Speeches

Mr President, Executive Vice-President, Rapporteur, dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, in the past, whoever ruled the waves ruled the world. In the future, I believe whoever rules artificial intelligence will dominate the world. And this is where I believe Europe’s challenge lies. Just as we seek to use AI for the betterment of society, we see autocracies seeking ways to weaponise it. They do so by trying to create a digital dystopia. What we notice is that when it comes to the spread of disinformation, mass hacks, the dark web, cyberattacks and autonomous weapons systems, all these phenomena can be aided by artificial intelligence. If the West loses the race to gain the social, economic and security benefits of AI, there will be a fundamental shift in global order, and this is why I believe this report seeks to shape AI in our democratic image. And it is precisely to build trust, to create an ethical framework for innovation; we have to try and be the champions for a future that ensures AI is the vessel for those ground—breaking innovations when it comes to health outcomes, when it comes to effective cybersecurity or scientific discovery or greater sustainability. We cannot let authoritarian states such as China and Russia beat us to this technological punch. And I believe if we have enough political will, which I hope we show in this report, enough financial investment and legal certainty, I believe we could attract the so much needed investment, but also be able to foster world—leading innovation. So I would like to congratulate my colleague Axel Voss on this report, because I believe technology and democracy have to go hand in hand. And I think with this report, we set the right path in achieving that.

Madam President, today, more than ever, the world needs multilateralism, and so does innovation and research. Many of our challenges know no borders: the pandemic, war or climate change. And in the same way of thought, no man or lab is an island. This is why working together is more important than ever in order to achieve great things and at greater speed. This is why protectionism and nationalism must not shut the door for collaboration. It is reciprocity and a mutually beneficial outcome that have to underpin our international cooperation. And it is programmes like Horizon Europe that are an excellent example of world-leading programmes. It is our doorway, in a way, to likeminded partners around the world, and I would like to join colleagues like Martina Dlabajová and others who called for such corporations. I think that now, together with the European Commission, we must ensure that the Chips Act and the AI Act are further opportunities to pursue European excellence in this area. Thank you for your leadership, Madam Commissioner.

Madam President, it is very often said, and we often hear people saying, that data is the new oil. But, in a way, this comparison is not very accurate. We all generate data. Data can be shared, it can be used, it can be reused, and it can create value and different types of values. This is why I think that the DGA will help ensure that all areas of society benefit from this data. And, of course, we need trust and fairness that underpin the exchange, but also the flow of data. I think this Act will enable the reuse, most importantly, of public sector data, that will help us tackle some of the biggest challenges before us, be it environmental, be it health or in the energy sector. But this Act will only work if, as a European Union, we manage to build a coherent digital strategy, one where AI data, crypto, semiconductors and many other features work together to improve global competitiveness, both for businesses but also for society.

Madam President, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is part of a wider campaign to undermine our democracies. Disinformation and foreign interference isn’t a new phenomenon, but Russia has digitised it, and it has combined it with other hybrid tactics. It’s a playbook that has been borrowed and has been used before – be it by China, by Venezuela or by Trump. Sometimes it feels that people may want to accept convenient lies. But we have to make sure that we can lead them to the sometimes uncomfortable truth. This is why, more than ever, we need to increase our media literacy and critical thinking. Also, platforms can and should do more. I wonder why there are some Russian state accounts that are still active on several platforms. This, for me, is hard to justify. Tackling disinformation without suppressing free speech is a major task for Europe. This is why we need a special disinformation war room, for which I have already called – and if we ever wanted to try this, now is the time to do it.

Mr President, I would like to be clear, I think that only together will the EU and the US influence global rules in the decades to come. I think that we currently see that our combined share of economic output is shrinking. Our democratic allies are fewer and fewer. And even after the election of President Biden, both of us engage in avoidable mistakes. I think we need each other, and this is why the Trade and Technology Council is too important to fail. Now it is up to us to use windows of opportunities. And I think one such window, as Executive Vice-President Vestager mentioned, is now open on artificial intelligence. Many experts agree that on AI, guidelines and the public also demand more oversight. So let’s make AI and other digital matters our early successes, hopefully opening the door for other topics with more complicated pasts. We, in the European Parliament, are ready to engage with Congress and citizens to make these issues a success.

Madam President, ‘What is not defined cannot be measured. What is not measured cannot be improved.’ This quote by a renowned mathematician should be kept in mind by everyone who wants to work on the European twin transition. If we want to improve our wind turbines or energy efficiency, we need precise measurements of their performance. If we want Europe to be ahead of the curve in green and digital policies in 10 years’ time, we must measure and improve our R&D and knowledge industry today. This is why the partnership on metrology is an enabling step to do exactly that: to improve Europe’s competitiveness and capacity to innovate. We want to ensure that qualified specialists in universities, research centres and the private sector are all involved. I’m very glad that the EPP Group has managed to steer the negotiations towards such a successful end. That is why I would like to thank the rapporteur for her work.

Commissioner, while we are having this debate, every business in Bulgaria pays EUR 170 per megawatt hour of electricity. Unlike other governments in Europe, the Bulgarian government is doing little to cushion the blow to businesses and citizens. The fact that the price per megawatt hour is three times higher than usual and that many governments, like the one in Bulgaria, do not react is not only a national problem, however. The first voices against the green transition and against the idea of a European energy market are already being heard. The fact that governments like this in Bulgaria do nothing will also affect the opinion of many Europeans about the European Union. However, the European Commission, which holds record high emissions prices in Europe, is not doing enough. We need, right now, an unmistakable response from the European Union. In addition to reacting now, we must ensure that this does not happen again. We need an energy stress test system in Europe that measures how the economy will react to different set prices for gas, oil and electricity. On this basis, we need to create a clear toolbox for action, as well as requirements for national energy and climate plans. We should also launch an annual assessment of the European Union's energy security, similar to the credit rating of the banking system. I hope we are all aware of how great the risk is for Europe at the moment.

Madam President, I would like to thank you for your speech. I think that at the moment Europe needs vision, but it also needs security and stability until it can emerge from the various crises it is in. Crises, as you said, have always been our strongest allies, because they make us evolve, they also give us the painful signal of where we are wrong and what we need to change. This is how I think we have created many of our institutions that today make our Union stronger. But I wonder if Europe has learned the lesson from the 2015 refugee crisis? Have we forgotten what it did to our Union? Have we forgotten the fears she instilled in our societies? Have we forgotten that this was the crisis that gave the engine fuel to the extreme populists? As if after the reduced pressure on our borders we forgot all this. After what happened in Afghanistan, our unlearned lessons could prove a huge failure for Europe. At our threshold this time are people who are even more alien to our culture, but have an even greater need for protection. So I wonder what we've changed so that we can better assess which we can accept and which we can't. Our borders could soon be at great risk. But what have we changed about their security? Have we made Frontex a real border guard? I think that countries like Bulgaria, Greece, Malta will again have to take over the main flow of asylum seekers. Have we therefore changed the Dublin Regulation in order to share the burden equally? Do we want to turn countries like Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus back into Europe's open wounds? Do we have a plan? I think that Europe would certainly look frivolous if it did not learn from its own experience, and I hope that we can all work together in the different institutions in this direction.