What Terry spoke about.

Mr President, Commission President, Minister, dear colleagues, tomorrow on 8 May, we will celebrate the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, a day that gave the European continent the precious gift of peace. A peace that meant freedom and democracy for parts of Europe, and the freedom and democracy that eventually spread all over our continent with peaceful revolutions in the south and east of Europe over the following decades. It is exactly this peace and this freedom and democracy that Putin feels threatened by. So, to defend our peace, we have to defend freedom and democracy. A freedom that people died for, a democracy that was fought for, and a freedom that people still today are dying for, a democracy that cannot silently be exchanged for oppression. And this fight is currently happening in Ukraine. And that is why we must make Ukraine strong now. Any hesitation encourages Putin, any delay weakens Ukraine. And that, of course, means continued military support, but also the political support to moving ahead on the accession process to the European Union. And to make one thing absolutely clear, while we are standing by Ukraine's side and we are finally phasing out – long overdue, by the way – Russian fossil fuels for good, far right Members of this House have just signed an agreement with Putin's party – the party of a dictator, of an autocrat, of an aggressor – at this crucial moment for Ukraine's future. And I ask myself, 'honestly, what else has to happen so that all parts also of the EPP family will understand that these people on the far right of this House are dangerous?' The far right is not a political force that you can collaborate with when it pleases you. These people are a threat to our democracy, our peace and our freedom. They are a threat to all Ukrainians who want to live in freedom. They want Putin to win this war. And we, as democrats, in this House have to resist this. Eighty years after the end of World War II, it is time for Europe to rise above itself once again, to defend freedom in Ukraine and against the people sitting on the far right of this House.

Madam President, Commission President, Council President, dear colleagues, what a world we are living in. I was born two years before the fall of the Berlin Wall, and I must admit to you that when I grew up – and you can call me naive – I somehow thought that democracies in this world would become more numerous just with time, and that there would be a basic understanding between these democracies that we would cooperate with each other on fair terms, with the sincere agreement that we are stronger together, that we work together and that we base our conflicts on facts and try to find compromise between each other, not only to better the lives of the citizens living in our respective countries, but to better the lives of everyone living on this continent. Now, after the brutal invasion of Russia in Ukraine, the US President, let's be honest, has not only turned his back against the bravely fighting Ukrainians, but against Europe as a whole. And I take note of the fact that the loud cheering of the far right that we heard when Trump was elected has significantly calmed down over the past weeks, because it has become far too obvious what Donald Trump in the White House means for European citizens. He's not only attacking our – and actually his own – economy by imposing unfair tariffs, but he's attacking our democracies by attacking our sovereignty and decisions that have sovereignly been taken also here in this House. Now, the incoherence of the far-right colleagues, that is no surprise to me. What I found more surprising were the latest turns by the German EPP, where suddenly prominent voices from the CDU are discussing moving back to Russian gas or even resurrecting Nord Stream 2. Colleagues, what a grave mistake that would be. In a world where we have Donald Trump on the one side and Vladimir Putin on the other side, we have only one way to survive as Europeans, and that is to stand strong together. Now you can tell me, colleagues, but this is very hard in a situation when we have one Member State that is not following our commonly agreed rules, when we have Hungary constantly trying to undermine the strength of the European Union. But the solution to this is obvious. Over the past years, we have gathered evidence and proof that Hungary is not a functioning democracy anymore, that rule of law has been undermined. And so, the Article 7 procedure is long, long overdue. What else needs to happen? Viktor Orbán is attacking the very foundation of his own democracy and of our Union. Let's finalise the Article 7 procedure, take away voting and veto rights from Orbán to protect Hungarian citizens, to protect Hungarian democracy, but also to fight for a strong and sovereign European Union.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Prime Minister Tusk, welcome to the European Parliament. I think a lot of us are quite happy about this change in Council Presidency, especially because we live in times where Europe has to act. The new US President has started the year 2025 with a series of threats against our common European interests. In the east of Europe, Putin is still waging an illegal war of his great power fantasies, only held back by the outstanding courage of the Ukrainian people. And the signs of hope – we know this, colleagues – in the Middle East are still extremely fragile. So Europe united has to be our answer to the challenges of our time – a united European Union as a harbour of security and strength for the people in Europe. And after the disastrous Hungarian Presidency, Prime Minister Tusk, now a great responsibility lies on Poland, because we need to see action. You have made security the key issue of your Presidency, and I can only tell you 'well done'. We also think this should be a priority. But when we, for example, talk about defence – you have spoken about it – actually you don't really need to convince this House because the European Parliament has been at the forefront of fighting for a defence union in the past. You actually have to go to the capitals and tell them not only to use European defence in their Sunday speeches, but to actually put action into their words and to move forward on this, because we have heard enough words. We need to see action on this. But, Mr Tusk, I also have to tell you that security also goes hand-in-hand with environmental security. Because what security is there if floods are endangering our people and are destroying our homes, droughts are killing our crops, and masses of water and wildfires ruin entire infrastructures or economies of the whole region? Protecting the climate is ultimately about protecting humans. Investing in the ecological transition on the European continent is making us more independent, protecting our energy security from the threatening powers of dictators and autocrats. Fossils mean dependency; renewables mean freedom. We have to see this also in the Polish Presidency. Lastly, Prime Minister Tusk, it's been a while, but I think you know, not only in the streets of Poland, people were celebrating when you won the election. All across Europe, there was a sense of hope and relief that Poland, as a strong partner, is back at the European table – a strong Poland that will defend the rule of law, our democratic values and uphold human rights. You won because people wanted change. You won because people put hope in you who had been stripped of their rights, who were silenced and who were denied freedom. These people count on you, and they count on us right now. You also managed by unifying the political forces of the centre, including the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Greens. And for me, this leads the way in Europe. But honestly, Mr Tusk, here in this House, the only majority that can secure a strong and ready-to-act Europe – the majority of the centre – is in danger. Also by dangerous games of your own political party who have been voting with the far-right in not only one occasion in this House. So you have a responsibility here, Mr Tusk. We want to see a strong Polish Presidency, but also remind your own political group of how important it is – in this crucial moment – that we do sensible politics in the centre in Europe right now.

Madam President, Commission President, dear colleagues, in these times of tectonic geopolitical changes, this European Council must send a clear signal. The European Union is a reliable and a strong partner for all those people in the world that are longing for democracy, for peace and for freedom. It is an honour that President Zourabichvili addressed the House this morning at such a crucial moment for Georgia, and I expect also this clear signal of solidarity from the European Council. We stand by the side of all Georgians who are fighting for freedom, for democracy and for a European future. Because Georgia's future lies within the European Union, and we strongly condemn the recent attacks on democracy, election violations and repression against peaceful protesters and independent media. And the President said it here: it is very often EU flags that are in the streets when people are protesting for their European future and for democracy. So it is on us not to let these protesters down. And this is why the EU must introduce targeted sanctions against leading political figures that were responsible for the repression. Georgia needs new elections with international election observations, and we call on the EU to introduce a special envoy for Georgian European relations. And at the same time, we will not forget the people of Moldova, who also seek peace and freedom within the European Union and who are facing a difficult winter ahead of them. The European Council should also reassure the Syrian people. The EU will help to turn your hope for a free and safe Syria for all into reality. A peaceful transfer of power is now most urgent, and we must provide acute humanitarian aid for Syrians because the difficult times are not over yet. We have to hold mass murderer Assad and his torture masters accountable for their crimes against their own people. Syria is a real defeat for Russia by abandoning his protégé Assad, Putin demonstrated his own weakness before the eyes of the world. His great power ambitions have failed in Syria. And trust me, colleagues, these great power ambitions will also fail in Ukraine. We also see that, with the new US President coming in, the challenges also to the west of Europe are not becoming smaller. We want the European Council, especially against the backdrop of what is happening in January in the US, to deliver on our promise towards Ukraine. We stand with Ukraine as long as it takes until Russia's invasion fails, until peace on Ukraine's terms becomes reality. Whether we look westwards to the US, to the Middle East or to Eastern Europe, the only certainty right now is uncertainty. And the European Union can and has to be an anchor of stability, of democracy, of human rights, and of the hope of all those people who want to live in a peaceful world. Let us be with this Parliament, the beacon of hope for those who are longing for democracy, peace and freedom.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission! I think it's clear to all of us, and if we take a step back, we'll see even more: We are facing huge geopolitical challenges. A demagogue and anti-European has just been re-elected to the White House. Ukraine is currently witnessing the bloodiest clashes since the beginning of this war, and we are seeing more and more how brutally climate change is already hitting us – not in the future, but today. As great as these tasks are, so great is our responsibility. We need a European Union that can act right now, and that includes a European Parliament that can act. But, frankly, in recent weeks, the European Parliament has dwarfed itself with an unworthy process of hearings that was not about qualifications, but about power poker – with a brutal end last week that also saw the far-right candidates win through committees – unfortunately also with votes from the Conservatives, the Social Democrats and the Liberals. We Greens voted against it, with full conviction, because we are sure that a European Union can only work with pro-European common majorities in the middle. This central opportunity to build precisely these majorities has been missed. Because united with pro-European majorities, we could have agreed on a strategy that would have strengthened the European Parliament and ensured clear majority decisions in the future. To be honest, the EPP is unfortunately showing more and more openly that it wants to keep its cooperation with the far right open, to the danger for the entire European project. But we Greens say very clearly: Precisely because we care so much about this European project, we have negotiated until the last moment. We have not done this out of vanity, we have not done this because we want to make it easy for ourselves, we have done this because we want to support the European Union. In the overall balance, we have received commitments from the President on the Green Deal, on the rule of law and also on pro-European majorities. I can tell you that the debates in our group were not easy. This decision is extremely difficult for us, and not all Green MEPs have come to the same conclusion. I have great respect for the different decisions of my colleagues. In the end, a narrow majority of our group will vote in favour of this Commission. We will always be both critical and constructive in this Parliament. We want to build pro-European majorities against right-wing extremists, because this is the only way we can protect this European project.

Madam President, dear President of Ukraine Zelenskyy, dear colleagues and, most of all, dear friends in Ukraine, it has been a thousand days since Putin's illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which brought utter destruction and unbearable suffering to the people of Ukraine. A thousand days, a sad milestone and at the same moment a reminder of our promise. We stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes: as long as it takes until peace finally becomes reality for Ukraine again. Trust me, it is us who are longing for peace, but the people who are longing for peace the most are the people in Ukraine. A peace on Ukraine's terms which allows the Ukrainian people to live in freedom and safety and not under the oppression of Russia's brutal colonial shackles. Warmonger Putin will not stop this terror. He will send more soldiers to their death. He will use more weapons to bomb infrastructure, hospitals and schools. He will use the cold winter to try to freeze the Ukrainians into submission. Putin does not obey international law. He is actually trying to move back to a time where Europe was ruled by empires, starting by building a Russian empire, threatening all those who want to live in peace and freedom in Europe. It's a weak man's big phantom pain of Russian tsars and Soviet rulers. Putin only recognises the right of the strongest, so we have to show him Europe's united strength. The re-election of President Trump into the White House is another wake-up call for the European Union in this regard. We must move forward with renewed vigour. We have to step up our military support for Ukraine. Ukraine urgently needs credible security guarantees. Also, the EU has to be able to defend itself and must become independent from dictators in terms of energy supply. We have paid a very high price on this continent because of our own short-sightedness in this regard. This is not just in our interest, but also in that of Ukraine. I'm speaking to our Ukrainian sisters and brothers, who are still suffering and who are not only defending their own freedom, but also our freedom here in Europe. It might have been a thousand days, but be reassured: Europe will not let you down.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the morning after the US election, Europe woke up in a new world. Let me say it straight away: I do not welcome the election of Donald Trump as US President, nor do I congratulate the person who will do massive damage not only to the citizens in the US, but across the world and also in Europe. Actually, there was a lot of jubilation on the far-right side when Trump was elected. Honestly, I ask myself if you even know what damage this man is going to bring to the European Union and also to the citizens that you are going to represent. As far as the announcements of a liar can be trusted, Donald Trump's policies are going to bring a very hard time to Europe. But just because he poses aggressively, it doesn't mean that he can scare us. With a strong European Union, we will be stronger than propaganda and lies. So let's work together as Europeans to invest massively in the future of European industry, for European competitiveness, domestic jobs and European independence from autocrats. Let's work together as Europeans to stay strong in our fight against climate change and its destructive consequences, as we currently see in Spain. For the benefit of our common future here in Europe and this planet, let's work together as Europeans to strive for peace in the Middle East, and also for the people in Ukraine who defend our freedom against a brutal aggressor, for all those who are suffering there, but also for European security and freedom in Europe. Let's work together as Europeans here, and let's advance the cooperation with our dear friends in the US in our common fight for women's rights, democracy and human dignity. We send them our full solidarity. We know how difficult it must be right now, but be assured: the large majority of European citizens and the European Parliament stands by your side.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen! I myself come from the Ruhr region, and for decades this wonderful region has been shaped by steel – just like the whole of Europe and, frankly, the whole world. Steel creates tens of thousands of jobs, steel makes us economically strong, steel is the basic material of the ecological transformation. We need it for wind turbines, for rail transport, for almost everything that makes our future climate neutral. Above all, we need steel for our independence and ability to act as a European Union. Who, if not us? And especially coming from Germany, you can just sing a song about what a high price you pay for becoming economically and industrially dependent. That is why our message from this Parliament today must be unified and clear: We will continue to need steel in the future. Made in Europe. That is why we need lead markets for green steel, we need contracts for difference to compensate for the initially higher price of green steel, including through investments from the EU budget. And we need to make CBAM better and apply it to finished products, for example. And yes, we need to take better action against unfair competition and dumping steel e.g. from China. Colleagues, we must not waste any more time. Honestly, the time for talking and thinking about what we should do is over, because the future of European steel is also in our hands here in this Parliament. This is why the Commission needs to convene a European Steel Summit – not to chat around, but to work with industry, trade unions and politicians to ensure sustainable steel production in Europe. We need a signal of departure now. I myself was in Duisburg a few weeks ago and spoke to my colleagues there. And many people who work there in the steel mill feel forgotten, they don't feel seen by the European Union. That is why, Madam President of the Commission, you are making the issue of steel a top priority! Call a European steel summit now, and finally act before it's too late!

Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case. Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: 'Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration'.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, President of the Council of the European Union, Prime Minister Orbán, I take note of the fact that you have been invited to this Parliament in your role as the Council President. Let me tell you, on behalf of my group: you are not welcome here. This is the House of European Democracy, not of corruption, of lies, of propaganda and autocratic rule. Mr Orbán, you have turned the Hungarian democracy into a hybrid regime of electoral autocracy. And on top of that, you are the servant of a brutal and dangerous dictator, Vladimir Putin. And already during this presidency, you have made abundantly clear whose interest you care about. You are not a strong leader, Mr Orbán, because what you are doing is weak. You are stealing democracy from Hungary, money from EU citizens. And honestly, you should not be standing here pretending that you have a fibre of constructive sense of dialogue left in you. For years now, Mr Orbán, this Parliament has been able to see right through you. That is why what matters to me is to speak to the people in Hungary who are most affected by your regime: the journalists, the human rights defenders, the judges and academics, vulnerable communities like the LGBTI community, the opposition politicians that Orbán directs in front of court in order to intimidate them. Defenders of independent journalism name Orbán a predator of press freedom. Orbán is listed as the leader of the most corrupt government in the European Union. Human rights experts speak of a level of fear across society of retaliation – not just for human rights activists, but for artists, for academics and others in society too. The LGBTI community in Hungary desperately points out that they live in a bubble of hopelessness and terror in the middle of the European Union. All of this makes it clear you are not a strong leader, Mr Orbán, because all your actions are driven by fear – fear of your own people, fear of freedom. And because you are so scared, you constantly have to spread lies and blame others to justify your authoritarian agenda, including the European Union. Because the European Union gives people hope that your attacks on the rule of law will not go unpunished, that nepotism and corruption will have consequences, that the European Union protects the rights and freedoms of the people in Hungary. Freedom is what the European Union stands for and freedom is what you fear the most. So what we will give you today and in the time to come is our struggle for freedom.

Madam President, dear colleagues, sometimes it sounds like a phrase, but when I say this, I really mean it. Full solidarity to all the people who are currently affected by the flooding in central and eastern Europe, and, of course, also by the horrible forest fires in the south of Europe. People in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Austria are suffering from devastating floods. Enormous water masses are threatening their lives, destroying their homes and damaging infrastructure and nature in these countries. We as Europeans stand by your side. This is a European challenge that we are facing together. European solidarity in moments like these matters even more, because no single Member State can tackle this crisis alone. We have to work together. The European Union must and will do everything in its power to help. We must deliver emergency support and we have to do it fast. We also owe this to the first responders on the ground, who are still risking their own lives in order to help those who are most in need right now. Dear colleagues, this is also yet another wake‑up call to ourselves. Climate change affects us all, and it affects us not in some kind of distant future, but it affects us now. Floods and droughts are becoming more and more frequent also in the European Union. Our response must be bold and swift. First of all, our success will depend on how determined we are to combat climate change together in order to reduce emissions. For that, we all know that we need to stay ambitious when it comes to the Green Deal. We cannot give up half way – we need to continue the battle to fight against climate change together. Second, we have to invest in nature restoration projects to mitigate the effects of climate change, to ensure that soils can absorb water again, to create flood plains instead of straight rivers, to plant trees to restore forests. Third, we need an ambitious climate adaptation law with a special focus on the protection of critical water supplies. Fourth, we can further build on the solidarity between Member States through better early warning systems and crisis management and the pooling of capacities to support each other. And fifth, last but not least, we need adequate funding for disaster prevention and response. We need to do this and we need to do this now. This is not about party politics. The necessity can be evidenced by bare figures. Between 1980 and 2022, extreme weather and climate events caused economic losses of assets estimated to EUR 650 billion in EU Member States. EUR 650 billion is huge economic damage, not to speak of the many human tragedies that are linked to this figure. Let's work together to combat climate change and its devastating effects, colleagues, because one thing is clear: the fight against climate change will be key for European cohesion, for our shared prosperity and for our common future on this planet.

Madam President, dear candidate for the Commission presidency, dear colleagues, we are at a decisive moment for the future of the European Union. Today’s vote will be one important step in setting the course for the next five years in Europe. We all know that the challenges ahead of us are huge, and this places an enormous responsibility on our shoulders. We see right now that climate change already today affects us all. This summer shows it once again: parts of Europe are withering in the heat, while in other regions entire livelihoods are being destroyed in floods. Not continuing on the path towards climate neutrality right now, taking detours or even pausing would be the completely wrong thing to do. Colleagues, we cannot backtrack on the Green Deal. We need to go the next step. We need a climate adaptation law to make us more resilient and, for example, protect our critical water supplies. The Green Deal is about nothing less than our survival on this planet, and we should treat it with the needed seriousness. Colleagues, the green transition is the greatest challenge of our generation. In order to maintain our prosperity, we need to massively invest in greening our industries. Those who say that it is either about tackling climate change or about fostering our competitiveness are simply wrong. We need to do both at the same time and with it create millions of green jobs in the European Union. We have seen thousands of farmers taking to the streets because they can no longer make a living from their hard work. These farmers need to get a decent revenue. At the same time, we need to make EU agriculture more resilient to climate change and biodiversity loss. We need to strengthen animal welfare in the European Union, and we have to finally ensure that small farmers get their fair share of EU agricultural subsidies. Farmers deserve better than the current rules in the common agricultural policy. Colleagues, let us reform the CAP in this mandate. This European Union needs to be a social union. The effects of the pandemic, our long-standing energy dependency on fossil fuels, the brutal war in Ukraine, the cost of living crisis, hit many people very hard. We cannot leave them alone. Everybody has to be able to make a decent living. We need to provide dignity for all European citizens – because it is right, but also because history has shown that rising social inequality is a threat to our societies and to democracy itself. So for the working people in Europe, we have to send a very clear message today. Exploitation can never be a business model in Europe. Decent income and fair working conditions are our duty to the working people on this beautiful continent. There is one fundament, colleagues, of this Union that cannot be negotiated on – our common European values. Too many governments in the European Union right now are attacking this foundation of the rule of law and fundamental rights, and they are even using EU funds to strengthen their authoritarian grip on society. Honestly, the last Commission has too often waited for far too long to do something about this. This has to change. Every single EU citizen, no matter in which Member State, deserves their rights, for the rule of law and fundamental rights to be defended. This has to be a Commission for everyone in Europe. Because whether you are black, Muslim, Jewish, Roma, queer or disabled, Europe is your home, and this Union is built on exactly this promise of equality. Colleagues, we live in a changing world. European foreign, defence and security policy has been far too fragmented in the last decades ever too often. It weakens us all, especially with Putin’s servant right now at the Council Presidency. We have to make sure that we are changing this and build a strong, united, ready-to-act European Union by ending unanimity votes in the Council. Let’s take away the veto right, so that we are all stronger together. We have a shared responsibility ahead of us. We see that there is a lot at stake, and if you ask me ‘is Ursula von der Leyen a green candidate to be Commission President?’ or ‘is this a green programme that she has provided us with the political guidelines?’, I can tell you, no! We have negotiated hard, we have made compromises over these past weeks. For me what is crucial is that the majority that holds today is a majority of pro-European, democratic groups in this House, because we need to keep the far right from getting into power, from having an impact on policymaking in this European Union. We know that we are stronger when we work together as pro-Europeans. Let us keep this promise to our citizens and constructively work together and build a better European future for all.

Mr President! In the same case: I have to say, it shocks me. Last night, an employee of this Parliament, Maximilian Krah, was arrested. I believe this case comes after pre-existing suspicions of corruption. We see very clearly that we need more intelligence and security cooperation between Member States. But I also believe that it is important that we advance the investigation here in the European Parliament. European citizens should have the right to know what happened before the elections. I therefore ask you to pass on to her that the President will take care of herself that this investigation is concluded before the election. We see countries like Russia or China trying to influence our elections. We should be clear about this. This is our duty as a parliament to the citizens. (Applause)

Madam President, dear colleagues, this is a moment of truth. A moment of truth for the climate, a moment of truth for our economy, a moment of truth for our security. Because we all know that the Green Deal is about climate action and energy transition, but it is also about global competitiveness, making our industry green, creating future-proof jobs, and it is about the question whether electric cars will be produced in China, in the US or here in the European Union. It is about our place in the world. It is about our independence. It is, indeed, about our security. And this security will only be strong if we do not repeat the mistakes of the past, not to run into dependencies from dictators again. Building Nord Stream 2 was a mistake from the beginning, trusting that Putin would not wage a bloody war against Ukraine and attack our democracies and way of life was a mistake. We wasted important years for the expansion of renewables, which make Europe strong and free. We are right now facing the hottest days and months on record, which cost lives and which costs our economies. And still, the EPP refuses to do what is needed for our climate, for our economies and for the European Union not to be left behind and leave production, for example, of electric cars to China. Colleagues, let us not make the same mistakes of the past again. We cannot lose time to make this continent climate neutral, especially while we are also facing times when democracy and freedom are under severe attack. And as it looks, also from within this House – after Russiagate, now there are new suspicions of espionage for China, also from assistants from this Parliament. And it has become absolutely clear, these people on the far right, they are not patriots, they are not serving the interests of the European citizens, but the interests of dictatorships and autocracies. This makes it even more important, colleagues, to build strong, pro-European, constructive majorities in the next European Parliament. After the European election, we will set a path for the next five years. The beginning of the next legislature will be our moment of truth. Will we steer the European Union in the direction of climate neutrality, of defending democracy and freedom? Or will we follow the same old recipes that risk harming our European economies and global competitiveness? I think you know the answer that I would give to that. So let us fight constructively in this election campaign, but then let us build constructive, pro-European majorities after this election.

Madam President, colleagues, you have probably heard it in the news. We are quite concerned about reports coming from Italy on interference with press freedom. We have seen it in Hungary; we have seen it in other European countries, that very often when there is an authoritarian backlash, journalists are the first targets. So let me be clear. We will stay vigilant and defend journalistic freedom in Europe. And because it cannot be said enough: anti-fascism must not be censored. Anti-fascism is the basis of our democracies, and the brave fight against fascism is the reason why this project of European Union exists today. So I say it proudly: "Siamo tutti antifascisti".

Mr President, dear colleagues, there are people in this very House, here in the European Parliament, pretending to represent the people of Europe, pretending to protect their freedoms and their interests. But there are serious allegations that some of them have become the very agents of foreign influence by Russian autocrat and warmonger Putin. If those allegations are confirmed, this would constitute a betrayal of the voters and an attack on the very substance of our democracies. At the heart of this alleged treachery is not just personal gain, but a concerted effort to dismantle the pillars of our democracy, to erode the liberties we hold dear, by Putin and his friends here in this House. As we face the revelations of influence and interference, let us be clear: there is no place in this Parliament, and no place in Europe, for those who would destabilise our Union, undermine our democracies, or erode our freedoms for personal gain or foreign agendas. To protect Europe, we must take a firm stance against this form of corruption and betrayal that will damage the reputation of our Parliament. Our commitment must be to the people of Europe, defending our values, our democracy, our freedom against those who would trade them for their own ends. This is not only what the Greens should fight for, but all democrats who hold the values of this Union dear.

Madam President, colleagues, after the debate we just had, I just wanted to say one thing. For International Women’s Day, we celebrate women in all their diversity – and trans women are women. And I would like us to investigate what has just been said. Thank you very much.

Madam President, dear colleagues, first of all, a very warm welcome to you and congratulations. As a former left midfielder, I can only say that actually it was football that has given me the strength and the courage to do what I do today. So I really think that football is not just a type of sport. It is really an enabler to make women strong and to empower women, and this is why it’s so great to have you here today in this Parliament. Colleagues, International Women’s Day should be a celebratory day because we actually have a lot to celebrate. We have more and more women that are smashing glass ceilings. We win battles about the right to abortion. Just last week with the example in France – where with the mobilisation of feminist organisations, with brave women who have made it possible – this important right has been introduced into the constitution. And it’s not only for French people. It is a symbol – especially in times when the right to sexual self-determination is under threat in so many parts of the world – that we all look to France and see how this leadership can make us strong and empower us not to give up and not to go back when it comes to sexual self-determination. We also move forward better protecting women from patriarchal violence. But at the same time, we see that this day is not only for celebration, but mostly for fighting, because it is a day that reminds us what is at stake: our bodies, our freedom, our place in our societies. When we see the attacks on women’s rights all over the world, and especially also in Europe, it is not just a theoretical consideration, when we see polls and election results about majorities in Parliament. A lot of women are literally scared for their own freedom. They are scared for the choices that they can take in the future. Colleagues, I do not want to be part of a generation that, yes, has more rights than the generation of their mothers and grandmothers, but that will have women that follow that will have less rights. So let us stand up to these authoritarian tendencies. Let us stand up to all of those people who are trying to take away rights from women. Let us be strong in continuing in the fight against patriarchal violence, in full equality in our societies. We have to stop the backlash against women’s rights that is going on in Europe and around the world.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Yulia Navalnaya, it is hard to imagine what you have been going through in these last weeks, months, years. And when you were speaking about how you and your husband with your family were visiting Strasbourg a while ago and how you miss him right now, I was imagining what it would do to me if I lost my beloved partner to a brutal regime. And I know that probably it cannot even touch the pain that you have been feeling, but let me tell you on behalf of my whole group that we share this pain, we strongly support you and we are by your side in this difficult time. In order to keep your husband’s memory alive, we have to do everything in our power not only to demand an independent investigation, but also to protect the remaining political prisoners in Russia and all those who are suffering from this brutal regime. The murder of Alexei Navalny has made it clear yet again: the biggest enemy of Vladimir Putin is democracy, the biggest enemy of Vladimir Putin is freedom. Freedom and democracy are what Putin is most afraid of because they threaten his democratic rule and they were symbolised by your brave late husband. They threaten his system based on corruption and lies. So, our struggle has to be even more determined. Let us fight for our democracy and freedom here in Europe, but also let us stand in solidarity with all those fighting for it in Russia and elsewhere in the world. And even in this difficult time, when we all have difficult debates back home, when there are a lot of political challenges ahead of us, colleagues we can never forget the price that so many political prisoners in Russia, in Belarus and elsewhere are paying to fight for freedom and democracy. If they have the strength to fight and pay this price, we cannot be tired. If they have the strength to go on, we have to do all we can in order to support them because in the end of the day – I am sure and I want to say this to you – in the end of the day, freedom will win, there will be a free Russia and we will fight for it side by side together with you.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President, Mr Minister! Ukraine is fighting for its and our freedom, for a democratic, for a free Europe. For the struggle of Ukraine and, of course, for our own security in the European Union, we must finally take a common security and defence policy seriously – not in any Sunday speeches, but in real action. Because only a united Europe, as everyone here knows, is a secure Europe. Unfortunately, some are just showing us how it can't be done. Instead of coordinating closely internally and leading Europeanly, Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz stand out with obvious disagreements. Macron, who with his political initiatives cannot hide the missing deeds from Paris: France is far behind in terms of military aid to Ukraine. We need much more practical help for Ukraine, including from Paris. What about Olaf Scholz? Unfortunately, Olaf Scholz is more likely to be noticed by half-baked statements on the Taurus under international law than by clear European leadership. That is not enough either, ladies and gentlemen. We are at a central point right now. Two years after Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine, we clearly need a message from Europe that we will support Ukraine so that it can win this war. That is why we need a Franco-German engine, united with a pro-European Polish government in the Weimar Triangle, which will bring the strength not only to support Ukraine, but also to finally set the right course in Europe in terms of security policy. The figures show it: Cooperation in defence policy is still the exception and not the rule in the European Union. This urgently needs to change. For years, we have not been achieving our own objectives in terms of procurement, in terms of joint procurement, but also in terms of joint research and development in the European Union. This is not only strategically unwise for Europe, but it is also a completely inefficient use of tax resources. That needs to change urgently, ladies and gentlemen, not in 15 years, but now – for our security, for Ukraine. We cannot give Putin a better gift than a divided, nationally isolated European security policy. Ladies and gentlemen, one more thing has to change: The ideological, dogmatic adherence to the black zero against every mind. Not only because we now have to invest together in security and in our freedom – because yes, the Green Deal is a very important part of defending our security and freedom, of making ourselves independent from dictators such as Vladimir Putin – but also because we must not play off these investments against much-needed investments, for example for social cohesion in our societies. A socially divided European Union is not only unjust, but a threat to our democracy. That is why we must not tire of investing in social justice. Colleagues, we have it in our hands: Will we allow ourselves to be divided in the coming years or will we engage with Putin with common European strength in order to jointly defend our values and the security of Europe? I know what I want.

Madam President, dear colleagues, it’s true, last week was a good week for Europe, but after the European Council meeting, I honestly ask myself ‘why only now?’ All of this could have already been done in December. If there is one lesson to draw from this meeting, I think it is pretty clear that Orbán alone is weaker than the 26 together. This might seem like an obvious information, but apparently it did not reach the 26 EU leaders before last week. For the future, colleagues, and also to the EU leaders, let us not run into these situations again and again and again. The 26 must find the courage to take away the possibility from Orbán to pull stunts against European interests while destroying democracy in Hungary. The case for the Article 7 procedure has been made many times now. We have no time to lose, colleagues. Let us make sure that it is used: to defend the rule of law and fundamental rights; to stand up for the values laid out in Article 2; and, especially now, to make the European Union be ready to act in a changing world full of insecurities. If we run into blackmail vetoes every single time we have to stand by a close ally or we have to act swiftly to defend European interests, it will weaken all of us. This is even more true with regards to Ukraine, to which we owe our unity and reliable support. Ukraine defends our freedom in Europe. It defends it against Russia, a brutal aggressor in the east. We cannot let them wait again like we did this time. This is why now is the moment to do what we should have done for a long time already: to go further on the Article 7 procedure. Und zuletzt: Herr Weber, in einer Sache sind wir uns einig: Wir nehmen die Sorgen der europäischen Bäuerinnen und Bauern sehr ernst. Ich war im letzten Sommer auch vor dem Europäischen Parlament und habe mit den Bauern gesprochen. Aber eine Sache ist mir wichtig: Wir Grüne, wir sagen seit Jahren, dass die europäische Agrarpolitik, wie wir sie seit Jahrzehnten führen, nicht nachhaltig ist – nicht für den Planeten und auch nicht für die Bäuerinnen und Bauern selber. Das sehen wir an den Zahlen. Deshalb lassen Sie uns jetzt keine populistischen Debatten führen, sondern lassen Sie uns gemeinsam schauen, wie wir die Probleme und die Sorgen der Bäuerinnen und Bauern in Europa gemeinsam adressieren können, während wir natürlich weiterhin dafür kämpfen, dass es Klimaschutz und Artenschutz gibt. Ich würde sagen, jetzt ist Zeit zu handeln, nicht, sich gegenseitig zu beschimpfen.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear representatives of the Council and the Commission. Sometimes in politics, it is worthwhile to take a step back and to look at the bigger picture, and sometimes I ask myself how the European Union looks to others from the outside. We stood together in difficult times during the COVID-19 pandemic. When Russia brutally invaded Ukraine, we stood at the side of Ukraine and we stood united. We should actually right now be considered a strong and meaningful actor in the world, but unfortunately we are not. We are considered too disunited and, by many, also too weak. That is mostly due to one person, one man who we let do whatever he pleases to get what he wants, who we let blackmail and ridicule the rest of the European Union – Viktor Orbán. He attacks minorities, he dismantles press freedom, he dismantles the independence of the judiciary, he weakens Europe, and he disables Europe’s ability to act now vis-à-vis Ukraine. But I can tell you, China is closely watching, obviously, the US and the rest of the world. All for his friend Vladimir Putin and his own pockets. What do the other Member States do? They sit by and let it happen. Big names, important people, presidents, chancellors, prime ministers, they are all too hesitant to do something about it, including the Council President, who has not delivered on something that this Parliament has been asking for for many years now, and that is to move ahead with an Article 7 procedure. What else will you let happen – Hungary becoming even more of an autocracy? Europe becoming weaker and weaker for its own citizens because we are not delivering on the tasks that the citizens demand for the support of Ukraine? Seriously, colleagues, time is up. Ukrainians are losing their lives. Ukrainians are fighting for our freedom too, and we have Putin’s best servant sitting at the table in the European Council, blocking our support and our credibility at this crucial stage. This is a joke, and this is a very bad joke, especially when the Member States actually have the tools to stop this, and not with difficult legal constructions for the financial help of Ukraine – I’m not against it if it is the only way – or to have a proposal for an even dirtier compromise with Orbán. No, the way would be very simply by moving ahead with the Article 7 procedure, not only to defend the rule of law and democracy in Europe, but to make Europe strong in this crucial battle between democracy and autocracy. It is time to do something and the Council has to deliver.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it is for a great builder of Europe that I am today delivering my first speech in French in this Chamber. Jacques Delors was a visionary politician and a convinced European. It has made it possible to build new steps towards a united Europe, a fairer and more democratic Europe. We live in a historic moment where the unity of Europe is under threat. Yet it is more essential than ever to meet the challenges of our time. We sometimes get the impression that in Berlin, but also in Paris or from other European capitals, there are only words about this unity. But it is in deeds, as Jacques Delors did, that we can build the Europe of tomorrow. I am sure that a strong and united Europe is today the best strategy for our security, and probably the only one that is sustainable, for the protection of our democracy, our fundamental rights or to deal with climate change. The ability to act together on these major projects is the great challenge of our time. By drawing inspiration from Jacques Delors' foresight and commitment, we can achieve this. Und lassen Sie mich noch auf Deutsch sagen: Ich bin jetzt seit zehn Jahren in diesem Parlament, und in der Europäischen Union scheint es mir immer so, dass Dinge unmöglich sind, bis sie dann irgendwann getan werden. Genauso hat Jacques Delors Politik gemacht. Genauso hat er die Europäische Union und den europäischen Integrationsprozess vorangebracht. Ich wünsche mir, dass genau das der Spirit ist, mit dem auch wir in den nächsten Monaten und nächsten Jahren in der Europäischen Union Politik machen werden. Thank you, Jacques Delors. Danke, Jacques Delors. Thank you very much. Rest in peace.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Prime Minister, dear Presidents, more than EUR 620 billion are needed for the green transition annually. Over EUR 125 billion are needed for digitalisation in Europe. Each year, EUR 384 billion are needed within the next 10 years for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Defence, education, you name it: we urgently need investment and especially after the breakthrough at the COP this morning, this is also about our global credibility. Because inaction, colleagues, will only make the future more expensive. And, dear Prime Minister, I am not going to lie, we would have hoped – and we still hope – for a more progressive negotiation on the reform of the Stability and Growth Pact in the past six months, because we both know that if we are not careful, we are sleepwalking into the next crisis, despite the fact that we should know better by now. Europe has no time to lose. Europe can under no circumstances fall back into the failed ideology of austerity. During the corona pandemic, we have seen that our critical infrastructure is far more than tracks and roads. Debt rules that are tying us down disproportionately are a barrier for prosperity, for justice. They are a barrier for our common future. And especially as a German right now, I can tell you I know what I’m talking about. This is not for the Greens and their climate investment. This is for our economic competitiveness of this continent. Functioning infrastructure is crucial to connect this continent even closer, to build a truly integrated single market. The US is massively investing. China is moving. The world is not waiting for us, colleagues. Just Europe is lagging behind because we have a number of ideological dinosaurs in our midst who do not understand that smart investment is needed right now. Colleagues, this is for our citizens. This is for future-proof, good jobs. This is for a strong industry. This is for a common European future. So we count on you in this debate. And lastly – and we all know that this is probably going to be a very noisy debate today – Prime Minister, you are very warmly welcome here because we are happy that there is a pro-European, progressive government in Spain that is going to fight with us to shape the future instead of another far-right party that wants to destroy Europe.