Speeches

Madam President! With all due respect, I think my colleague is now making a political straw man. I have never voted for anything that I knew would mean fewer jobs. On the contrary. I think that is a common political assumption in Denmark, and I share that view, that there is no contradiction between making green policy and then creating jobs. I think that most Danish companies that make millions on this, think it is a great idea, and would agree that doing green and climate-friendly policy actually also leads to more jobs. That line I think we should continue, so I do not think the question is correct.

Thanks for the question. It was hardly a question, but more of a comment. I can feel that my colleague has just started in the European Parliament, because it is a political virtue to be able to adapt to a new political situation. I think we can all agree in this House that the situation has dramatically changed. When, for example, we have voted in favour of green reforms, it is not because there is no need for green reforms, but therefore one can well come to the consideration and the conclusion that we have tightened the screw too much, and that there is a need to make things simpler in the light of the situation we are in geopolitically. Better knowledge is always better than nothing. But I would say that being able to become wiser as a politician is actually, I consider, a political virtue.

Madam President! Commissioner, Minister. Yes, we have had this debate many times before, and while we are talking, yes, European businesses and consumers are paying the price for the fact that we have still not done what we all know is necessary. The Draghi report and the discussion here today show that we are still in the same trenches that we have always been, politically speaking. Can I not make a call to both our green and our red friends in this Chamber? Shouldn't we drop the discussion about the word "deregulation" and simplification? We all know what this is about. It's not an "either or", this is a "both and". Of course we need to simplify. We need to make things simpler. This is not the same as not investing. It is not the same as not pursuing the other good ideas that Draghi has in his report, and of course we need to do something about it. So now let's try to drop that idle discussion about the word "deregulation" and get out of our loopholes when it comes to general ideological blindness, and get to the point and discuss this practically. My message, Renew's message, is the same as it has always been: Simplify, modernize, enforce. These are the three things that this discussion is about, and that is what the Council will be taking a position on tomorrow. I am leading a task force on competitiveness in our group, and the problem is not, of course, a lack of strategies. The problem is our way of legislating. It's too complex, it's too slow, it's too fragmented. We must dare to change the way we legislate. Europe is not served by the fact that new legislation fits so badly with reality that we are about to make new omnibuses in a very short time to change what we are doing now. Less detailed regulation, more focus on implementation, less special national rules, as has been said, which divide the single market. That's what we need. Thank you for the word.

Madam President! I had brought a script and there is no reason to follow it. I'm furious! I'm furious about this house and what we've done today. I came here to talk about an FTA agreement with India – on the same day, a few hours ago, when we shot ourselves so heavily in the foot that we can hardly hump from here, by making sure to postpone a Mercosur agreement that every normally thinking and feeling person should be able to see was the way forward. It is not so, apparently, according to this house – or a majority in this house. We now stand and have lost important steps in relation to our trading partners. It happens on the same day – the same day! – where Donald Trump stands in Davos, denouncing international cooperation and screwing us all up. And then we can't even figure out how to come together to get some partners in this incredibly important trading company. This isn't going to stop with Mercosur. This will also have an impact on the India agreement, which is why it makes sense to talk about it in this context. I really hope we can figure out how to do something about this very quickly. I look forward to hearing the Commissioner's views on this.

Madam President! Commissioner! First of all, thank you. Thank you for finally coming up with this important, important step towards more digital security. Since the Cybersecurity Act entered into force in 2019, the threat landscape has changed significantly. It's much, much worse than we were trying to predict back then. So it's very, very yawsThat this is coming now. It would be desirable for more colleagues to be present at this insanely important debate on an even more important proposal. But on the other hand, you can be so pleased that those who are here agree that the proposal that has come is a good place to start and build on, with very few unpleasant exceptions from colleagues who have otherwise been very, very positive about this, and that is a really, really good start. It is about ENISA, our cybersecurity agency, which obviously needs additional resources and needs to be improved. It's about making certification simpler and faster. In other words, common EU authorisations for cyber products. Today, the processes are too slow and opaque. I am glad that the Commissioner pointed out that there is also a simplification exercise in this. We appreciate that in Renew. And finally, we need better control of the supply chain. Who do we buy technology from? Who do we depend on and how do we build our critical digital infrastructure? Incredibly important topics. I am very much looking forward to the collaboration.

Mr President, before I begin, let me sincerely, on behalf of Denmark and Greenland, thank this Parliament for its strong show of support, including yesterday's standing ovation. From the bottom of our hearts, thank you very much. It was really a nice gesture. Thank you. Mr President! Eight months ago, I stood in this Chamber and talked about Greenland as a place of opportunity, partnership, development and new relations. That was the real conversation going on at the time. Today we are in a completely different place. Now we are talking about absurd, insane statements, threats, military takeovers, extraordinary punitive tariffs and a president, one must understand, who is offended by not having received a peace prize. Of course, we cannot and will not put up with that. The EU cannot content itself with worrying press releases. The EU must stand together now and be able to respond with a safe hand. Greenland is a red line. Fortunately, we all agree on this, and the EU has the strength to stand up for itself. The EU is the economic superpower if we dare to use our market. In the midst of the excitement, of course, it is worth noting that we are still in negotiations. As Theordor Roosevelt once said: Speak softly and carry a big stick. I wish that was true for the current president of the United States. But we have the tools against economic blackmail, against threats, against pressure, no matter where it comes from. Therefore, I am also genuinely pleased that several political groups in this House are now talking about investments massively in Greenland. We want a strong transatlantic bond, but not at any cost. Partnership requires mutual respect, and until we get it, we must leave all options open. Thank you again for coming through this with us.

Mr President! Ladies and gentlemen! Let's be honest. There are many areas of European legislation that need a loving hand. Digital is one of those areas. Therefore, a talk about a digital omnibus cannot be taken without ending up talking simplification. punctuation. We are drowning in double legislation, contradictory demands and rules that have long since run from the technology they were supposed to regulate. This is a fact that we all have to deal with. The digital omnibus package is the chance to clean up, which we must take into account when debating this. And then it is true - I already hear the concerns of the left on a large scale, but I also note that the Green Group in particular takes this seriously. You've had to negotiate a lot of these packages yourself. I've been negotiating some of them myself, and of course you have to take into account that it doesn't get even more complicated because you're trying to do something new. But this is, and we need to acknowledge this, also a simplification exercise. The new digital omnibus is also the chance to take a first step towards a new way of regulating. Digital law should be an example of this. So, for the Liberal Group, we want to work together. We want to be constructive. As my Conservative colleague said. But let's start by agreeing on the premise. It is also about simplification.

Mr President! It is not often that you stand here on the lectern and have to start praising. But I have to say that there were a lot of really, really good tones from the president here today. I think that one should praise, first of all, the fact that there has been an initiative on the so-called 'citizens omnibus', i.e. a citizens' initiative. I can assure the left, which immediately went out and said that this could hardly be true, that it is in fact true and that a number of good proposals are coming out of that initiative. Otherwise, I would say that von der Leyen first emphasized in his speech, and hardly by chance, that it is competitiveness that we must focus on. Even after my heart. It is about three crucial things; The 28th regime, which we have been missing for decades now, we have talked a lot about it. We are still struggling with 27 different sets of rules. This is one of the main problems. This is simply not good enough. We are suffocating in bureaucracy. We all say it. Now we have to do something about it. Then there is the announced Business Wallet, which I would also like to emphasize. It's not just about reducing paperwork. It is also about providing proper digital tools that companies can actually use to improve competitiveness. And thirdly, I would also like to highlight biosolutions. Biosolutions have enormous potential. It invests two to three times more in the US than it does in the EU, both publicly and privately. We need to dare to invest more. We have to bet. We very much welcome this initiative now. You can count on us, Commissioner – we will be there, but remember that it is your friends who have to help, not the extremists.

Mr President! Let's make this clear from the start. Europe and India need a trade agreement. punctuation. It is about strengthening Europe's economy, but it is also about tying India closer to all of us in an uncertain world. India is the world's largest democracy and a fast-growing economy. A stronger partnership with India will of course promote the green transition, innovation and lift hundreds of millions of Indians out of poverty. And I do not think there can be any disagreement about that, even though we have differing views on what needs to be done in this Chamber. As chairman of the India delegation in the previous period, I learned it, and I also learned that it is important to speak their language. It is important - not only linguistically, but also politically and culturally. India is a proud and ambitious people and thinks in partnership, not in charity. If we are to be successful, we must meet them as equal partners and build trust over time. Of course, we should not be naive. India reaches out to Europe, but holds on to Moscow and Beijing with the other. I'm aware of that. But we must make an agreement on European terms with clear demands for values and security. But we must also be aware that the Indians, of course, also demand something. But now let's seize the day and get that deal done with the Indians.

Madam President! You get a deja-vu when you stand here once again and are about to discuss the Capital Markets Union, for those of us who have been here before. We've been waiting for 10 years, we haven't been able to do much yet. That is why I cannot help thinking that when we see an excellent report - and congratulations to Laluck, my good colleague, for the report - we are once again looking at the elephant in the room that is not here, namely the Council, the Member States. After all, they are the ones who have largely prevented both the ambitions of the Commission and the ambitions of this House from materialising. Therefore, my quiet call must be that we make sure to get the discussion going, which is now about pensions and the many billions that are hidden in pension funds. And that we then get the Danish Presidency – the Danish EU Presidency – on board, because there are also ambitions there to do more about it. So that should be my appeal to the Commissioner, and then good luck with an incidentally very good report.

Madam President! Dear Mette! The other day Denmark started its presidency of the EU, and we had a party in Aarhus. A big party, where we as Danes paid tribute to European leadership in the midst of a time of upheaval, led by Commission President von der Leyen. It was nice to see that the Danes backed as much as they did, and the contrast to yesterday in this room was noticeable. Here it was precisely about mistrust, political game-fighting and attempts to destroy European unity in the midst of a global crisis. Don't get me wrong, of course the Commission must be able to tolerate criticism and transparency. We at Renew are also critical in this way. But to put it bluntly: The timing stinks. As we stand and quarrel here, the war in Ukraine continues, the United States is no longer a secure ally, and the risk of trade conflicts and protectionism is increasing every day. It calls for leadership and for a presidency that stands firm when the wind blows. I personally have no doubt whatsoever that the Danish Presidency can live up to this, and we in Renew are certainly ready to do our part. That should be the message from here. Especially also on the agenda of making everyday life easier, intervening where the fruits are low, simplifying the rules, removing bureaucracy, creating better conditions for those who make Europe work every day, and that is, as you know, citizens and businesses. We can do something in Denmark. And for the same reason von der Leyen also praised Denmark for its efficiency. I'm sure we can live up to it. I am at least one hundred percent sure that this is the approach that Europe needs right now.

Madam President! Dear Mette! The other day Denmark started its presidency of the EU, and we had a party in Aarhus. A big party, where we as Danes paid tribute to European leadership in the midst of a time of upheaval, led by Commission President von der Leyen. It was nice to see that the Danes backed as much as they did, and the contrast to yesterday in this room was noticeable. Here it was precisely about mistrust, political game-fighting and attempts to destroy European unity in the midst of a global crisis. Don't get me wrong, of course the Commission must be able to tolerate criticism and transparency. We at Renew are also critical in this way. But to put it bluntly: The timing stinks. As we stand and quarrel here, the war in Ukraine continues, the United States is no longer a secure ally, and the risk of trade conflicts and protectionism is increasing every day. It calls for leadership and for a presidency that stands firm when the wind blows. I personally have no doubt whatsoever that the Danish Presidency can live up to this, and we in Renew are certainly ready to do our part. That should be the message from here. Especially also on the agenda of making everyday life easier, intervening where the fruits are low, simplifying the rules, removing bureaucracy, creating better conditions for those who make Europe work every day, and that is, as you know, citizens and businesses. We can do something in Denmark. And for the same reason von der Leyen also praised Denmark for its efficiency. I'm sure we can live up to it. I am at least one hundred percent sure that this is the approach that Europe needs right now.

Mr President, Commissioner, I think this strategy is very welcome. I think it has a lot of good measures, a lot of good ideas. So we welcome that in the Renew Group. I just have basically one question. Several of my colleagues mentioned the Member States, the lack of implementation, the lack of enforcement. I totally share their view that we need to do more on this issue, which is actually quite complicated because it's out of our hands, both the Commission's and Parliament's. So my question to you is: when we talk about, for instance, enforcement, what can you do to make even greater efforts in this sense? Any ideas we could support? We will be backing you on this one, since enforcement seems to be one of the key issues in reaching some success in this area.

Mr President! Commissioner! Europe has a lot of talent. We have lots of ideas. We have a lot of capital, yet we are losing ground in the global tech race. Why do we do that? If we do not succeed in realising the potential that we have, in terms of scale, investment, then we will not have European innovation as a driver for growth. So we need to do more than offer pilot projects and PowerPoints. We need a strong internal market also for capital. Several countries like Denmark and Spain are in full swing, but we need a common European solution. Unfortunately, we are pushing ourselves, too many rules, fear of technology. This is holding our companies back. It's like asking a sprinter to run with lead in his shoes. But now, dear friends, now we need to remove that lead and allow technologies like AI to run. Then their inspiration and technology will also be able to help pay for the Draghi report's incredible amount of expenses. We liberals, we're ready. Shouldn't we get started?

Madam President! If someone had said just a few months ago that we were going to discuss Greenland in this room, well, most people would probably have shaken their heads. As you know, nothing is as it was. And now it is the American President's appetite for Greenland that has made it necessary not only for us as Danes, but also for us as Europeans to step into character. First of all, because Greenlanders, as several colleagues have mentioned, decide their own fate. And, of course, every good European should support this principle. But also because the new fierce interest in Greenland should be seen as a huge opportunity. An opportunity to finally – some Greenlanders will say – have a thorough study of what is possible and how we can support Greenland in its efforts to create a solid basis for more self-sufficiency, extract the many raw materials and create the necessary investments, create new infrastructure, ports, roads and the important cable to Asia that will make Greenland a bridge between the continents. In this context, I am pleased that the Greenlandic Government will soon be visiting Brussels so that we can get the process moving and have a closer dialogue, which has been in demand for so long. As has been said: Greenland decides for itself. Fortunately, Greenlanders have the same European values that we have. Now let's use these two facts to get started.

Mr President! We know it all too well. Europe is falling behind. We can excuse ourselves with war and doubts about alliances that someone will roll back the green transition, that Trump's tariffs are destroying all our opportunities. But let's be honest and say the same as Mario Draghi does. We have to look inside. If we are to strengthen Europe's competitiveness, we must start by cleaning up the rule-jungle we have created and making the EU smarter. That is why today, on behalf of the Environment Group, I am launching a call for action, a rapid reaction force for simplification and a concrete roadmap for existing and future legislation. We propose a 25% reduction in the overall regulatory burden – 35% for SMEs. We demand a systematic overhaul of EU legislation so that legislation is not only adopted but also works in practice. And then we insist on enforcement – that Member States implement the rules uniformly so that businesses do not face 27 different interpretations. Yes, it all sounds very simple, and of course it is not at all. Otherwise it would have happened. But the work must be done, colleagues, simplification is not a technical detail. That is the key to growth and money must be made stronger. We have to deliver results, and the game starts now.

Mr President! When you follow today's debate, you are unfortunately confirmed that the trenches are already being dug in this debate. A goal that we should all be able to sign up to; making the lives of European businesses and citizens easier ‐ in an increasingly complicated EU system ‐ ends up being a war of words already on the first day. Instead of doing something concrete, we are doing something significant in relation to the very right agenda put forward by the Commission, in relation to the competitiveness compass and now also its programme. Europe's businesses are fighting for their lives in relation to the enormous bureaucracy we have created - it is a fact that it hampers growth - and we should all be able to agree to do something about that. This, of course, requires political will. And to the criticism that rules and rule simplification in themselves do not matter: Do you become a greener company by being buried in reports? Will you be a better digital company if you have legislation in your own country that is not in line with the other 26 countries? I do not think that ‐ it is a completely common task and I can tell you that the Renew Group is going to take it seriously and you will see a lot in this area in the near future.

Madam President! Europe is in the midst of a new kind of war. The hybrid war challenges both our security and the very foundations of our democracy. It is, of course, about online mis- and disinformation with the sole aim of undermining our trust in each other. And then there are the attacks on our critical infrastructure. From Denmark we have seen with concern the attack on cables in the Baltic Sea. European citizens and businesses live in a new world where cyberattacks have become commonplace. It happens here and now. And the consequences, yes, they are profoundly serious. I have therefore proposed the creation of a European Cyber Brigade, a common European defence capable of detecting, handling and, not least, preventing cyber-attacks. At the same time, of course, we need to protect our critical infrastructure. We need closer monitoring, joint exercises and investments in robust systems that can anticipate future attacks. To put it bluntly: Hybrid warfare requires a hybrid response. Europe must be able to tackle the hybrid war together.

Mr President! Ladies and gentlemen! Our democracy is under severe pressure – very severe pressure. Every day of the year we are manipulated. And the worst thing is that the manipulation is most often done intentionally and is very well organized. We are in a kind of struggle for existence. That is why we must all defend our democracy, and all those who do not must of course feel the consequences. The EU has already taken an important step with the Digital Service Act. The rules are, so to speak, in place. Now there is only one thing missing, and that is enforcement. It sounds easy, but it's not. When authoritarian regimes abuse platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Tiktok, it takes a lot of resources and a lot of control to enforce these rules. Nevertheless, it is our responsibility to say no, because the threat is now so severe. And even though some platforms have improved, it is far from enough. We are going to see tech giants, who continue not to do enough to prevent manipulation and misinformation, being scrutinised and nailed to account. Anything else would be a historic failure for all of us who have political responsibilities.

Mr President! Young people in Europe are increasingly being exploited for dirty work in the cynical game of the criminal underworld. It is a disgrace and we should not accept it. When young people are recruited for crime, we not only lose their potential, we also lose faith in the future. In Denmark, my home country, we see it most clearly at the moment. In the past year, up to ten Swedish youths have been recruited to carry out murders and serious attacks, including hand grenades. Most have been hired via social media, which we have already heard about. Just yesterday, a Swedish boy was sentenced to five years and six months in prison for murder in Denmark's capital Copenhagen. Young people are paid up to two hundred thousand Danish kroner. That's over twenty-five thousand euros per time for committing an attack - from assault to killing. This is not only insane, it is a totally cross-border problem. We really need to do something about the pan-European. The EU needs a common strategy that prioritises prevention, protection and consistent sanctions against those behind it. We must step up the fight against organised crime. It's about the young people. It's about our future. It is about a pan-European effort.

Madam President! In my home country Denmark, we are very proud that we have Europe's most valuable company, Novo Nordisk. Unfortunately, Novo Nordisk is probably the exception that confirms the rule, namely that there is nothing in Denmark or in Europe that is the greatest. And if Europe has larger companies, well, at least there is a danger that they will soon be planning to leave the continent. The conclusions of Mario Draghi's report are therefore a welcome opportunity to change course. From now on, it will be about modern growth. At Renew Europe, we support that assumption, that analysis. Not growth as opposed to better climate or decent working conditions. No, growth that goes hand in hand with green transition and development to a better society. As we all know, growth requires competitiveness. This requires clear-sightedness and a willingness to change when it comes to competitiveness. We need a simpler and more flexible market. The new Commissioner for Implementation is a good first step in this regard, if I may comment a little on the new Commission we have seen today. Our small and medium-sized businesses need less hassle and easier access to money. And that, my friends, will not be easy. It's going to cost. This is a difficult task, as Mario Draghi said. We can't afford to fail. It is about the future of our European welfare states, it is about our security and it is about the fight against climate change. I, and we in Renew Europe, are optimists on behalf of Europe. We have shown what we can do and what we should do when necessary.

Mr President! Our democracy is indeed fragile. Enemy states like Russia are trying to exploit our vulnerabilities on a daily basis. Let's just be honest colleagues. We've been too naive, we've been too slow. Putin's cyber armies are constantly attacking our critical infrastructure, and his Internet soldiers are systematically spreading disinformation. And now we have another example, another case, even here in our own house. It has been revealed that Russia is trying to influence EU policy by paying members of this House – candidates standing for election in this House – and we need to get to the bottom of this matter now. It is a scandal, and the scandal underlines the need for action here and now. We need names. We need to know how much has been paid. We need to get to the bottom of this. So let us now take the opportunity that we have now, this revelation, to show our voters and our citizens that we can act and stop the betrayal and the fraud that is going on right under our noses. Let's stop being naive now.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, pleased to see you for this very, very important subject, topic and debate. As a matter of fact, this debate is so important that I will spend just a few minutes in my mother tongue so that my home audience also get a chance to get some of the very important points. Konkurrenceevne er tilbage på dagsordenen. Efter flere år, hvor debatten stort set har været fraværende omkring konkurrenceevne, ja så er den tilbage. Konkurrenceevnen er allerøverst på den politiske agenda i EU og i medlemslandene, og det er ikke noget tilfælde. Konkurrenceevnen er nemlig ikke bare et spørgsmål om tørre tal, om virksomheder, om statistik osv. Det er et spørgsmål om, eller er blevet, et spørgsmål om tryghed. Vi er midt i en krig. Verden er blevet et mere utrygt sted, hvor grænser er truede. Der er pres på vores demokratier verden over. Vi har med andre ord ganske enkelt ikke råd til at tage chancer. Vi skal sikre en robust økonomi i Europa. Vi skal skabe den nødvendige tryghed. Det handler om tryghed og om at skabe tryghed gennem stigende velstand og ved at sikre penge til vores borgere, til deres velfærd. Faktisk er det et, synes jeg, grundlæggende politisk løfte til de europæiske borgere, at EU skal sikre vækst og velstand og i dette tilfælde altså også tryghed. Krigen i Ukraine har skabt høje energipriser. Den har skabt inflation, som rammer vore virksomheder. Her skal det europæiske fællesskab derfor være garant for, at vi netop sikrer stigende vækst og velstand, og det kræver bl.a. gode vilkår for det europæiske erhvervsliv. Men vores virksomheder står over for en alvorlig krise. Deres muligheder for at konkurrere globalt er blevet forværret over en årrække. Vi taber terræn til USA. Vi taber terræn til Kina. EU's andel af den globale BNP forventes at skrumpe fra det nuværende 15 ned til 9 i 2050. Alene i år vurderes EU at nå BNP vækst på kun sløje 0,6 %, mens væksten i USA forventes at være mere end tre gange så høj; 2,1%, og Kina buldrer derudaf med en vækst på 4,7 %. Det er åbenlyst, at der er brug for helt akut handling. Fortsætter vi skåltalerne uden at følge op med handling, risikerer vi at miste vores iværksættere og vores virksomheder, der ganske enkelt flygter væk fra det europæiske område. Målet er derfor meget klart: Europa må ikke ende med at blive et frilandsmuseum. Europa skal være et nyt vækstcentrum. Netop derfor præsenterede den liberale gruppe i Parlamentet i går en ti-punktsplan. For mit parti Venstre og for Renew Europe vil det kommende valg være afgørende for EU's konkurrenceevne og derfor denne pjece, hvor vi kommer med ti ideer til, hvordan vi kan styrke konkurrenceevnen. Som frontløber på dagsordenen er det vores mål at gøre økonomier til et centralt tema i den kommende valgkamp. Tiden her tillader jo ikke, at jeg opremser alle disse gode forslag. Nogle af de mest centrale vil jeg dog lige nævne, at vi selvfølgelig fjerner og arbejder konstant på at fjerne bureaukrati, der begrænser vores erhvervsliv. Von der Leyen var jo selv i sin ”state of the Union”-tale inde på, at der skulle gøres noget. Lad os holde Kommissionen fast på det løfte og gerne tilføje mere endnu. Vi vil satse massivt på øgede investeringer i forskning og udvikling. Det er fuldstændig afgørende, vi ligger lavt i forhold til vores konkurrenter. Og endelig som noget helt konkret, at vi gør meget ud af enforcement, altså håndhævelse. Faktisk ned til et punkt, hvor vi foreslår en håndhævelseskommissær, der kan sikre en ens og fair håndhævelse på tværs af medlemslandene. Det er et stort problem i dag. Så slutteligt, konkurrenceevne handler om at skabe velstand, sikre velfærd og skabe tryghed. Præcis derfor bør økonomi og konkurrenceevne stå allerøverst på dagsordenen, og derfor er det også godt, at vi tager debatten i dag. Jeg ser frem til at høre synspunkterne fra kollegaerne og fra Rådet og fra Kommissionen.