our NATO allies and strengthen deterrence and resilience in the High North. We must protect our critical infrastructure – especially submarine cables and pipelines – and build common standards for cybersecurity and maritime surveillance. We must ensure freedom of navigation, defend UNCLOS, and resist unilateral attempts to control Arctic routes. We must invest in energy independence and connections. The best and safest energy for Europe is energy produced in Europe, and the European Arctic has much to offer in this regard. At the same time, the EU must lead in science, sustainability, and diplomacy. We welcome the opening of the EU Office in Nuuk and Greenland's upcoming chairmanship of the Arctic Council. We must deepen partnerships with Indigenous communities, support Arctic universities, and expand research that integrates traditional knowledge with cutting-edge science. We should also keep the door open to the possible future EU accession of Iceland, Norway and Greenland, should their democratic choices lead them in that direction. Their geography, their strategic relevance in the North Atlantic, and their deep alignment with European values would significantly strengthen the Union's presence and influence in the Arctic and will also open up different opportunities for these countries in this unstable world. It is important for the Commission to adopt a new EU Arctic strategy as the current one is outdated. Colleagues, the Arctic is not a geopolitical playground. It is a region whose stability is essential for Europe's future. The EU must be a principled, reliable and engaged Arctic actor – defending international law, supporting our partners, strengthening our security, and protecting one of the most vulnerable ecosystems on the planet.

Madam President, colleagues, perhaps a decision will finally be made to use the frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine's reconstruction. It has taken far too long to reach this point. It has been sad to hear arguments claiming that such a step cannot be taken because it would undermine the European Union's credibility as a trusted guardian of criminals' money. In reality, what damages the EU's credibility is when it fails to provide Ukraine with adequate support, allowing the aggressor state to continue unpunished and unbothered. History also offers perspective: after the Second World War, Germany was required to pay reparations. Lots of European countries, including Belgium, received substantial reparations from Germany to compensate war damages. On what basis do some now wish to apply a different logic to Russia? The aggressor must pay for the destruction it has caused. EU Member States should finally show resolve and make that decision.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Europe faces unprecedented strategic challenges. Our security and resilience depend not only on political will, but on the ability to make funds quickly and efficiently available for defence, training and critical industries. Bureaucracy cannot slow down Europe's response to evolving threats. The amendment to the ESF+ provides exactly this flexibility. It allows resources to be redirected swiftly to strategic priorities, supporting defence‑related skills, innovation and resilience across the Union. In particular, the report foresees that the security of our eastern borders should benefit from these measures. The aim is to ensure that resources are deployed where they are most needed, reinforcing Europe's preparedness and resilience in a rapidly changing geopolitical environment. The credibility and security of Europe depend on making our funds work as fast and flexibly as our ambitions and needs demand.

Madam President, dear colleagues, I will move the following oral amendment to paragraph 16, so that the last sentence of the paragraph will be: 'Reiterates its call for the immediate and unconditional release of Mzia Amaglobeli and the withdrawal of all charges against her, which are politically motivated, expressing deep concern over her critical eyesight deterioration in detention and urging urgent access to trusted medical care.'

Dear President, Dear colleagues, Greenland is a unique and very important part of Europe. The debate on Greenland reflects the changed situation in international relations, as well as the rapid changes taking place in the Arctic. All of a sudden, all of the world's major powers have become interested in the Arctic. However, decisions on the future of Greenland are first and foremost made by the people of Greenland themselves and must not be a choice made as a result of external pressure or threats. For its part, however, the European Union can offer new opportunities to Greenland. The European Union finally opened a representation in Nuuk last year, but the door must also be kept open for the possible reunification of Greenland with the European Union. In times of despair, it's safer to have other like-minded, like-minded countries with you. However, the European Union also needs to pay much more attention to the changes, opportunities and risks taking place in the wider Arctic. And certainly the European Union would be significantly strengthened if one day Greenland, Iceland and Norway wished to join the European Union. This must be done in good faith and with good will.

Madam President, dear High Representative Kaja Kallas, we have Russian war against Ukraine, hybrid war against Europe, strong turbulence in the relations between traditional allies. What else needs to happen for Europe to finally put itself together and to contribute adequately to its own defence, to the realisation of its international potential and to the development of its own economic space? It is human to start acting only when some big mess is already in the offing. But Europe as a whole must be wiser, have more foresight and not simply wait for another catastrophe. Europe is capable of much more. But for this to happen, diplomacy, defence capability, development cooperation and international trade must all go hand in hand. We must finally abandon the demand for consensus in foreign and security policy, because it does not work in times of crisis. We must build strong and functioning relations with our allies from Great Britain and Norway to Japan, Korea, Canada and others. Member States that have come under unfair political attacks, such as Denmark, must be strongly supported. Europe is potentially the strongest power in the world and at the same time the kindest power.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the European Union is committed to lasting peace in the Middle East, supporting a two-state solution and halting Iran's destabilising actions. However, the EU's ability to influence the region has been limited by the need for consensus among all Member States, resulting in a fragmented approach. This lack of unity has prevented the EU from fully leveraging its foreign policy potential. A European Parliament report in March 2023 on the functioning of the European External Action Service and advocating for a stronger EU in the world called for a stronger EU presence in global affairs. But progress on these recommendations seems minimal. Without significant changes in shaping EU foreign policy, the EU's role will remain constrained. Given the current geopolitical situation, it's time to implement the European Parliament's proposals from two years ago and strengthen the EU's positive foreign policy impact, including in the Middle East.

Dear President, ladies and gentlemen, A day before Russia launched a new wave of attacks against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, many key analysts said they believed that Russia would not attack Ukraine. But he attacked. The analysts were very wrong. In recent months, several ships have repeatedly broken underwater electricity and communications connections in the Baltic Sea. The last time was on Christmas Eve, as a result of which people in the Baltic States pay much more for electricity than they would for a functioning connection. And still there are those who do not believe that the dismantling of connections is part of Russia's hybrid war against the West. It is, and must be, united and united. Russia is testing how far it is allowed to go and the potential targets of attack are not only in the Baltic Sea, but also in the North Sea, the Atlantic, the Mediterranean and elsewhere. Our connections must be protected and those who break them punished with all rigour. To make it more difficult for Russia, by the way, to find vessels and crews willing to commit crimes for Russia. However, action by European countries can only be effective if our threat assessment is adequate and all illusions about Russia are dropped.

Mr President, dear colleagues, when I visited Georgia – which was under Russian invasion – in August 2008 and walked in the empty city of Gori, I hoped for a quick withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia and for a clear future of Georgia in Europe. Unfortunately, it did not happen that way. Russia still occupies part of Georgia, and Georgia is currently moving away from Europe. But the majority of people in Georgia still want to see their country's future in Europe. This is one of the reasons why the EU named Georgia as its candidate country. Unfortunately, Georgia's current government is working against this. In the recent years, Georgia has moved further away from the EU and increased Russia's direct influence on Georgia's choices. Georgia's adoption of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence and others are tools used by the government to violate freedom of expression, censor media, impose restrictions on critical voices in civil society. It is clear that until such legislation is removed, there will be no progress in the relations with the European Union. Georgia's attitude towards Russia in today's world and circumvention of European sanctions is also an example that Georgia is not ready to align itself with the EU's foreign policy. But it is not yet too late for Georgia to change its course and above all, for the sake of its own people, show that Georgia is serious about its return to Europe.

Madam President, dear colleagues, by adopting the foreign agent law despite huge protests from its citizens, the Georgian Government uses Russian tactics to oppress civil society, opposition and anyone critical of the government’s doings. This law is only the latest in a series of recent actions that include the persecution of journalists, political opponents like Saakashvili, spreading disinformation about the EU and reversing efforts of anti-discrimination. The actions of the Georgian Government show that it is not taking seriously its ambition to join the European Union. The Georgian Government should focus on the immediate implementation of all the measures that are necessary in order for Georgia to continue moving towards EU membership, which the Georgian people overwhelmingly support. Unfortunately, this law will derail Georgia’s bid to join the European Union. The Georgian people need to be supported in their European aspirations and to be able to live in a country free of corruption and respecting fundamental freedoms.

–Dear President, Dear colleagues, In addition to killing and maiming Ukrainian people, Russia has massively destroyed Ukrainian cities, settlements and infrastructure, as well as Ukrainian property. And this destruction continues. Ukraine needs to be rebuilt. Both justice and justice say that this must be done first with the money of the aggressor and the destroyer, that is, Russia must pay for its destruction. Russia's assets are also under the control of European Union countries and other legal states, and as much of it as possible must be used for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Using the interest earned on this asset is a first step, but far from sufficient. It is neither right nor fair that the material damage caused by Russia should be borne by Ukrainians or European countries. But in order for there to be no new damage every day and for people not to die, it is necessary for Russia to end its war against Ukraine and leave Ukraine. This is a joint effort of all normal people and normal countries.

Dear President, ladies and gentlemen, With the killing of Alexei Navalny, Putin's regime once again sent a threat to Russian society that anyone who opposes or even hesitates in the regime would be destroyed, and that trials and prison would only be a play before the opponent was finally destroyed. In doing so, Putin continues to consolidate a fear-based social order in Russia, as has repeatedly been the case in Russia's history. With fear, he hopes to secure obedience and loyalty and support for the aggression against Ukraine. The killing of Navalny is also in the context of the upcoming pseudo-elections of the Russian president, so that even in the so-called elections with a predetermined result, no one really dares to compete with Putin. The killing of Navalny is a political murder for which the Russian regime and its leaders are responsible. The EU human rights sanctions regime must be applied to all those who participated in the agony of Navalny’s imprisonment. The European Union must also seriously review how the representatives of the Russian opposition and human rights defenders, both in exile and in Russia, can be better protected than before. And as Julia Navalnaya said here today, a few moments ago: “Putin must bear responsibility for the evil he has done to Russia, Russia’s neighbours and Alexei.”

Ladies and gentlemen, it is now of primary importance for the European Union that Russia does not get what it wants in Ukraine and that Ukraine does not become another country under direct Russian influence. We continue to see what the Russian-made conflict zones in Transnistria, Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia mean for the fate and future of these countries, as well as the constant brutal pressure on Belarus and other countries that Russia considers to be within its sphere of influence. Russia tried to do the same with Ukraine 10 years ago when it occupied Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine, hoping that this would affect the central government of Ukraine to renounce its aspirations for a free Europe and return to Russia's direct sphere of influence. However, this did not happen and therefore Russia started a full-scale war of conquest against Ukraine. It is Europe's duty today to do everything in its power to prevent Russia from breaking Ukraine and destroying the future of another European nation. The European Union and other European countries must work together to ensure that Russia finally realises that the time for the achievement of force-based criminal goals is over in Europe. Ukrainians, Moldovans, Belarusians, Armenians, Georgians and Azeris have the right to determine their own future. Thank you.

Madam President, dear colleagues, if the European Union is serious about being an influential geopolitical figure, it needs to step up its efforts on several issues. The liberation of Ukraine and its future are of particular importance. The European Union must finally make the sanctions against Russia work, and this will only happen when the back doors are closed for Russia. And it is not acceptable that goods and services subject to sanctions still reach Russia through third countries. If in a few months exports to some country, for example Kyrgyzstan, increases by 2 000%, then it is clear that the goods are actually going to Russia. The European Union must be clear and tough on these Russian helpers. It must also become fully clear how to use all the frozen Russian assets for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Also, how to launch an international trial on Russian genocide and war criminals. It is very important for the European Union to finally create a functioning link between the EU’s foreign policy, development policy, trade policy and defence policy. The European Union’s policy towards Africa, unfortunately, also has largely failed. Successive coup d’états and the growing resentment towards the EU show that simply sowing EU money does not bring results. Development cooperation must also clearly follow EU foreign policy goals, otherwise it is just a waste of money. So I mentioned just a few examples, but there is a lot to do to increase the EU’s international influence and this is largely a homework yet to be done by the EU itself. If not, it will be very difficult to balance China, Russia and other large authoritarian regimes.

Dear colleagues, An international tribunal for the legal condemnation of war crimes committed by Russia and for the prosecution of criminals must be established. The European Union and other countries that continue to attach great importance to international law must join forces so that no crime goes unnoticed and the perpetrator goes unpunished. I have no illusions that such a tribunal could be set up through the UN while Russia sits on the Security Council with a veto. It is therefore necessary to find the broadest possible international coalition and to establish a Russian war crimes tribunal, in which the European Union must play an active role. More than 60,000 war crimes have been identified so far. Mass graves of civilians with traces of torture have been found in Ukraine. Thousands of civilians have been killed in the bombings. As of early January, the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission had identified nearly 7,000 civilians killed and more than 11,000 injured. These numbers are probably higher. 14 million people have been forced to leave their homes. All these murders and other crimes have specific commanders and perpetrators. They must all be punished for the atrocities they have committed, and the international tribunal is the least that the European Union and the world can do for the victims of the crimes committed in Ukraine and their loved ones.

Madam President, dear colleagues, since the Russian aggression against Ukraine is the most important foreign and security policy issue for the European Union, all other foreign policy issues must also be viewed through the prism of the Russian aggression in Ukraine. In other words, how the EU’s relations with third countries can contribute to the end of Russian aggression. Regarding trade and development cooperation, it is necessary to look closely at how the partner countries of the EU behave in relation to Russian aggression. How do they vote at the UN General Assembly? What kind of relations do they develop with Russia? And even more, what kind of military equipment do they supply to Russia? They say you can’t be everybody’s darling, so, more support must be given to those countries for whom Russian crimes and violations of international law are unacceptable. And adjustments have to be made in relations with countries that continue to deal with the Russian regime as if nothing had happened. This is necessary in order to help Ukraine and continue to put pressure on the Russian regime, as well as to strengthen the international credibility of the European Union.

Mr President, Moldova is in a very difficult situation due to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which is why the European Union must give Moldova its full support. Moldova is a very important recipient of Ukrainian refugees. There are more than 100 000 refugees in the country, mostly in Moldovan homes. That is why Moldova needs EU financial support to help these people. At the same time, Moldova is completely dependent on Russia for energy. The EU also must help Moldova increase its energy security by creating new connections. Otherwise, Russia will have a significant leverage to influence Moldova. Moldova’s only power plant is in Russian—controlled Transnistria. In addition, the EU should increase its import quotas for Moldovan agricultural and other products in order to give Moldova better access to the EU market. This would also help reduce economic dependence on Russia. It is also important that the EU soon respond positively to Moldova’s application for EU membership. This would give Moldova and its pro—European government a clearer perspective.

Dear colleagues, dear Prime Minister! I am very pleased that today the European Parliament is facing the Prime Minister of Estonia, who has been clear and principled in expressing Estonia's and Europe's principles and shaping the positions of the European Union and NATO. But in Ukraine, dozens of children have already been killed and hundreds injured. Residents of Mariupol and other cities are trapped under Russian bombs. More than two million refugees, most of whom are women with children. All of this has an impact on the whole of Europe. And all this will last as long as Putin's regime continues to kill in Ukraine. Humanitarian corridors are urgently needed for refugees. A self-defending Ukraine must be given everything it needs. From planes and other weapons to food and medicine. European money paid for gas and oil must no longer be used to finance the Russian war machine. All of this can be guaranteed by a free world to help Ukraine fend off the aggressor. Putin's regime has bombed Russia out of modern Europe. But the European Union must also reconsider its attitude towards those countries that are applauding Russia's war in Ukraine. I see a liberation here, for example, of the candidate country of the European Union for Ukraine. For Estonia, the natural operating environment in the current world is our membership of the European Union and NATO. Other European nations must have the same opportunity. Ahead of Ukraine. So that it never happens again that a woman who has fled her homeland with children says through tears: ‘I had no other choice’.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Ukrainians, Europe’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe of this century is unfolding before our eyes. Because of the Russian massacres, around two million people – mainly mothers with children, have left Ukraine. I was on the Polish-Ukrainian border a few days ago and saw a never-ending flow of refugees from Ukraine to Poland. On a freezing night, yet another train carrying 1500 women and children arrived at the Przemyśl station. This is the reality in Europe in the year 2022. I am grateful to the Polish people and to others on the border of Ukraine who are helping the incoming refugees as best they can. The whole of Europe must give its full support to Poland and the countries that receive the refugees first. But the massacres of Putin’s regime in Ukraine continue, meaning that the flow of refugees will continue. Hundreds of thousands of people are trapped in Mariupol and other cities. These people need safe humanitarian corridors, and they need them now. The only possibility for the flow of refugees from Ukraine to stop and for the people of Ukraine to be able to return to their homeland is when Putin’s regime will be defeated and pushed back and Ukraine is free and safe again. For this the strength and determination of the whole free world is desperately needed.