Speeches

Madam President, Commission President, Minister, dear colleagues, these last days our thoughts have been with the people in Iran and the Middle East. After fighting with such courage against a brutal mullah regime killing thousands, their hopes for change are now caught in a storm of war. Their protection and their security has to be at the centre of Europe's response to this crisis. Yes, guided by international law, not by a logic of further escalation. Colleagues, Europe united must mean that democratic leaders in Europe stand together. And when one of them is being attacked, especially by the likes of Trump, we all stand behind them. So I also must say, I was really shocked that the EPP prevented a clear declaration of solidarity with Pedro Sánchez. What we need now is unity across political lines, amongst democrats. Only that will make Europe strong. Colleagues, the escalation of the crisis in the Middle East is already impacting European citizens as we speak. Again, we see fossil energy markets are highly volatile and Europe is too dependent. When Trump starts another war, European consumers pay the price. Maybe the far-right cheerleaders of Donald Trump would like to explain that to European citizens; why now their gas and heating bills are going up. The European response, however, has to be clear. In the short term we have to tax windfall profits for, for example, oil companies, and we need to provide household support for those most in need. But in the long term, colleagues, we need a plan for how to get out of our fossil dependencies and maybe Commission President, you can help me on this, but I remember that we were actually on track of getting there, that we were working on this plan. And I think if I remember correctly, it was called the Green Deal. We were on course for decarbonising and making the European Union more independent, and this is the course that we need to stay on. Instead of attacking the Green Deal continuously, we have to work together to make it possible. It is time to wake up and say 'yes' to renewable freedom. This is what we need to do at this stage, and this is what Europe needs for climate, for security and for freedom.

Madam President, 'you are so ugly no one will ever love you', 'you are a parasite', 'your mother should have had an abortion instead of having you' – hate online, threats, insults are a pandemic. They are a dangerous and very often overlooked pandemic mostly targeted at women. And I, for one, have seen too many beautiful, smart, forward-looking women being victims of this pandemic, including your daughter Coco, Jackie. I will not accept the Trumps and Musks of this world that pretend that bullying and hatred is a form of freedom of speech. It is a perversion. Colleagues, it is a perversion to believe that threatening a young woman to post naked pictures of herself online against her will has anything – anything – to do with freedom of speech. It is violence. And colleagues, we have to stop it: by enforcing the Digital Services Act, by banning 'nudifier' apps and by speaking up time and again, as you have so clearly done today, Jackie – thank you so much. We are at your side. We will continue this struggle.

Madam President, dear colleagues, today we enter into the fifth year of Russia's invasion and war of aggression against Ukraine – a war that is unprovoked, unjustified and unlawful without any doubt. The bravery and endurance of the Ukrainians has inspired us all. They fought not only for their freedom, but for Europe's freedom. They have shown us time and time again why this European Union was founded: for peace, for freedom, for everyone to have the right to live in dignity. When Ukrainians stood with courage and strength against a brutal aggressor, here in Europe there is one man who has consistently shown the exact opposite. In the face of Ukrainian strength, he has made Europe weak; in the face of Ukraine's struggle for freedom, he has acted cowardly; in the face of Europe's unity, he has become Putin's cheap servant. Viktor Orbán, in the last years and also today, has not only betrayed Ukraine, he has betrayed all of us. He has betrayed Europe. Colleagues, let me be clear: the EUR 90 billion of support have to go to Ukraine. They are urgently needed in Ukraine. Yes, we need new sanctions packages against Russia. This is also urgently needed. Because, colleagues, there is only one way that we can react to this betrayal: to show an even clearer commitment to Ukrainian and European freedom. We need to deliver strong military and financial support, particularly in air and missile defence. We must ban all imports of fossil fuels into the EU to stop financing Russia's war. And we need to accelerate Ukraine's integration into the European Union. Colleagues, I know it might sometimes seem grim, but there is a brighter future ahead. We cannot give up hope, especially in a moment when the Ukrainians are standing firm. Spring is coming soon, and light will prevail.

Madam President, 'stay inside', 'keep your doors closed', 'they are coming': these are warnings that people shout to their neighbours when ICE is turning up in their street – masked men raiding houses, imprisoning children, spreading an atmosphere of fear and arbitrariness. Colleagues, no one can tell me that this is simply regular law enforcement. It has to stop and it has to be condemned by European lawmakers. I grew up with a strong belief in US democracy. After all, the reason why I could grow up in democracy and freedom was because of the brave fight also of US soldiers against German fascism here in Europe. That is why it breaks my heart even more when I see what is happening in the US right now – the country which contributed so much to our understanding of modern democracy, of what rule of law is, of what checks and balances are, of how we put limits to executive power. This is why I want to say to all our friends in the US who still believe in these American values: keep up the fight; keep resisting this authoritarian power grab that is ongoing right now. Europe is at your side. We will stand up for your rights, for our rights, for human rights, for Alex Pretti, for Renee Good, for so many others who have been killed, for democracy and the rule of law, for all of us. Keep resisting!

Madam President, our hearts go out to the people in Portugal, Italy, Spain, Malta and Greece. The devastating storms have destroyed livelihoods, roads, schools and railways. In Sicily, the ground collapsed in a landslide stretching over four kilometres. Looking at the footage again breaks my heart, but like so many other times before, I feel that our thoughts and prayers are simply not good enough anymore. We have to act. How many more tragedies does it take before we finally start taking this seriously? I'm not only talking about rapid emergency aid and the Solidarity Fund, I'm talking about actually doing something about the situation with extreme weather events getting worse and worse by the year. Where are our colleagues on the right, especially from the EPP, when it comes to changing something about this here in this Parliament, adopting legislation that is ambitious enough to stand up and having a good adaptation strategy for climate change? We must restore nature, because nature is our strongest ally when it comes to extreme weather damage. Healthy soils, healthy forests, rivers that have space to rise over their banks without doing damage. This is what we need, and this is not a theoretical debate somewhere in Brussels. This is deciding about people's lives. We need to increase funding for disaster prevention and response, and we need a climate adaptation law. Instead of shouting 'don't look up', let us look at what is happening in Europe, at this continent, and let us do something about the situation. The people in Europe deserve it.

Madam President, Madam Commission President, Mr Council President, dear colleagues, Greenland is not for sale. The Greenlanders have made that abundantly clear and Europe will defend an international rules‑based order and stand by Greenland and Denmark. Colleagues, let's be honest, this is not yet another diplomatic dispute between the White House and the European Union. Trump wants to destroy the foundation on which we built peace and cooperation, freedom and democracy over the past decades, international law and international institutions. Why does he attack Europe and the European Union head-on in this? We are democracies. We are close economic partners. We are even NATO allies of the US. It is because the EU can be a global force for democracy and rule of law if we can work together. Colleagues, we have a single market, a force of global strength. We have a social model which might need reforms but delivers universal health care, mandatory rest days and workers' representation to our citizens. Because we have a European Court of Justice that stands firm even in difficult times. Trump does not attack us because he thinks we are weak and irrelevant. He attacks us and tries to destroy the European Union because we have the potential to be strong in this world. So colleagues, let us be strong. Let us use our tools in this crucial moment by not giving in to blackmail; by using the Anti‑Coercion Instrument; by becoming world leaders in green technology; by enforcing our digital rules also against the tech oligarchs in the US; by finally introducing a proper taxation on digital services so that these tech oligarchs can pay their fair share; by building a strong and independent European defence sector. It is true: Europe can no longer afford illusion. Against chaos, we defend a world order based on rules. Against egoism, we choose cooperation based on mutual respect. And it is true. It is not only Europe, it is Canada, it is Australia, it is South Korea, it is Japan, it is countries across the world that want to work together with us. And against brutality, dear colleagues, brutality that we can see every day on the news at this time, we stand united in the defence of our values. This, colleagues, is the European way and this is the way that we have to defend right now.

Mr President, colleagues, women are dying. They are dying preventable deaths in the middle of Europe because they are being denied life-saving abortion care when they could be saved. The initiative 'My voice, my choice' can bring an end to this. And it is perfectly in line with subsidiarity and the different provisions in national law. Still, it has been subjected to an unbelievable wave of disinformation. This has to stop. Saving lives should be our common goal. Stop bringing fake arguments, stop spreading disinformation. Let us vote in favour of this life-saving initiative. Let us fight for a Europe that trusts women, a Europe of self-determination and freedom. It is about time. And to you, colleagues, I am a Catholic – a Catholic for choice. And all I want for Christmas is for this vote to pass tomorrow.

Madam President, colleagues, this continent will only be free until we are not dependent on the fossil fuels, oligarchs and autocrats anymore. The Commission in their work programme has called for a European independence moment. And the step we are taking right now is crucial. And I want to thank the rapporteurs, especially the rapporteurs, but all the people who have put so much work into this, because we are finally ending our painful, decade-long and damaging dependency on Russian gas imports. We should have done this much earlier, colleagues. We should have never started building Nord Stream 2. Period. But let me say this as well, we will not become free in Europe by simply replacing Russian gas imports by another dependency on, for example, imports from the US. Only massive investments into renewable energy and energy efficiency will make that happen. More wind, more sun, more peace, more freedom and more European sovereignty. That's what we need and that's what we should work for.

Madam President, Minister, dear colleagues, I know you cannot say this here, but I believe it has to be said: what was published last week – whether it was a plan or a concept or whatever else – was a disgrace not only in the making of it – without Europe and without Ukraine at the table – but also in the content, because what was written in this plan was a de facto capitulation plan for Ukraine. This, colleagues, would not mean more peace in Europe; it would mean a more insecure Europe and eventually more war in Europe, while at the same time Putin is bombing civilians and has so far declined every single path for peace. But I get that we cannot dwell on the past and that we have to look ahead now. So first, for me, it took too long for Europe to be there, but it is good that right now we are sitting at the table, and that we are speaking with a strong and with a united voice. And I can only support that it should be you, Madam von der Leyen and Kaja Kallas, who are speaking for Europe there. Secondly, yes, we are the strongest allies of Ukraine. That has become very clear over the past week. But we are not just sitting there for Ukraine and in solidarity with Ukraine. We are sitting there because this is about Europe's future, it's about Europe's security, so it is also the battle for our freedom and for our democracy that is being fought there. And lastly, moving ahead on the frozen assets issue will be even more important now. Putin should pay for this war, not European taxpayers. And no matter what happens, colleagues, let's make Ukraine an EU member as soon as possible. This will make them and us much more safe.

Madam President, colleagues, every third woman in Europe experiences violence at least once in her life. We have heard it before: hundreds of femicides in Europe every year. We all know the numbers. We all give empathetic speeches – and rightly so – for special occasions. But, colleagues, we have to act. We have to do something about the situation. For me, the key issue – and this Parliament has fought for it for years – is still to fully implement the Istanbul Convention. We still have Member States in the EU that have not ratified the Istanbul Convention and in all Member States we still lack a full implementation. This is absolutely key to changing the situation on the ground. We even see in some of the EU Member States, for example in Latvia, attacks on the Istanbul Convention. Let's stand together and fight for full implementation of the Istanbul Convention. Lastly, colleagues, and this goes to the far right: for you, this topic of violence against women only matters when you can use it for your racist agenda. Then you scream and you shout. But when we are actually voting in this House to better protect women from violence, you always vote against – every single time. Stop being this hypocritical. Stop being this pathetic. We can see right through you.

President Metsola, President von der Leyen, Minister, you have rightfully said it: we have now taken the first steps on a very long journey together. And I realised when you were speaking, President von der Leyen, that it was actually the first time that you presented this budget proposal here in the Plenary, per se. And I think that this is about time, because we have already had a number of discussions and after the proposal by the Commission came out in July, it was right for the European Parliament to strongly react to what was proposed there, because we have an institutional role to play. We are asserting this role, and we sent you a letter with the four groups and putting forward criticism on key issues, like, for example, the key role of the European Parliament in the governance of the European budget; the role of regions, that has already been mentioned by some of the colleagues; but also demanding more clarity on key policies, like, for example, the common agricultural policy. Now, if you ask me, what we have seen from the Commission, am I fully satisfied with what you have come up with? I can tell you: no, and probably most people here in this Chamber are not. But to me it is a first step in the right direction. And it is a first step showing that the different institutions have to engage in order to make this long budgetary process a success. For me, the key question is now how will the Council relate to this? You had the meeting on Monday, and we hope that also the Council will show commitment to the direction that we have now put the ship on course, because the European Parliament, at the end of the day, has a lot of muscle in this process. We are happy to constructively engage, but we are also ready to show our muscle again if need be.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, almost 70 years ago, tens of thousands of courageous Hungarians rose up for freedom and democracy. They wanted to break free from the bloody Soviet regime in Moscow. That uprising –with actually many hundreds killed – reminds us of how precious freedom is and how important it is for us to defend it. But autocrat Viktor Orbán has other plans. He's dragging Hungary back into dark times. He's building a hybrid regime of electoral autocracy. Orbán is, in fact, choking democracy in Hungary. And now this: multiple European media outlets report an alleged spying network within Hungary's EU representation in Brussels. The aim: to get sensitive information. It sounds indeed like a Cold War novel. We urgently need to clarify whether these reports are true. Were Parliament and the Council also targeted? Was data maybe even passed on, for example, to other autocrats, like those in Moscow or Beijing? And what role did Commissioner Várhelyi play? Is it possible that this close ally of Orbán did not know about all this in his own unit, under his own watch? And how did the Commission services react? Did they realise the seriousness of the situation and protect their officials, or did they choose to avoid a conflict with a Member State? Colleagues, we need clarity on this. We need to have a full inquiry committee also here in this House, and we need it now. Because if spying did take place and sensitive data was leaked, this poses a severe security risk for us in the European Union. Then the Commission and Member States must decisively act not only within the Commission, but also in the Council, and immediately suspend Hungary's voting rights. Enough is enough, colleagues. It is time for Europe to stand up to this autocratic bully.

Madam President, dear Commission President, dear Minister, dear colleagues, the European Union is built on solidarity, so first and foremost, I want to say that we stand with all the people who are at the moment feeling the Russian threat the most. These are the people living in the frontline states, in the Baltics, in Poland and Finland. It has to be clear – when one of us gets attacked, we all get attacked, and we will be at your side in these difficult times. For that, we need European strength right now, because Putin will not succeed in weakening Europe by spreading fear. That's exactly the aim of all the things that are happening right now. This will only forge a stronger solidarity between European citizens. We will resist this threat together. This means that rightfully, at the eastern flank, we need a drone defence network, and across all of the European Union, we need better protection against drones, whether it's at our airports, power plants or other critical infrastructure. This means we finally have to phase out dirty Russian energy imports. In August 2025 alone, EU Member States still spent over EUR 1 billion on Russian fossil fuels. Colleagues, this has to stop – they are using this money to wage war against Ukraine and threaten the rest of the European Union. This means it is not European citizens that should pay for Putin's war, but Putin himself. It is high time that we make full use of the frozen Russian assets – make Putin pay for the damage he has done in Ukraine and all of Europe. Finally, colleagues, Ukraine belongs in the European Union. In the past years, it has become more than crystal clear that there is actually no place in Europe where people long for our vision of freedom and democracy more than in Ukraine. So let's make it happen as soon as possible. I want Ukrainian colleagues to sit here in this chamber and to discuss and fight with us for a stronger Europe together.

Madam President, dear Commission President, dear Commissioners, dear colleagues, it is true, many European citizens feel a lack of leadership coming from this Commission. After a mandate where we were really fighting for the climate, where we were moving forward the social agenda with the Minimum Wage Directive, where there was the first ever LGBTIQ equality strategy, we are now confronted with unclarity regarding where you are actually leading us. The simplification agenda, for example, has become an entry point for headless deregulation, not only endangering our climate goals, but also making it impossible for our companies to plan ahead. They rightfully ask themselves: will the Commission stand by the commitments made or will they throw them under the omnibus? This is toxic for our businesses and it creates distrust in our decision‑making processes. Urgency procedures and delays of implementation have become widespread and poisoning. The latest example is yet another postponement of the implementation of the deforestation legislation. This has to stop. On the US, dear Madam President, many people felt humiliated over the summer because instead of clearly standing up to the bully in the White House and his tech bros, we have rewarded his erratic attacks on international law. Also, and this has been said before, your late reaction to the atrocities committed in Gaza have created anger and distrust all across the European Union. Colleagues, all of this criticism demands clear words and a change in the way we do politics here. For this, we need to see action in the Commission work programme, on climate, on social. We have a housing crisis raging all over Europe. The deterioration of rule of law and fundamental rights. And yes, also stronger action, as has recently been started, on the devastating war in Gaza. We will hold this Commission to account to deliver on your promises. At the same time, colleagues, we cannot discuss any motion of censure without looking at the geopolitical situation that we are in: brutal attacks in Ukraine, the far right gaining ground and the dismantling of democracy in the United States. Do we really, in this crucial moment, want an institutional crisis of the European Union? What exactly would it solve for us, for Europeans, not to have a Commission right now? To go through a long process of reappointing Commissioners with exactly the same majorities here in this House and even worse majorities in the Council? Would the Member States magically, suddenly change their political affiliation and move us into a better direction? No, that is wishful thinking and what we need right now is a clear political strategy because we have to change course, yes, but we have to pick our instruments wisely. You can never take the Greens for granted. We demand to move forward on our issues, but we are ready to engage, to solve all of these problems that are ahead of us. In the end, Madam Commission President, the European Union is not weakened by yet another motion of censure – even if some people find it ridiculous – that will very likely be unsuccessful. Our biggest problem right now is that your own political group is very often not clear on which side of this Parliament they stand on. Do they want to work with a pro‑European majority of the centre or do they want to go with the far right that hates Europe and liberal democracy? That is the question where we need clarity to move forward on our issues.

Mr President, dear colleagues, wildfires in Europe have reached a new terrible record this summer. More than one million hectares went up in flames in the European Union this year. One million hectares. Our thoughts are, of course, first and foremost with the people in Portugal, in Spain, in France, in Greece, Bulgaria and actually so many other countries across Europe, and a very special thanks goes out to all the firefighters who have risked their lives across Europe to help their neighbours, also from my home region in North Rhine-Westphalia. That is real European solidarity in action, and we must further step up exactly this solidarity in the future. But we must also finally tackle the problem at its root. Last year, at this time, people's homes were drowning in massive floods. Now, they are burning in flames. Climate change is here. To mitigate its destructive consequences, we finally need an ambitious climate adaptation law. And what doesn't help in this crisis is an EPP that is trying to kill the forest-monitoring law while forests are burning all across Europe – because nature is a powerful ally in the fight against these wildfires. We need to protect and restore it. Wetlands, healthy forests and soils will help us to reduce the risks in the future. And yes, colleagues, let's also talk about money, because we all know that disaster prevention costs much less than dealing with the consequences, and prevention means nature-based solutions and nature restoration. But dear Commissioner, how is this reflected in the next European budget without a LIFE programme, for example? We need a dedicated and meaningful budget for this. And finally, and most importantly, after 2024, the summer of 2025 was again the hottest summer ever recorded. The time for inaction is over. What we don't need is an EPP gambling away our future. What we don't need is Paris killing the Paris Agreement. We need to cut emissions, colleagues. We need a strong EU climate law. Let's act now.

Dear colleagues, last week, 300 000 people took to the streets in Budapest for Budapest Pride – amongst them, 70 MEPs of this House. The message, colleagues, was clear: a peaceful Pride march is not illegal, but banning it is. It was a beautiful display of the power of love, of freedom, of democracy and rule of law. And colleagues, there is one man who was essential to making this possible: the Mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karácsony. He's here with us today in the tribune. I want him to take this message back to Budapest. The European Parliament stands at the side of all people in Hungary who are fighting for democracy and freedom. Thanks for coming, Gergely. (Sustained applause)

Madam President, Madam Minister, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU budget should actually start from the consideration of what the people in Europe currently need and what their concerns are. Starting, for example, with the dire situation of last week's immense heat wave. For our survival on this planet, for our well-being, for our economy, we have to act faster. That is why we have to make sure that at least half of our budget is spent on green objectives in the next funding period. Not only should we spend money on the right objectives, we should actually stop spending money on the wrong ones. No money for fossil fuels, for example, or environmentally harmful subsidies. Pollution in the European Union should not be encouraged, but instead we should also fight with our budget for fertile soils, clean air and drinkable water. Regarding the cost-of-living crisis, let's take citizens' concerns seriously. We see it across the European Union, in every single Member State. Housing is a key concern for our citizens, so let us introduce a dedicated housing fund to meet these concerns of our citizens. What we also see across the globe, including in the European Union, is that NGOs are under heavy attack, not least here in this House by the far right, together with the EPP. That is why, for us, it will be key that this budget defends the strong role of civil society for our decision-making, for our democratic standards. We need a strong voice from NGOs, and we will defend that. Finally, who should pay for all of this? Those who do not pay their fair share yet – the big tech bros in the US, the best friends of Donald Trump. We should, in our own resources, introduce a tax for digital services so that we can pay for the needs of this budget. We need the EU to step up her game. We also know, Mr Commissioner, that we can only have a majority for this budget in the centre of this House. So let us work together and let us make....

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, the ban of this year's Budapest Pride is completely outrageous. And let me be clear: I will not accept living in a Europe where peaceful Prides can simply be banned and nobody speaks about it. The right to freely assemble is a cornerstone of all of our democracies. Attacking it means attacking human dignity. And the Commission must act now, and also the Member States – because I'm tired of watching EU ministers basically hiding behind the Commission instead of speaking up and acting by themselves on what is happening in Hungary. This Parliament, for one, will not stand and watch while queer people are being threatened and slandered. Viktor Orbán, you can ban also all sorts of things, but you cannot ban the existence of people. You cannot ban freedom and you cannot ban love. So let us send a strong message of solidarity to queer people in Hungary and all across Europe, and support Budapest Pride on 28 June.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Schengen is a promise – a Europe without walls, neither on the streets nor in the minds. Forty years ago, we decided together: All Europeans should be able to move freely. My generation and the people who are even younger, honestly, can't remember another time at all. There was always a Europe without borders, a Europe of freedom, and Schengen was a promise we could rely on. I would like to say this in the past, because it is precisely today that there is one or the other government – and I would like to mention in particular the German Federal Government under Chancellor Merz – which must be reminded of this: Anyone who reintroduces border controls, who invents emergencies and ignores court rulings, who damages Schengen and thereby damages European integration, who harasses people on their way to work, complicates trade and deliberately strains relations with our neighbouring countries, and who breaks this European promise at the end. As someone who grew up without borders in Europe, I say: Stop it! We do not want to go back, not to the small state of barriers and not to the past of barbed wire. If we are celebrating 40 years of Schengen today, we should be serious about that – and not just by making big speeches, while right next door here on the border with Kehl, border jams are paralyzing entire regions. The Schengen Agreement is our reality and our future. Let us celebrate that we grew together 40 years ago, and today promise that this Europe will remain a Europe of freedom!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the situation of democracy in Hungary is unbearable. And this is actually not news, because already in 2018, the European Parliament triggered the Article 7 procedure to protect the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in Hungary. Almost seven years have passed since then and things have continuously gotten worse in this period of time – and they are still getting worse as we speak. Hungary recently banned Pride marches in an attempt to make queer people disappear. Well, here's to you, Viktor Orbán! We exist: we exist all over Europe and we also exist in Hungary. And we will not go away! Now there is the Hungarian draft bill on foreign funding, if adopted, that will take control and, in effect, suspend the work of independent NGOs and media. And, actually, I think what this shows is that, ahead of the election, Orbán is already trying to transform Hungary into more and more of a Russian-style autocracy. And the reason for that is that he's scared. Colleagues, we cannot let this happen. We call on the European Commission, as the guardian of the treaties, to act and to do more, to accelerate the already existing infringement procedures, to finally apply interim measures against the Hungarian Government, and to close any loophole that could be used by Hungary to re-channel frozen funding without having implemented reforms. The time to act is now – in fact, it is long overdue. We have to stop Orbán and his friends from silencing Hungarian voices, from discriminating against Hungarians, from stealing money from Hungarian citizens. We stand with the Hungarian people and Hungarian democracy, and that is why we stand up against Viktor Orbán, also on 28 June at Budapest Pride.

Mr President, Commission President, Minister, dear colleagues, tomorrow on 8 May, we will celebrate the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, a day that gave the European continent the precious gift of peace. A peace that meant freedom and democracy for parts of Europe, and the freedom and democracy that eventually spread all over our continent with peaceful revolutions in the south and east of Europe over the following decades. It is exactly this peace and this freedom and democracy that Putin feels threatened by. So, to defend our peace, we have to defend freedom and democracy. A freedom that people died for, a democracy that was fought for, and a freedom that people still today are dying for, a democracy that cannot silently be exchanged for oppression. And this fight is currently happening in Ukraine. And that is why we must make Ukraine strong now. Any hesitation encourages Putin, any delay weakens Ukraine. And that, of course, means continued military support, but also the political support to moving ahead on the accession process to the European Union. And to make one thing absolutely clear, while we are standing by Ukraine's side and we are finally phasing out – long overdue, by the way – Russian fossil fuels for good, far right Members of this House have just signed an agreement with Putin's party – the party of a dictator, of an autocrat, of an aggressor – at this crucial moment for Ukraine's future. And I ask myself, 'honestly, what else has to happen so that all parts also of the EPP family will understand that these people on the far right of this House are dangerous?' The far right is not a political force that you can collaborate with when it pleases you. These people are a threat to our democracy, our peace and our freedom. They are a threat to all Ukrainians who want to live in freedom. They want Putin to win this war. And we, as democrats, in this House have to resist this. Eighty years after the end of World War II, it is time for Europe to rise above itself once again, to defend freedom in Ukraine and against the people sitting on the far right of this House.

Madam President, Commission President, Council President, dear colleagues, what a world we are living in. I was born two years before the fall of the Berlin Wall, and I must admit to you that when I grew up – and you can call me naive – I somehow thought that democracies in this world would become more numerous just with time, and that there would be a basic understanding between these democracies that we would cooperate with each other on fair terms, with the sincere agreement that we are stronger together, that we work together and that we base our conflicts on facts and try to find compromise between each other, not only to better the lives of the citizens living in our respective countries, but to better the lives of everyone living on this continent. Now, after the brutal invasion of Russia in Ukraine, the US President, let's be honest, has not only turned his back against the bravely fighting Ukrainians, but against Europe as a whole. And I take note of the fact that the loud cheering of the far right that we heard when Trump was elected has significantly calmed down over the past weeks, because it has become far too obvious what Donald Trump in the White House means for European citizens. He's not only attacking our – and actually his own – economy by imposing unfair tariffs, but he's attacking our democracies by attacking our sovereignty and decisions that have sovereignly been taken also here in this House. Now, the incoherence of the far-right colleagues, that is no surprise to me. What I found more surprising were the latest turns by the German EPP, where suddenly prominent voices from the CDU are discussing moving back to Russian gas or even resurrecting Nord Stream 2. Colleagues, what a grave mistake that would be. In a world where we have Donald Trump on the one side and Vladimir Putin on the other side, we have only one way to survive as Europeans, and that is to stand strong together. Now you can tell me, colleagues, but this is very hard in a situation when we have one Member State that is not following our commonly agreed rules, when we have Hungary constantly trying to undermine the strength of the European Union. But the solution to this is obvious. Over the past years, we have gathered evidence and proof that Hungary is not a functioning democracy anymore, that rule of law has been undermined. And so, the Article 7 procedure is long, long overdue. What else needs to happen? Viktor Orbán is attacking the very foundation of his own democracy and of our Union. Let's finalise the Article 7 procedure, take away voting and veto rights from Orbán to protect Hungarian citizens, to protect Hungarian democracy, but also to fight for a strong and sovereign European Union.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Prime Minister Tusk, welcome to the European Parliament. I think a lot of us are quite happy about this change in Council Presidency, especially because we live in times where Europe has to act. The new US President has started the year 2025 with a series of threats against our common European interests. In the east of Europe, Putin is still waging an illegal war of his great power fantasies, only held back by the outstanding courage of the Ukrainian people. And the signs of hope – we know this, colleagues – in the Middle East are still extremely fragile. So Europe united has to be our answer to the challenges of our time – a united European Union as a harbour of security and strength for the people in Europe. And after the disastrous Hungarian Presidency, Prime Minister Tusk, now a great responsibility lies on Poland, because we need to see action. You have made security the key issue of your Presidency, and I can only tell you 'well done'. We also think this should be a priority. But when we, for example, talk about defence – you have spoken about it – actually you don't really need to convince this House because the European Parliament has been at the forefront of fighting for a defence union in the past. You actually have to go to the capitals and tell them not only to use European defence in their Sunday speeches, but to actually put action into their words and to move forward on this, because we have heard enough words. We need to see action on this. But, Mr Tusk, I also have to tell you that security also goes hand-in-hand with environmental security. Because what security is there if floods are endangering our people and are destroying our homes, droughts are killing our crops, and masses of water and wildfires ruin entire infrastructures or economies of the whole region? Protecting the climate is ultimately about protecting humans. Investing in the ecological transition on the European continent is making us more independent, protecting our energy security from the threatening powers of dictators and autocrats. Fossils mean dependency; renewables mean freedom. We have to see this also in the Polish Presidency. Lastly, Prime Minister Tusk, it's been a while, but I think you know, not only in the streets of Poland, people were celebrating when you won the election. All across Europe, there was a sense of hope and relief that Poland, as a strong partner, is back at the European table – a strong Poland that will defend the rule of law, our democratic values and uphold human rights. You won because people wanted change. You won because people put hope in you who had been stripped of their rights, who were silenced and who were denied freedom. These people count on you, and they count on us right now. You also managed by unifying the political forces of the centre, including the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Greens. And for me, this leads the way in Europe. But honestly, Mr Tusk, here in this House, the only majority that can secure a strong and ready-to-act Europe – the majority of the centre – is in danger. Also by dangerous games of your own political party who have been voting with the far-right in not only one occasion in this House. So you have a responsibility here, Mr Tusk. We want to see a strong Polish Presidency, but also remind your own political group of how important it is – in this crucial moment – that we do sensible politics in the centre in Europe right now.

Madam President, Commission President, dear colleagues, in these times of tectonic geopolitical changes, this European Council must send a clear signal. The European Union is a reliable and a strong partner for all those people in the world that are longing for democracy, for peace and for freedom. It is an honour that President Zourabichvili addressed the House this morning at such a crucial moment for Georgia, and I expect also this clear signal of solidarity from the European Council. We stand by the side of all Georgians who are fighting for freedom, for democracy and for a European future. Because Georgia's future lies within the European Union, and we strongly condemn the recent attacks on democracy, election violations and repression against peaceful protesters and independent media. And the President said it here: it is very often EU flags that are in the streets when people are protesting for their European future and for democracy. So it is on us not to let these protesters down. And this is why the EU must introduce targeted sanctions against leading political figures that were responsible for the repression. Georgia needs new elections with international election observations, and we call on the EU to introduce a special envoy for Georgian European relations. And at the same time, we will not forget the people of Moldova, who also seek peace and freedom within the European Union and who are facing a difficult winter ahead of them. The European Council should also reassure the Syrian people. The EU will help to turn your hope for a free and safe Syria for all into reality. A peaceful transfer of power is now most urgent, and we must provide acute humanitarian aid for Syrians because the difficult times are not over yet. We have to hold mass murderer Assad and his torture masters accountable for their crimes against their own people. Syria is a real defeat for Russia by abandoning his protégé Assad, Putin demonstrated his own weakness before the eyes of the world. His great power ambitions have failed in Syria. And trust me, colleagues, these great power ambitions will also fail in Ukraine. We also see that, with the new US President coming in, the challenges also to the west of Europe are not becoming smaller. We want the European Council, especially against the backdrop of what is happening in January in the US, to deliver on our promise towards Ukraine. We stand with Ukraine as long as it takes until Russia's invasion fails, until peace on Ukraine's terms becomes reality. Whether we look westwards to the US, to the Middle East or to Eastern Europe, the only certainty right now is uncertainty. And the European Union can and has to be an anchor of stability, of democracy, of human rights, and of the hope of all those people who want to live in a peaceful world. Let us be with this Parliament, the beacon of hope for those who are longing for democracy, peace and freedom.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission! I think it's clear to all of us, and if we take a step back, we'll see even more: We are facing huge geopolitical challenges. A demagogue and anti-European has just been re-elected to the White House. Ukraine is currently witnessing the bloodiest clashes since the beginning of this war, and we are seeing more and more how brutally climate change is already hitting us – not in the future, but today. As great as these tasks are, so great is our responsibility. We need a European Union that can act right now, and that includes a European Parliament that can act. But, frankly, in recent weeks, the European Parliament has dwarfed itself with an unworthy process of hearings that was not about qualifications, but about power poker – with a brutal end last week that also saw the far-right candidates win through committees – unfortunately also with votes from the Conservatives, the Social Democrats and the Liberals. We Greens voted against it, with full conviction, because we are sure that a European Union can only work with pro-European common majorities in the middle. This central opportunity to build precisely these majorities has been missed. Because united with pro-European majorities, we could have agreed on a strategy that would have strengthened the European Parliament and ensured clear majority decisions in the future. To be honest, the EPP is unfortunately showing more and more openly that it wants to keep its cooperation with the far right open, to the danger for the entire European project. But we Greens say very clearly: Precisely because we care so much about this European project, we have negotiated until the last moment. We have not done this out of vanity, we have not done this because we want to make it easy for ourselves, we have done this because we want to support the European Union. In the overall balance, we have received commitments from the President on the Green Deal, on the rule of law and also on pro-European majorities. I can tell you that the debates in our group were not easy. This decision is extremely difficult for us, and not all Green MEPs have come to the same conclusion. I have great respect for the different decisions of my colleagues. In the end, a narrow majority of our group will vote in favour of this Commission. We will always be both critical and constructive in this Parliament. We want to build pro-European majorities against right-wing extremists, because this is the only way we can protect this European project.