Speeches

Madam President, as I promised, I will stick to my two minutes, and Prime Minister, great to be here with you and to discuss Europe’s issues and I want to thank you for your great leadership. Finally you will have the opportunity to speak in front of the full plenary in a couple of minutes and we will hear your final conclusions. The think tank of the Liberals – ‘Overview’ – this month is entitled ‘Facing Permacrisis: to Stay the Same, the EU Needs to Change’. I couldn’t agree more. This impact of the coronavirus, inflation crisis, energy crisis, certainly the war in Ukraine: only those events in the last three years are enough to shake up our perceptions of Europe of tomorrow. Let me start by thanking you on your leadership on migration. You spoke at length about migration. After years of deliberation, compromises, redrafting, we need to make sure that we finally have a place where clear, fair and humane rules of migration are in place for Europe. Building higher walls only provides a false sense of security. Another extremely important and long-awaited segment that finally needs to find resolution is achieving full integration of Europe: a better integrated single market capable to resist the competitive distractions; a strong and completed eurozone; but most importantly, the Schengen Area – we simply cannot continue talking about equality in the Union if we don’t have all the Member States part of the Schengen Area. And third, necessary is to making a full use of the rule of law framework. Lastly, we cannot punish the countries aspiring to join the European Union for our need of reforming its infrastructure. Europe is not complete without having the Balkans, and Europe is not going to be complete without having Ukraine. Together, we can move forward with our friends and partners, with aligning to the European policies and thank you again for taking leadership on many of them.

Mr President, dear Mr Borrell, dear Vice—President of the European Commission, colleagues, this debate is certainly not about two things: this debate is not about playing the blaming game and it is not about choosing sides, because we know our sides. We know our partners, we know our friends and we are working together with them. But this debate is certainly about the topic, the need, for a coherent strategy for the EU—China relationship, and we need the strategy, Mr Borrell. This was strongly suggested to you by many colleagues before me. I do agree with those saying that the EU—China relationship is of strategic importance, but we should be clear that China poses a challenge to the liberal order of today. The country is a global powerhouse and we need to address the challenges at stake together. First and foremost, the EU must prioritise its security interests in its relationship with China. We need to carefully assess the implications of Chinese military activities in Taiwan, but also to talk boldly about human rights. What China is doing in the Xinjiang region with the Uyghurs is completely unacceptable. I want to state that clearly from this House.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, first of all, I would like to thank Ms Zovko for her constructive work on this very important report, and let’s have a realistic approach on EU-Azerbaijan relations. Having said that, I think we should start by respecting each other. Respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty is a vital precondition for future peaceful relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia and for resolving the long-standing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. Both countries need to recognise each other’s territorial integrity and respect their sovereign borders. Azerbaijan and Armenia should also acknowledge each other’s history, culture and identity towards future recognition. It doesn’t mean that they should be stuck in the past, but rather focus on the future and upcoming generations. Azerbaijan and Armenia should also promote economic cooperation and trade, which could help build mutual trust and promote stability in the region. People-to-people contacts should be encouraged to promote mutual understanding, tolerance and reconciliation.

Dear Commissioner, I want to thank you once again for putting in place an economic and investment plan; I think it is the right medicine for political, but also for other, reasons in the Western Balkans. You took the approach for being more optimistic about the future of the region, and rightly so, because you represent the European Commission, which is called geopolitical, the European Commission – I reiterated several times that we have to have a political European Commission before becoming a geopolitical European Commission. And if I look at the Western Balkans, it’s a very much inter-governmental European Union, it very much represents of the European Union of today. We have special representatives – Germany, Slovenia, Austria and many more. How is this helping you, Commissioner, to do your job in a proper European way? We have several initiatives – Berlin Process, other initiatives, the Americans came with an initiative. How you are going to combine efforts in order to bring the European Union as strong as possible if the citizens of the Western Balkans are looking at us from an angle of criticism? They should see a European Union united. So, two questions on special representatives and initiatives coming from different sides of Europe, but also from across the Atlantic.

Madam President, it’s a matter of humanism that we provide strong support to Türkiye and Syria in these difficult times. And I would like to particularly thank Commissioner Lenarčič for his decisive work and great support coming from his people, his team, through a civil protection mechanism. I would like also to applaud and thank the thousands of EU rescuers and the volunteers that are fighting for miracles on the ground. And I would like to call for full mobilisation of Europe’s civil society, for each European citizen to help people in Türkiye and Syria, who are grieving while trying to survive without homes and sanitary conditions. They need power generators, blankets, warm clothes, fresh water, food. They need our support. It's a matter of solidarity. It's a matter of uniting our forces in helping those people in Türkiye and Syria, in order to come back to the real life. We need that support from this House, politically, on a humanitarian level, but also morally.

Mr President, dear High Representative, dear colleagues, I would like to take this opportunity to thank Mr McAllister for his comprehensive approach on this report on the EU’s foreign, security and defence policy. It is of paramount importance and it is of paramount importance in preserving peace and reinforcing international security. It is clear that EU has learned from its previous geostrategic mistakes and this is evident in the way it has responded to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. The EU’s unified and sustained response is testament to the effectiveness of the EU’s foreign, security and defence policy, which is guided by our shared values. But it is not time to stop. The world is watching us and in order to be a credible actor and maintain the respect of autocracies around the world, the EU and its Member States need to increase their military, political and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and strengthen their defence in countering Russian threats to Ukraine’s security.

Madam President, good luck and congratulations on the priorities of the Swedish Presidency! Many topics, important topics, the war in Ukraine. Undoubtedly, Europe must be united in this battle against the evil of the 21st century. Energy issues, consolidation on many geopolitical topics, all this is important. Mr Prime Minister, two topics do not find their place in the Swedish Presidency. One topic is the future of Schengen. Bulgaria and Romania should finally be in the Schengen area, why is this not on the agenda of the Swedish Presidency? How to win the hearts and minds of European citizens? How can the European project in 2024 be that which is about democracy, the rule of law, high democratic standards and progress in the future? How to make all this happen? It is not possible if Bulgaria and Romania do not enter Schengen. And secondly, the issue of the integration of the Western Balkans in particular. Will it make the Swedish Presidency the good continuation of the policies of the previous one, the Czech Presidency and all those Presidencies that have put the Western Balkans at the centre of their policy? I don't see it in the list of priorities. Will there be a summit between the European Union and the countries of the Western Balkans? This is not just a matter for the European Union, it is a geopolitical issue that we must deal with, regardless of who holds the rotating presidency of the European Union.

Mr President, Commissioner, thank you for all your efforts. It was important not only for Bulgaria and Romania, but above all for Bulgarian and Romanian citizens that the Commission be very clear in its assessment, namely that Bulgaria and Romania should be part of the Schengen area. Colleagues, it's been 11 years. Over these 11 years, much has changed in the European Union and beyond. World politics today is different, but unfortunately the attitude of some countries towards Bulgaria and Romania has not changed. And I ask the question are Bulgarian and Romanian citizens not European citizens or what do we tell them that they are second-class citizens? They don't deserve to be part of Schengen, they don't deserve to be part of the eurozone. We have paid a high price and Bulgarians and Romanians, and all who live in these countries have paid the price to be part of the two unions: NATO and the European Union. And we will go down this path because we believe that we have made the right geopolitical orientation and we want to be full-fledged, full-fledged members of the European Union. But that's why there can't be two Europes, there can't be double standards, there can't be a single united Europe. So let us join forces and work to make 2023 the year of Bulgaria and Romania in Schengen.

Mr President, dear Commissioners, Dear representative of the Council, Dear colleagues, we have been discussing the need for a European solution on an asylum and migration for years now. The need for a common solution has, meanwhile, become an imperative. First and foremost, we need to find a clear system of rules that corresponds to the current realities. This is why the commitment of the European Parliament and upcoming Council Presidencies to finalise the reform of legislation on asylum and migration is pivotal. Secondly, as corresponds to our values, we need to ensure that saving human lives is a primary consideration. The legal obligation of sea rescue is a clear and unequivocal. A step forward is the – agreed under the French Presidency – Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, taking up commitments for relocation from the countries confronted with disembarkment and heavy migration flows. But here too, we need a permanent system applied to all. it is time for solidarity. it is time for action.

Madam President, Commissioner, congratulations to Mr Picula, who is making an attempt to modernise a very important policy of the European Union, namely enlargement policy. I believe that this policy has reasons to be called the most successful foreign policy of the European Union, but at the same time it must be taken much more seriously, both as an approach and as an attitude. The Commission is doing the right things, making very strong arguments that the new methodology will make the process much more adequate. It will meet the expectations of the Western Balkan countries in particular and, at the same time, provides sufficient guarantees that the countries that are already part of the European Union will recognise the process as such. It is very important that in this crisis, as it was in the pandemic crisis and in the energy crisis, European citizens are not jealous of the Western Balkans, but really provide the necessary support, and as the European Union in this process, because it is extremely important to feel the support if we want to live in a Union that is solidarity not only with its own citizens, but also with the countries that have aspired to be part of it.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I think Europe’s answer to this devastating humanitarian crisis was quick and decisive. This was unprecedented and the overwhelming support coming mainly from the citizens of the European Union and I would like to thank them once more. It seems that we have learned our lessons. At least I hope that we have learned our lessons from previous crises. And we must continue to take bold actions and to confront the challenges during the next phase of this humanitarian crisis. We open our doors to Ukrainians, to our friends from Ukraine, but also it is time to show solidarity with those coming from Russia, fleeing from Russia and seeking refuge. As the winter approaches, the number of arrivals could increase again. Therefore, I think unanimity in full support to those escaping from the war is needed more than ever. We must guarantee that the EU will proceed with long—term objectives and will implement the necessary reforms when it comes to migration.

Member of the Commission. - Madam President, honourable Members, we have been hearing different arguments for years. First of all, the border must be well guarded. Time has shown that borders are well guarded. Secondly, the Schengen area needs to be reformed. Yes, and there has been tremendous progress. Thirdly, there must be a geopolitical situation. New, fundamental. There is a fundamentally new geopolitical situation. What more needs to happen for Bulgaria and Romania to be part of the Schengen area? Serious political decisions are needed from responsible politicians. Some cannot be held by the door, even though they are part of the European Union, while others can enjoy the great goods and opportunities of the European Union. This double standard creates a double quality for citizens. There are more citizens of the European Union than others. This is unacceptable. It is neither European nor civilised, nor should it be implemented by different governments. So my call is: a strong position of the European Parliament, a strong position of the European Commission and it is time for the Council to live up to the expectations of the European citizens Bulgaria and Romania to be part of Schengen, because in this way we will contribute to being united within a European Union. The direction is right and we need to move forward.

Mr President, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, Europe has done a tremendous job. Europe has done a lot of things, including military support, financial support, but it is not a time for self-celebration. We must continue our support for the brave Ukrainians who are fighting not only for their designation, for their identity and belonging, but they are fighting for us, for Europeans, for European values. They deserve our admiration and great support under the leadership of President Zelensky and certainly the brave Ukrainians. Secondly, we have to resist. Every time Europe is tested, tested by foreign actors, by big powers, by invaders. This time I think there is a greater test of our unity. We have to resist and put together the European Union because only if we are able to come together will we be able to overcome the crisis. Indeed, there are many – starting with energy and ending with the social consequences of the crisis. But one thing is clear: unity is the key – unity within the Council, but also unity within the European institutions. So let’s unite Europe as never before.

Mr President, honourable Commissioner, honourable Minister, ladies and gentlemen colleagues, we are discussing today a specific case, yes, an important case of the arrest of one of the opposition leaders, Boyko Borisov. But let me tell you, abuse of law doesn't start with this case. He culminated with it, but violation of the constitution and laws has become the norm in the last few months. Let me also tell you about a few very other cases, 191 in number, which have been brought to your attention, Mr Reynders, to the attention of Věra Jourová, to a number of committees responsible in the European Parliament. How an interior minister allowed himself to threaten political activists, force them to sign protocols, "warning protocol" is said in English. He warned them that they were active in the election campaign. Examples are a very young 27-year-old from Aytos, a municipal councillor, a candidate for MP summoned by the police and warned why he was handing out information materials, brochures, pens. Manfred Weber to be a candidate in an area in Bavaria and to be summoned by German police for handing out pamphlets. Where is this seen, where is it seen in a European country? A second example, also very striking. People with problems, motor problems, some of them were born like this. The Bulgarian police, under the expert guidance of Boyko Rashkov, went and checked these people. He asks them if these people really have motor problems, they make them exercise. All this restricts the free choice of Bulgarian citizens. And I want you to clearly condemn this, both morally and politically, because this institution has moral political authority. Thus, in a democratic state a member of the European Union in the 21st century cannot.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, thank you for all the efforts that you are making, and today Europe must be united, both internally not to allow division, which third external factors expect, and externally Europe to have the moral, political authority to build new partnerships and uphold its values. You're talking about a political community. I really like the idea of a political community, creating new friendships and partnerships. But I cannot see the Western Balkans as part of this political community. For me, they must be an integral part of the European Union. Historically and geographically, they belong to Europe and I want them to be an integral part of the European Union. For generations, European and national politicians have worked for this. A first important challenge for us is how to make Europe look different in 2024, when the battle of the populists against the Liberal Democrats will be no less. And here we have to give the right answers. It seems to me that many of these are contained in the Conference on the Future of Europe. The conclusions have been very stable and I welcome your idea to move these conclusions forward to the next moment when a genuine European Convention is created and the ideas of Europe's citizens find a place.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you for all the efforts you have made so far. There are many things that can be done and will probably be done. But besides the energy manifestations we see, it is very important to make sure that the European Union is united. Against the backdrop of what is happening, the unity of the Union remains my number one priority. Secondly, it is very important that, in this situation of complex geopolitical confrontation, there should not be the severe division that can manifest itself in the European Union. With regard to the issue we are discussing, I think that the most important thing in the first place is to put a cap on gas prices as a good form also against blackmail. Secondly, increasing the supply of liquefied gas and undeniably providing the available infrastructure as soon as possible. Finally, of course, a temporary decoupling of the price of electricity from that of gas. A lot can be done and in terms of social policy we already have experience with vouchers, some of the colleagues shared their experience. Undoubtedly, we need to go there, and when we talk about long-term solutions, diversification is more than necessary, and all efforts, both financial and logistical, must be made for this.

Mr President, honourable Members, I would like to draw your attention to a report which is in an apocryphal form but which is funded by the European Commission. The report was prepared by the International Press Institute. The report contains extremely disturbing circumstances regarding the media environment in my country, the Republic of Bulgaria. Dangerous precedents are created using distorted information. It works in it with many conventions that have no probative value. The most dangerous precedent, however, is the admission of large media owners hidden behind the facade of NGOs to legitimize reports to be used in the international community. This same report very rudely and tendentiously serves the interests of the Bulgarian media group Economedia and its owner Ivo Prokopiev, whose reputation in Bulgaria is more than controversial. This is the real and extremely dangerous takeover of the media and thus of the democratic environment. I believe that the European Commission cannot allow the funding of such very controversial reports by Member States.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine makes the security, development and sustainability of Central and Eastern Europe even more strategic. I would like to highlight that the Initiative brings high importance, taking the economic potential of the region. But also I am very glad to see that the Three Seas Initiative is developing. The investment fund is now fully operational and represents the expression of the highest political level will. It is designed to promote connectivity among the countries with the ultimate goal of strengthening their security and economic vitality. The potential is huge, and we could extend the scope of the initiative by inviting non—EU countries that aspire to join. Therefore, I would like to strengthen the potential, and express my gratitude that Ukraine was invited as one of those countries non—affiliated with the EU, and I’m looking forward to continue the project as such with the involvement of Ukraine, because with that we can only strengthen our potential together.

Madam President, I will try not to repeat what was said already, but also I will try to avoid my frustration and to focus on positive developments for Kosovo. But before that, let me start by thanking our rapporteur for bringing such a balanced report in front of the European Parliament. Indeed, Kosovo is among the countries in the region where the EU integration process enjoys strong support among the citizens and all political actors. Without any doubt, Kosovo is arguably one of the most dedicated and loyal partner countries for the European Union. And again, it was a year that was dynamic and full of important political developments. But despite this, Kosovo has confirmed its strategic commitment to the European pact with the decision to formally apply to join the EU by the end of this year. Kosovo has proactively aligned with the EU’s common foreign and security policy and gave a great example by strongly condemning Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and became the first country from the region to join EU sanctions. Therefore, I urge the leadership of the EU to stop the years of unfulfilled EU promises and lost opportunities and finally grant Kosovo visa liberalisation. It is so important, not for us as thr European Union, but it’s important for our strategic relationship with Kosovo. And most importantly, we deserve that promise to the younger generation of Kosovo with so much potential and we are there looking forward for such a message coming from the European Council.

Mr President, honourable Members, it is of course right to grant candidate status to Ukraine and Georgia. This is in the geopolitical interest of the European Union. Moreover, these countries have proven over the years, especially Ukraine, that it defends its right to self-determination, its right to dignity and its right to be part of this European Union. But let us look a little more seriously at the countries of the Western Balkans. We cannot ignore them and simply say for years that they are a historical and geographical part of the European Union. I also want them to be politically part of this European Union that is common to all of us. One by one, Kosovo. Kosovo has been waiting too long for visa liberalisation. The youngest population in the European Union, the youngest population and the most viable in the Western Balkan countries. We must live up to our commitment to Kosovo. Second, North Macedonia and Albania. As a Bulgarian representative, I think that there will be no better proposal than the French one, neither for Bulgaria nor for North Macedonia. It is time in the remaining time of 7-8 days to do everything possible for the two countries to sign an agreement, historical, and thus to give way to North Macedonia and Albania to find a place in the European Union. And Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is time to give perspective also to them with the status of a candidate member.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear Isabel, congratulations for your constructive approach, but also congratulations you for your knowledge and dedication, which is very well reflected in the Albania Progress Report. We certainly should recognise Albania’s role for regional stability, and its full alignment with the relevant foreign and defence commitments towards NATO and the European Union. I must say that during the last year in domestic politics, Albania has made progress when it comes to EU integration. That was possible only because of the good relationship between the opposition and the government. I would say that the important and constructive political dialogue and the willingness to compromise on key issues between the government and opposition is vital to advance the EU accession process. The report also clearly highlights the positive step that the government has taken under the administrative preparations for the upcoming accession negotiations. Of course, we are all aware that Albania has fulfilled the conditions and delivered sustained results across the fundamentals, and is completely ready to convince the first intergovernmental conference. This is something that I fully support. But unfortunately, Albania continues to suffer from the dispute between Bulgaria and North Macedonia. Certainly, I am the one advocating that the country should a have a certain role to play in the European Parliament, in the European Union , and the European Parliament should be vocal in supporting the EU—Atlantic role of both countries.

Mr President, dear colleagues, thank you all for your strong commitment to the European path of North Macedonia, and thank you for your certainly positive contribution. I couldn’t agree more with the Commissioner that the accession process provides the best way to secure the rule of law, high democratic standards. Certainly – answering to Madame Zovko – the rights of minorities should be at the forefront of this accession process. I am trying to send a clear message in my report as well. To Mr Yordanov, I would like to assure him that I start with the Friendship Treaty and the Prespa agreement, and I finish my report again with the Friendship Treaty and the Prespa agreement, because they are the backbones of our report – not only our report, but they are the backbones of the strategic relationship between North Macedonia and Bulgaria, and between Greece and North Macedonia. They bring historical reconciliation. I concur with our colleagues saying that our credibility as the European Union is at stake. Yes, it is at stake because we didn’t deliver on our promises. We shouldn’t keep giving promises and making again and again the same mistakes. So to finish on a positive note, thank you colleagues and shadow rapporteurs for your contributions. Certainly, your efforts improved my report, and I’m looking very much forward to have a strong, positive pro—European report by your vote tomorrow – and that is mainly for the citizens of North Macedonia. The times are critical, and it’s certainly not a time to play nationalistic games, but it’s time to take courageous pro—European steps. I’m happy that we have the similar approach, not only on my report, but also on the entire Western Balkans, together in this House.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, let me start from a geopolitical point of view. There is no doubt that North Macedonia demonstrated the best democratic transition record across the Western Balkan region, in full alignment with the EU’s foreign policy, in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine. I would like to use this opportunity to congratulate the government of North Macedonia for being such a committed NATO member by taking swift and brave decisions against Putin’s war. On the reform agenda, North Macedonia has delivered sustained results. The report recognises the continuous effort to strengthen the rule of law, judicial independence and minority rights, counter corruption, and transparency and political dialogue between government and opposition parties. We’ve been reiterating to both parties, be it in opposition or the government, that when it comes to the European path of the country, it shouldn’t be a big challenge to come together and build national consensus. It contains a comprehensive overview of pending reforms that the country should adopt on issues like electoral reform, media improvement, accountability and public institutions, and engagement with civil society. But I am convinced that the government has good heritage and all the potential to move the country’s EU integration path forward. Having said that, and considering the broader geostrategic context, we are all aware that the postponement of the official start of the accession negotiations is a lose—lose situation – both for North Macedonia and for us, for the EU. As the standing rapporteur, I will continue to call for the long—overdue accession negotiations to officially start, and I’m glad to, and really grateful to see the effort for a positive and sustainable engagement between the governments of Bulgaria and North Macedonia. These are historic times and they require firm and timely decisions. It is time for leadership. It is not time to follow one or other political opinion. It’s time to lead. More than ever today we have to send a strong European message – not to the political elite of North Macedonia or to our member countries, but to the citizens of North Macedonia, because they deserve it. Времето не е на ничия страна. Времето ни кара да вземем важни решения, които трябва да предопределят бъдещето на региона и бъдещето на Европейския съюз. От създалата се ситуация губят всички, губи България, губи Република Северна Македония, губи Европейският съюз. Най-вече обаче губят добросъседските отношения и приятелството, и затова насърчавам двете страни да намерят взаимно приемливо решение. Започването на първата междуправителствена конференция не е отстъпление от една или друга национална позиция, не е отстъпление от начертаните червени линии, а е даване на възможност за европейска перспектива на страната Северна Македония. Трябва да го направим това не за някой друг, а за гражданите и най-вече за следващото поколение. Трябва да потърсим европейско решение, което да гарантира правата и свободите на всеки гражданин, живеещ на територията на Северна Македония. Заедно с това обаче, да запазим и достойнството, и перспективата пред страната. Какво ще бъде успех, питал съм се много пъти. Няма да бъде успех, ако се провалим за пореден път. Успех ще бъде, ако успеем. Нека да си пожелаем да успеем. Аз искам, вярвам, че и много хора в тази зала го искат искрено.

Madam President, I’m happy to listen to this lively debate. Indeed, it’s an important topic to be discussed, and I would like to congratulate the rapporteur and the colleagues for taking a very strong stand on the rule of law issues. I do believe that the progress reports, the annual reports on the rule of law, undoubtedly added an important instrument to the European Union’s toolbox in reflecting the ongoing developments in the Member States. At least, dear Commissioner, Member States cannot complain this time, saying that you are using your instruments in your toolbox for some of them and not for others. It’s a horizontal approach for everyone, so that helps in my own country, Bulgaria, as well. Lastly, we should continue insisting on our call on the scope of the report to be extended to all elements of the rule of law, including equality before the law, monitoring the protection of fundamental rights, the safeguarding of the rights of minorities, access to justice, and the instruments employed in the fight against discrimination and hate speech. I think it is important if we can develop the scope of the mechanism.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President of the European Commission, dear colleagues, I echo those colleagues, saying that the Conference was an enriching exercise of democracy. I couldn’t agree more with that. But a bigger question is what is next? What kind of change? Because we all mentioned the need for change. First of all, we would like to start with implementing the citizens’ proposals. Certainly, we have to implement what the citizens have proposed us. There must be no excuses, otherwise we are simply leaving it to those on the extreme right and left to do it for us, and we don’t want that. Secondly, I think the Conference was clear: we need a change. We need a change on health union, on energy union. We have to abolish the unanimity rule. And for that, we need a new Convention. Thirdly, the Conference was a model and should be a model – perhaps not at the same scale, but a continuous exercise involving citizens, bringing them together with the European institutions. What happens at European level has tremendous impact on people’s lives. So for that reason, we need pan-European solutions for pan-European challenges.