Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, undoubtedly the most important issue to be addressed by the forthcoming European Council is the high electricity prices in Europe, which are on the verge of having disastrous consequences for the European economy. The numbers are shocking. In some Member States, electricity prices are three times higher than they were a year ago. It is our duty now to protect industries and especially consumers before the winter season. Here are a few short-term actions that can be taken. First of all, help, national, for energy poor families. Secondly, aid to small and medium-sized enterprises which are in extreme difficulty. And thirdly, to think longer term about dealing with the crisis. But at the same time, we should not blame the Green Deal, nor do we need individual decision-making. What we need is a European approach to address the immediate impact of the current crisis by implementing common measures and by introducing a reform of the European Union's energy market, including a collective agreement on gas supply prices in a concrete future.

Mr President, colleagues, the statistics are staggering: nearly 23,000 road fatalities every year in Europe. Unfortunately, it has not seen much improvement in the last few years, and behind these figures are broken human destinies and shattered dreams. This is an unacceptable and unnecessary human cost to mobility. My colleagues in the Committee on Transport and I have worked on the recommendations for a European Union framework on road safety to achieve the zero-mortality objective, driven by the belief that we need to change these statistics. Our proposals take into account the analysis that only 8% of deaths occur on motorways and 54% on rural secondary roads. They are based on three pillars: first, safer vehicles; secondly, safer roads and, of course, thirdly, improved emergency services. We need intensive and collaborative efforts, the implementation of research and innovation, the harmonisation of national approaches to road safety, stricter measures and zero tolerance for drink driving, with the sole and clear idea of complying with the rules and protecting the life and health of all road users. It is also important to improve emergency infrastructure, including through the provision of aerial medical services in remote mountainous areas.

Madam President, let us focus the debate a little on Mr Aguilar's specific issues, which definitely deserve attention. Undoubtedly, the United States is the European Union's most important partner. This also applies to my country, the Republic of Bulgaria. They are a strategic partner. There is no need to explain exactly what the role of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms is in confirming this strategic partnership in Bulgaria under the Euro-Atlantic Partnership and in Bulgaria being part of the civilized space. But in this case, our partners are deeply misled, misled by a Capital Round led by oligarch Ivo Prokopiev. And let me tell you my reasons for that. First, the accusations made against Mr Peevski are absolutely untenable. This is proved every day by the Bulgarian authorities, our parliamentary group asks questions and receives the appropriate answers. Second, for a long time certain lobbyists have talked about their role in the process, although as far as I know the process as such, they have no significant role. Third, one of the most influential figures in this round, literally a few days, even a day before the sanctions were announced, said he expects good news from the United States, whatever that means. Apparently, this circle is very well informed and can afford a day before the official announcement of the sanctions to speak publicly to the Bulgarian public. Since we know the mechanism of disclosure itself and it is very limited, within Washington, there is no way this information could have come out if other lobbyists do not work in the whole process. At the end of two minutes, I am aware that I cannot explain the whole problem, but let me tell you what is behind this oligarchic circle. It is very interesting as a construction. It includes strong media influence, a claim to absolute protection of human rights and freedoms and democratic values, a claim to liberalism in the Bulgarian political space, but there are also deviations, branches that are related to non-governmental organizations. And most importantly, Madam President, this circle participates in power without participating in elections. This is what Prime Minister Boyko Borisov said. In his first government there were six ministers who were nominated by this round, well, they like that. Mr. Peevski does not like them, because with the three media outlets he exposes them for years, and we will continue to do so. I say this from this stand with my greatest responsibility. We will continue to communicate with our American partners and... (President interrupts speaker)

Madam President, it is worth the effort to review the scope of the European Magnitsky Act, especially in the context of its geopolitical influence as an important part of the European foreign policy toolbox. But it is equally worth saying that the European Magnitsky Act must not become an instrument of over-repression and violation of human rights and freedoms. Contrary to the fact that the US Magnitsky Act has no effect on the territory of the European Union, some Member States use the imposition of US sanctions as a pretext for unlawful repression against individuals and companies, which is in flagrant contradiction to both their domestic legislation and Community law. This is the case with the Republic of Bulgaria. But to conclude, in the light of what has been said, I believe that, given the existing negative practice of misinterpreting the US Magnitsky Act by the Member States, the same should not be allowed with regard to its European counterpart – i.e. the sanctions under it should not become an over-punishment without the guilt being proven by an independent judicial authority in the assessment of all facts and evidence.