Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, today it is my great honour to present my second report on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, including disinformation. I often hear that democracy around the world is in retreat. I would say that is an incorrect statement. Democracy is not simply in retreat; democracy is under attack. In today’s intervention, I would like to especially focus on two overarching aims of the report. First, link our work in the ING2 Committee with following up the implementation of the recommendations of the first report, which was approved last year. Second, we must examine the issues under the mandate of our committee vis-a-vis Russia’s ongoing brutal war against Ukraine and to build on the lessons learned. Our assessment shows that we have significantly increased our situational awareness, and several necessary steps have been launched and progress has been attained (Digital Services Act, Democracy Defence package is on the way, growing expertise acquired). However, in view of the upcoming EU elections in 2024, we still should urge for stronger measures and more coordination to protect our European democracy. Allow me to outline some of the priorities from our report, which would make a significant difference in making our Union more resilient. First of all, we need to move beyond a reactive approach centred on fact-checking, debunking, etc., and instead focus on resilience-building and ‘vaccination’ of our societies against disinformation. Therefore, we need to establish a dedicated EU programme to invest in our democracy in a sustainable way. It will not give a solution tomorrow and it will be expensive, but it is certainly a worthwhile long-term investment. Another important conclusion of our report is that in tackling disinformation, the EU is still suffering from a fragmented approach, without a clear coordination mechanism and goals. We simply cannot afford splintering our resources when our democracy is at stake. Third, we should also greatly raise the costs for perpetrators. Therefore, I reiterate that the toolbox of the EU countermeasures should include a specific sanctions regime on foreign information manipulation and interference. Russia’s imperial war of aggression against Ukraine has clearly exposed the interconnection between hostile information warfare, weaponisation of energy, attacks on critical infrastructure, and threats to the EU, to our immediate neighbourhood, as well as to global security and stability. Europe now understands that the Cold War logic of buffer states is over. Today, grey zones in European security only create instability, risk and opportunities for hostile interference. The EU must invest in closing these grey zones and supporting the resilience and integration of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia into our European family and NATO. To strengthen our resilience, we must learn both from our partners like Ukraine, in building resilience and tackling disinformation, but also from our own misjudgement allowing to fall into the trap of energy dependency and elite capture in the past. When I recall the state of affairs even three years ago, I am glad to say that, today, Europe is far less naive about Russia, China, and other adversaries. A few words about structural priorities and the new challenges we are facing. For years, we have been following a country-agnostic approach that treats all foreign influence efforts in the same way, regardless of their source country and thus the aim, scale and the impact. We should not be afraid to call out those seeking intentionally and in a coordinated way to manipulate our democracy. Therefore, we are suggesting moving towards a risk-based approach based on objective criteria. A similar approach already has been used in the EU legislation in money laundering and terrorist financing. An immense challenge is presented by the rapid development of artificial intelligence tools. If so far we still are able to identify what is fake, artificial intelligence will make creating disinformation at scale much easier and cheaper, and much more difficult to recognise. We await the artificial intelligence act with great expectation. Another challenge is the speed of decision-making process. We must face the fact that today’s legislation concerning consequences of the digital revolution already addresses the problems of yesterday. This is not only the EU challenge. It is a global problem to be addressed together with like—minded partners. Moreover, I am convinced that this House in the next legislation will need a dedicated, cross-sectoral committee dealing with foreign interference and information manipulation issues, including new technological challenges. In conclusion, I would like to thank my shadow rapporteurs for the excellent cooperation through this entire process, and also the secretariat and our political advisors. Working on the challenges of the INGE1 and INGE2 Committees has certainly been one of the most important missions throughout my time as a Member of the European Parliament. I truly hope that all of you can support the report.

Madam President, I appreciate highly the atmosphere we had working on this ING2 Committee second report and the dialogue which we had among shadow rapporteurs and rapporteur. However, committee voted on this report with very convincing vote: 27 in favour, 1 against, 1 abstention. And I oppose postponement of the vote for the plenary session in June because there is no lack of clarity. There was a clear majority. And there was also a deadline for tabling amendments. To those political groups or individual Members who missed it, I say this is not a reason to proceed in this way.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the ICC warrant for Putin confirms what we have known for a while: Putin’s terrorist regime uses barbaric methods of war similar to what Ukraine and the Baltic States endured during the Soviet occupation. The arrest warrant, just like Russia’s war crimes, has no statute of limitations. Putin will now wear this badge for the rest of his life. Putin also will have to answer for the atrocities ordered against Ukrainian children by Russian and Wagner commanders giving clear orders to shoot and kill children. The world has now received a signal, loud and clear, that the Russian regime is criminal, toxic. The ICC warrant once and for all strips the credibility of any remaining efforts to normalise relations with Putin and to go back to business as usual. As for the future of deported Ukrainian children, the path towards their liberation and return begins with a Ukrainian military victory. We must give Ukraine everything it needs to win the war.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the highly disturbing events in Georgia must not be viewed in isolation. Just as Russia wages a war of aggression against Ukraine and tries to destabilise Moldova, the Kremlin is desperate to retain Georgia and its sphere of influence. I applaud the courage shown by the protesters in Georgia. Europe sees your bravery and will not turn its back on you. Your courage has stopped the passage of the Kremlin-inspired foreign agents act. However, we should not be naive. The fight does not end here. These events are an important reminder that we will never have lasting peace and security in Europe as long as these grey zones remain. The place of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia is firmly in the European Union. The Georgian people must continue pressing for critical reforms that will bring Georgia towards EU candidate status. Only the Georgian people can hold its leadership accountable. Only the Georgian people can challenge the might of the oligarchs. In conclusion, as an MEP from Latvia, I remember how difficult the accession process is. Allow me to remind you. Windows of opportunity can only arrive once or twice in a generation and do not stay open for long. I appeal to the Georgian people not to waste your window of opportunity.

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, In 2020, after losing his election, Lukashenko held power with violence and repression. The repression continues, and more than a thousand five hundred political prisoners are already smiling in prisons. However, since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Lukashenka’s regime also poses a threat to its neighbours and to European security, as the Russian occupying army uses Belarusian territory and infrastructure. Missiles launched from Belarus undermine Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure, kill civilians, and systematically transmit anti-Ukrainian propaganda from the Kremlin. The European Parliament has recognised Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism. By supporting the Russian aggression, Belarus is actually also sponsoring terrorism. As we work to hold Putin and his henchmen accountable legally, politically, financially and morally for the atrocities it has committed, Lukashenko must be right up there with them. All financial and economic sanctions targeting Russia must also target Belarus. The political and military isolation of Russia must also extend to Belarus. All investigations and cases against Russia in international courts and tribunals must also address the role of Belarus. We cannot allow any loopholes, any grey zone, because there is no daylight between Putin and Lukashenko. Zhyve Belarus! Glory of Ukraine!

Madam President, Commissioner, Aggression against a country is the most terrible crime, so Russian leaders must be held accountable for the act of aggression and the resulting atrocities, acts of terrorism, killed civilians, millions of refugees, devastated cities, ecological disaster and looted cultural values. The Russian aggression is an attempt by totalitarian power to destroy democracy and threaten peace and stability in Europe and the world. I have no doubt that the Special Tribunal will be and will hold Putin and his generals to account, as will Lukashenka, for the transfer of Belarusian territory for the purpose of aggression. The establishment of such a tribunal will warn the leaders of other non-democratic countries that impunity for the act of aggression, which has existed almost without exception since the end of the Second World War, has come to an end. But while Russia continues its atrocities, we need to rush to deliver modern air defence equipment to Ukraine in order to speed up the war and win justice.

Dear Chair, Colleagues, Russia's invasion of Ukraine is not just a clash of military forces. It is also an information war. Recently, a disinformation laboratory published a study on the Kremlin’s network of influence operations, which since May has been spreading pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian information in Germany, France, Italy, Ukraine, Latvia and the United Kingdom. A recent report by the State Department reveals that since 2014 the Kremlin has invested $300 million in the financing of political parties and politicians in more than 20 countries. Moscow is devoting increasing resources to undermining the democratic systems of European countries and influencing national policies, supporting candidates in elections and gaining influence within political parties. Both of these reports confirm Russia's massive information warfare against us. The economic and political influence of Putin’s allies in Europe poisons our democracy, divides society and distances victory in the war. Colleagues, we need to establish a strong European Union body to counter hybrid threats, as well as to strengthen the capacity of our institutions and extend their powers to identify and prosecute Putin's allies at home. The European Union’s digital ecosystem needs to be improved by including sanctions against authors and performers of malicious disinformation operations. This is what I expect from the promised European Pact for the Defence of Democracy.

Mr. President, Commissioner, colleagues! Putin threatens with a nuclear strike. NATO warns Putin of catastrophic consequences. Ukraine is preparing for a nuclear strike. These news headlines reflect an escalation from the Kremlin. Putin wants to intimidate those who support Ukraine in its fair fight. This must not happen. Nobody in Europe can give in to the illusion that Putin can be talked to, and he – oh miracle – will restore the flow of gas and prevent the winter cold. On the contrary, the European Union must increase its arms deliveries to Ukraine, as every subsequent victory brings the end of Putin’s regime closer, as Russia does not love the losers. The European Union must concentrate economic pressure by imposing price caps on oil and gas, blocking the export of nuclear fuel. The failure to agree on sanctions is a shame that shows that Putin's European friends are working here. It is also incomprehensible why Ukraine has received only one billion out of the nine promised. Hopefully, the five billion that have just been signed will reach Kiev sooner. Glory to Ukraine ! Heroes of fame !

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, The heroism of the Ukrainian people is amazing. After the victory in the war in Brussels, a monument to Ukraine must be erected to protect Europe from the temptations of an aggressive dictatorship. The Ukrainian people deserve this gratitude. I have no doubt that the perpetrators of war crimes committed against women, men, children will be prosecuted. Those who massively rob Ukrainian collections of art, culture and historical objects and take them to Russia must also be held accountable. It is only hoped that they will not disappear in private collections, but, although illegally, will end up in Russian museums and, after winning the war, will be returned to Ukraine. Those who destroy science collections and archives in conquered territories with dark barbarism are also punishable as war criminals. Ukraine's largest seed genetic fund in Kharkiv, Chernobyl's research archive and many other scientific values have been destroyed. They are war crimes, because just like human life, the destroyed scientific collections and archives are irrecoverable – lost – to Ukraine and humanity forever.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, we cannot and must not forget about the involvement of the Lukashenko regime in Russia’s brutal and unprovoked war against Ukraine. Lukashenko now has used his country as a launchpad in a war of aggression. He is extending the use of the death penalty and there is now the prospect of nuclear weapons being deployed in Belarus. Furthermore, Lukashenko is also fully responsible for the continued brutal and systematic crackdown against his own people. As the Commissioner just said, there are 1 200 political prisoners, and 40 000 people were detained since 2020. The recent systematic persecution of trade unionists shows that Lukashenko is willing to do whatever it takes to suppress the remaining organised voices of dissent and supporters of a democratic Belarus. Turning to the future, it should be abundantly clear that we cannot treat the Lukashenko regime any differently from Putin’s. We must understand Belarus has now become Putin’s pawn in his efforts to target the EU, whether as a gateway for artificial mass migration, disinformation, energy manipulation, cyberattacks or illegal smuggling. Lukashenko is famous for being as slippery as an eel. We must make sure he does not escape full responsibility this time.

Dear Chair, Women and children suffer the most in all world wars. In Ukraine, Russian war crowds have left behind a bloody track of killed people, raped women, girls and boys. Of the 5.5 million refugees, about 90% are women and children. A million people have been removed from the occupied areas to Russia, of whom 200 thousand are children awaiting forced adoption. Russia must be held accountable for these war crimes at the international criminal court in The Hague. In addition, it is necessary to establish a special international mechanism or tribunal, which, with the support of UN Member States, can be carried out by a decision of the UN General Assembly and financed from the UN budget. Under the auspices of the UN, a coalition of 49 countries has emerged, committed to conducting investigations at national level, in close cooperation with the Ukrainian law enforcement authorities. Immediate interviews of refugee victims of violence and high-quality, detailed, digital documentation of sexual crimes, providing psychological and material support to victims, as well as the possibility to terminate a pregnancy resulting from rape. The European Commission's decision to earmark €3.5 billion from ReactEU is to be welcomed, so that Member States can quickly access these funds and provide refugees with dignified living conditions, social services and health protection. Thank you.

Dear Chair, Ukraine is and will remain a member of Europe. We must be aware that Europe has been living in the shadow of war since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but unlike Ukrainians, we are safe, we are not killed, we do not have to hide in the cellars from rockets and run away from home, so it seems inappropriate to complain about the rise in inflation and the cost of living. Abandoning some of the comforts of life is the least we can do to make Ukraine win the war and return economic normality to Europe. None of the leading European and global financial institutions is currently predicting a recession in the European Union economy. Even in the worst-case scenario, inflation is expected to change by around 2%, while it is currently around 12% in the Baltic States. It turns out that the people of the less wealthy countries currently bear a much greater burden than the wealthy ones because of the war. The longer the war lasts, the more victims, refugees and economic hardship will be, so I appealed to European governments to act quickly and decisively to speed up the end of the war. To win, Ukraine must deliver heavy weapons in sufficient quantities as soon as possible and train soldiers to use them, which is already happening. The European Union's sanctions against Russia, including a full embargo on oil, coal, nuclear fuel and gas, should be strengthened and the financing of the Kremlin's war machine stopped. Large financial injections must help the Ukrainian war economy. According to the International Monetary Fund, around $5 billion will be needed every month in the next three months. We need to think about the future. The international community, the institutions must create a financial fund for the reconstruction of the war-torn country and prepare Ukraine for membership of the European Union. Every European must understand that Ukraine must not lose in this war, because Russia's victory will mean Europe's defeat.

Mr President, today, Europe faces two major, transformative crises which will shape our future for many years to come – the COVID—19 pandemic and Russia’s unprovoked, brutal war against Ukraine. There is one crucial, dark, vicious common denominator for both – the widespread, coordinated and systematic spread of hostile and targeted disinformation. Since we have discussed several times the consequences of COVID—19 disinformation campaigns, today I will concentrate more on the Kremlin’s propaganda machinery working in overdrive to justify Putin’s unprovoked act of aggression, shredding of international law and sending thousands of Russian people to an irrational and deadly war. And let’s call a spade a spade. Putin’s propaganda machinery was not ‘turned on’ only on February 24th, it has been working in Europe for decades already, attempting to poison and divide our societies. With all this in mind, we have arrived at the moment of truth to ask a frank question – how did the democratic world get to this point? And how we can prevent it in the future? This is exactly the task of our report, which will be voted today, and I invite everyone to appreciate the great urgency of the moment. Dear members of the House, the report identifies and maps the threat of foreign interference in all of its forms, including disinformation, manipulation of social media platforms and advertising systems, cyber—attacks, threats against and the harassment of journalists, covert political funding and elite capture and co-optation. In other words, this report both provides the diagnosis of the EU’s vulnerabilities and prescribes the medication for strengthening the EU’s resilience. A few words about platforms and data markets. We have to shed light on the black box of social media platforms: we need truly binding EU rules for algorithms for accountability and transparency, particularly when it comes to the demonetisation of harmful content and data accountability. Today, while the war is ongoing in Europe, online platforms and tech companies need to take a stand by proactively suspending accounts engaged in denying, glorifying and justifying aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity. They have to reinforce content in Russian and Ukrainian languages to resist the pressure from Russian government’s disinformation. In short, any tech platform complying with Putin’s censorship request is an accomplice to Putin’s aggression. I would also like to highlight the need for data market accountability and transparency, including binding EU rules to limit the amount of data platforms can harvest, store and sell. It is completely unacceptable that loosely, regulated commercial entities can sell data of Europeans, me, you, all of us to the same authoritarian regimes that are trying to tear us apart. About resilience, we see that the Kremlin is attempting to insulate, wall off the Russian information space, by imposing new censorship rules. This shows that Putin is threatened by any independent media and narrative. This is a clear signal that we should double, triple and quadruple our support for quality and independent media, including in the EU’s neighbourhood. The Kremlin is also operating with extensive cyber warfare tools. That’s why we need to step up cybersecurity assistance to Ukraine, deploying there cyber rapid response team experts and using the EU cyber sanctions regime against individuals, entities and bodies responsible or involved in the various cyber—attacks targeting Ukraine. The resilience of our societies is absolutely key here. We must not allow any malicious actor to exploit our freedoms. Therefore, resilience, awareness and media literacy must be built up as our protective shields. Another factor weakening our resilience is foreign covert funding, elite capture and co—optation. For decades, we have watched former high—ranking European officials and politicians take up prominent positions on Russian energy companies, while we were channelling hundreds of millions into Putin’s coffers and providing safe haven for his cronies and oligarchs. Look where that has gotten us. We, with our euros, have effectively built and financed Putin’s war machine, which is now being used to slaughter innocent Ukrainians. If we don’t turn off the flow of gas and oil ‘golden river’ now, then we deserve the full consequences of our greed and sorry stupidity. And to conclude, dear colleagues, I was harsh, but I am convinced that we across the political groups, together with the Member States and the Commission, can move forward towards implementation of the report’s recommendations with utmost urgency. And I would like warmly to thank all my shadows, chair of the Committee and Secretariat and our councillors.

Madam President, Vladimir Putin is deliberately escalating his aggression against Ukraine, amassing 175 000 troops near Ukraine’s borders. Yet, this is a war he is bound to lose. He will lose this war because today’s Ukraine is not the Ukraine of 2014, which was weakened and unprepared under the corrupt Yanukovych regime. Today, the Ukrainian army is battle-tested, reformed, and equipped for modern warfare. It has benefitted from training by the Western partners and it has high morale and readiness to defend the homeland. Putin will also lose the war because more than 56% of Ukrainians now support closer integration with NATO and the EU. He has failed to win over the hearts and minds of Ukrainians. Finally, Putin will lose the war because further aggression will be met with powerful Western retaliation – severe restrictions of imports of Russian gas, freezing of the bank accounts of Putin’s cronies, the permanent halt of certification of Nord Stream 2, and disconnecting Russia from the SWIFT system. All of these measures should also be applicable in the case of unconventional aggression – the use by the Kremlin of hybrid warfare instruments, including cyberattacks and artificial mass migration. The EU and NATO Member States must support reinforcing Ukraine’s military capabilities through arms and technology transfers. It is completely unacceptable for any single Member State to prop up Moscow’s interests by blocking such support. In the end, we must finally discard any ideas of appeasing Putin. Ukraine is not Chamberlain’s ‘far away land’ – it is our neighbour, close partner and friend. The EU and Ukraine must stand united against Putin’s blackmail.

Mr President, the Lukashenko regime is exploiting a well-documented Russian playbook of hybrid instruments: in this case, state-sponsored illegal migration. The regime is cynically weaponising the human beings to overwhelm the asylum system of Eastern European countries and Member States, stoke political tension and undermine the EU’s ability to react to other crises. It is a true hybrid war. Therefore, the European Commission must prepare relevant legislative proposals, providing Member States with the necessary safeguards to efficiently respond to such provocations. I also call for a swift adoption of the fifth package of sanctions, including the sanctions related to smuggling into the EU of illegal migrants. Belarusian people deserve better men: change. They aspire for democratic changes. In the EPP resolution, we reiterate our non-recognition of Lukashenko as the President. They consider the current regime as illegitimate, illegal and criminal. Therefore, the EU should engage further with democratic Belarus in a political dialogue and prepare a governance reform vision for Belarus after Lukashenko. The leader of democratic Belarus, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, should be invited to the Eastern Partnership summit in December 2021. (Exclamation in Bielarusian)

Madam President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Pegasus spyware scandal sheds light on an outrageous attack on democracy around the world. It also exposes just how unprotected are our data and privacy against malicious exploitation and manipulation. First and foremost, there is an urgent need to enforce legislation to hold accountable those who distribute, use and abuse such software for illicit and unauthorised purposes. Second, it raises serious questions regarding a dark truth. We are not doing enough to ensure that the EU itself is a safe place for journalists and democratic activists. Even when on EU soil, they continue to be harassed, illegally surveilled and, worse, attacked by the authoritarian regimes they sought to escape. Such acts represent a grave violation of the fundamental values of our Union. Finally, the Pegasus scandal serves as a critical reminder that we need to be vigilant toward any attack on media freedom. We in the European Parliament should not hesitate to call out any erosion of media freedom, especially when it takes place in the European Union, as the Pegasus scandal has shown in the case of Hungary. The EU must take a key role in investigating this scandal without any delay or political hesitation. Commissioner, I would like to thank you for providing us with insight on what the Commission is doing, and will intend to do, regarding the investigation of Pegasus’s actions.

Mr President, I would like to praise the excellent, relevant and incisive report done by Andrius Kubilius, as well as share his faith in the principle of democracy first, which must be the core of any EU strategy on Russia. At the same time, we must be realistic about the relationship we can have with Moscow in the near future. In the span from my own 2019 report on EU-Russia relations until the report by Mr Kubilius, the Kremlin has only added more dark episodes to an extensive track record. To make it perfectly clear, there is no reason for optimism regarding the direction of the current Russian regime and of EU-Russia relations. European leaders must not fall again into naive delusions about resets or dialogues with Putin’s regime, which clearly shows that its disregard for international law, human rights and peaceful conflict resolution is not the exception, but the rule. And finally, it is time for Europe to invest in reinforcing our commitment to the Eastern Partnership countries, strengthen our own resilience to Russian hybrid warfare and continue engaging with Russian civil society.

Madam President, the EU has been the target of numerous forms of hybrid warfare for several years. However, the EU is still at the beginning of a long path towards mitigating this threat and what is the most worrying is that the EU is still not determined and resourceful enough. The report of the European Court of Auditors states that the coordination and accountability of EU actions against disinformation should be significantly improved. I would like to highlight the contribution of the EEAS StratCom Task Force in the fight against disinformation and foreign interference in EU democratic processes. I am proud that the first StratCom was launched, following the request of Parliament, back in 2015. Every year thereafter we persistently increased the StratCom budget, which reached four million during last year. We are convinced that StratCom needs a secure and long-term financing model if we are serious about defending our democracies. With great concern I learned that the EEAS has not asked for any extra resources for StratCom for next year. High Representative, why is this so? Do you expect that Parliament again will do the work which should fall to the services under your responsibility?