Speeches

Mr President, first of all, I would like to congratulate Michalis on the great work that he's done. This is a really, really good report. But, Commissioner, you know that we have EUR 10 trillion worth of savings sitting across the European Union in bank accounts instead of being used for investment. If we used that money productively, we know it could support jobs. It could support infrastructure and businesses. Our policies – this Commission's policy priorities – would give people who are not earning any money by having it in their bank accounts an opportunity to earn better nest eggs for themselves and their future. I'm talking about the EU savings and investments union. I want to particularly welcome the Commission's proposal for the new tax favourable savings and investments accounts. But if we are going to get serious, we need to make sure that every single Member State works towards simpler tax rules and to supporting our savers to become investors. Tax rules should encourage people to make their money work for them, and not punish people for doing so. In Ireland, we have long punished our investors by having very, very high exit tax on ETFs and an absolutely nonsensical 'deemed disposal' rule. Yesterday's national budget in Ireland went a small way towards fixing that problem, but we have a long way to go. We need to remove the 'deemed disposal' unit once and for all – right now.

Madam President, Commissioner, Europeans just want to know the things that are illegal offline are illegal online. I think it's just as simple as that. The idea of threats from other parts of the world against EU officials for simply doing their job, as we saw this summer, is absolutely outrageous. I think we need to be serious; if Europe wants to be taken seriously, we need more than just rules. We need to be competitive and we need to build a dynamic pro-investment environment where home-grown EU tech can thrive. Over 100 different pieces of EU legislation have been proposed in the last few years and there's still more to come. I honestly think this is madness. We need to reduce the regulatory burdens on European countries. We need to reduce the regulatory divergence. And I want to see the 'digital omnibus' bill do exactly that. Furthermore, Europe will not develop a digital sovereign future if we cut ourselves off from the rest of the world. We need to protect our supply chains, promote digital solutions, and simply give companies the space and the freedom that they need and the support that they need to innovate. The talent and the potential is here in Europe. We need to be brave enough to let it grow and thrive.

Mr President, thank you Commissioner for joining us here this evening. I think we can all recall the scene from Scotland during the summer, where President von der Leyen painfully shook the hand of President Trump on a deal that only makes things harder and trade harder between the EU and the US. And I think it's in that context that we are discussing the principles that should govern global digitalised economy, particularly the taxation of digital services, this evening. Taxation is all about fairness, dynamism, efficiency. It's how we raise the revenue to fund goods and services. It's about investing in the future, creating opportunities for growth and for security. Taxation should support competitiveness, investment and job creation. And if it does not do this, then it's not serving the common good. When it comes to the taxation of large digital platforms, as with all elements of tax policy, it's all about making sure that neither goal is undermined. And that's why we seek to discuss this matter today. When capital is mobile and crosses international borders, how do we uphold the common good and also promote opportunity and investment? I think it's clear that global challenges like these require global solutions. And that's why it's right and proper that Europe has been such a leader in the negotiations of the OECD Pillar Two agreement. The agreement is a compromise that meets the realities of a digitalised economy. First, it sets out a minimum level of taxation on large companies, second, it introduces new rules for taxing the profits of large companies where they don't have that physical presence. Our commitment to multilateralism is unwavering. At a time when international institutions are being undermined as never before, it is right that the EU continues to strongly support the OECD process, but clearly we can't make any progress if everybody is not at the table. Regions of the world that act on their own or depart from global standards create fragmentation and perverse incentives. However, the return of Donald Trump as US President saw an executive order to withdraw his country from the agreement. That agreement was the result of so many years of hard work, so it's vital, I think, that that work and this agreement be protected by us as an absolute priority. We have seen the change of approach and temperament from the US President, and it sees the agreement as an attack on American businesses, and he is loudly promising retaliatory actions. However, that's not a reason for us to give up on the agreement. Walking away would not help to resolve them, indeed, it probably would exacerbate the problem. So we ask, where to now for the OECD negotiations, particularly in respect of Pillar One? How can the EU show leadership to keep this agreement on the table? We've seen proposals from the G7 for US-specific exemptions and allowances and they do require careful scrutiny, and I know the Members of this House will do so. But in the midst of this geopolitical discussion, we've also asked the Commission's views of calls to take unilateral action. I know that the question of new own resources is a separate matter, but it does remain part of the discussion. Does the Commission foresee unilateral action as a serious probability, and what would the threshold of this be? Multinational investment is an important part of the European economy. It provides jobs, opportunities, vital government revenues across the EU, both directly and indirectly. And millions of our citizens rely on this investment to earn their livelihoods. That's why departing from multilateral processes presents huge risks and will not yield the benefits that some people say it will. It's not about threats of retaliation, it's about showing that Europe is the place to do business and not creating imbalances that will drive our investment away. Is the Commission still committed to international engagement? Does it still recognise the economic hurdles that would exist if we departed from that engagement? I think we are living currently in a period of huge economic uncertainty. There is regular turmoil on international markets and jobs announcements are being reassessed. So when it comes to tax policies, Europe does face big challenges. And while tax is rightly a Member State competence, the growth of divergent sectoral taxes creates internal trade barriers and undermines our EU economy. So instead of calling for new taxes, we should be looking at ways to better calibrate the ones that we already have – and we have plenty – so that they do not create additional burdens or barriers for investment. Finally, Commissioner, specifically in relation to the digital services tax, I think it's crucial that we take an evidence-based approach. If the Commission is looking at this option, will it commit to a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis to reduce unforeseen consequences? Everyday, people, as normal, are using digital tools and services. The digital economy is at the heart of every single one of our lives, and there is almost no way that a tax does not ultimately impact consumers in some way. It's extremely unlikely that any DST would similarly be passed on in higher charges of subscriptions to the people that were served. It's commonly said that there are only two certainties in life: death and taxes. And I think when it comes to the latter, we need to be responsible, forward-thinking and results orientated.

Madam President, I think we all know how stressful it can be to book a holiday; you're trying to juggle your flights, your hotels, your transfers, and you're keeping your fingers crossed in the hopes that nothing goes wrong. But now, the new EU Package Travel Directive is designed to help make that process clearer, easier and much safer. It's going to cut down on red tape so that small businesses and local travel agents can do what they do best: offering great value and choice to their customers. But at the same time, it keeps the cost of travel low by making sure the rules are simple and fair. I think most importantly, it is going to protect you, the consumer, whether you book, online, in person or as part of a package. You will have clear rights and stronger guarantees when plans change. We are going to have a better definition of what constitutes a package. We are going to have new standardised information rules so that it's very clear that you know what you're dealing with. You're going to have new cancellation rights, so you won't necessarily need a reason from now on. And things will be faster and fairer, particularly when it comes to our refunds. So the new proposal is a win for businesses, it's a win for consumers, and it's a real win for Europe's travel industry as a whole and I'm very proud to welcome it.

Mr President, Commissioner, I think we can all agree that free and open trade is good for everyone. It's the best way to make sure that we spread wealth and prosperity. So, it stands to reason that tariffs are bad for everybody and tariffs are going to make all our countries poorer. I'm glad that since the beginning of this ludicrous one‑man trade war, the EU and you particularly, have stood consistently as the adult in the room, because we all should be clear: in all of our Member States, ordinary working people are looking on and are in fear of losing their jobs and in economies faltering. What we must do is we must protect our agrifood and our drinks industries, our pharmaceutical companies, our heavy goods manufacturing. There are so many other sectors where tariffs – even 10 % – will result in job losses. A reprieve till 1 August is a good move, but what we need is a resolution. We should not be talking about retaliation at this point. We should be talking about a pragmatic solution and European leading the way. So, I want to just wish you the very good, to assure you that you we all stand behind you and your team, and we're very proud of the practical approach that you have taken in the last number of months.

Madam President, Commissioner, we often talk about politics in terms of keeping the lights on, but when it comes to our energy infrastructure, this literally is what it's all about. Europe relies on energy always being available to run all of our vital appliances, light and heat our homes and our businesses, and keep the world as we know, and expect it to be, running. The last few years across Europe have seen how easy it is to disrupt our power supply; from systems failures recently in Spain to sabotage by Russia in the Baltics. And I think it's clear now that energy is a new front in global conflict. In Ireland, for far too long we've been relying on a single interconnector from the UK. One incident on this connector, whether it's sabotage or an accident, and literally the lights would go out right across the entire Ireland. And that's why I welcome the soon-to-be-completed Celtic Interconnector with France, because we need to see much more of this vital investment. In Ireland, we literally have spent the entirety of my political life – 17 years – talking about cross-country interconnectors, and whilst talk might seem cheap, it's racking up huge bills. If EirGrid had spent the last few years building the North-South Interconnector underground, rather than simply talking about it and going around in circles, we would now have a connector up and running, and actually it would have been much cheaper, cost-wise, than it's actually going to eventually cost to build. We need to stop treating vital infrastructure like it's an afterthought. A modern European economy needs a reliable infrastructure supply for every EU country.

Mr President, Commissioner, conflict in the Middle East has been a feature of our lives and on the news screens for many years now, for far too long. Many Europeans are so desensitised to the daily tragedies that they've kind of switched off, or they genuinely don't believe that we have a solution. But I don't think we should forget what instability in the Middle East really means, because the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran will have social, economic and security consequences for the entire world. Let me be very clear, what's happening in Gaza today, and for the last number of months, is an infamy. It's indiscriminate slaughter. What is horrifying is the notion that it is a tactic for political survival by the President of Israel, or a game by the President of the United States. Human rights, be they freedom, sovereignty, statehood, the protection of lives, should never be optional, but right now in Gaza, they don't even exist. With every passing hour, children in Gaza are starving to death, communities are being wiped out and lives are being brutally ended. Yet there are people in the world with the power to end this slaughter today, and many of them are in the European Union. So I make the call again – stop the killing, let the aid in, release the hostages and end this brutal war now.

Mr President, Commissioner, for too many Europeans, major public transport developments can sometimes feel like being stuck in one big traffic jam: frustrating, never making any progress, and that's before we ever even talk about the increase in costs. That's honestly the case when it comes to MetroLink in Dublin. For literally my entire adult life, we have been talking about building a metro for Dublin North, especially to and from our airport, and then maybe on to other parts of the city, the south and the west. And all this time, the much vaunted plans have been delayed and adjusted with no measurable progress. So now we're talking about a start date of 2028 and an estimated cost of between EUR 7 billion and EUR 12 billion. Now, I don't know any other project that would come in with an estimated EUR 5 billion price range. MetroLink in Dublin will no doubt bring about immeasurable benefits, both economically and more importantly to the quality of the people's lives that I represent. But we need to get the shovels in the ground and we need to get the EU through the Connecting Europe Facility to play its part in financing this project. As the only major EU capital city without a rail link to the airport, MetroLink would see a major EU transport priority under the forthcoming sustainable transport investment plan. It's vital for businesses, it's vital for citizens and it's an efficient and sustainable public transport system.

Mr President, Commissioner, without doubt, the single market is Europe's greatest asset. It creates opportunities for businesses and workers, it allows us to raise living standards in all Member States and it gives us real influence in the world. But we know we have an awfully long way to go before its potential is fully reached. Today, the single market strategy is a good start, but we need action – real action – to make it a reality. We also, I believe, need much more ambition, especially for banking and financial services. But more than anything else, we need to stop burdening our small and medium businesses with red tape, and give them the support and the services to trade across the borders of Europe. So I want to welcome three things today. Number one: I want to welcome the plans to recognise professional qualifications right throughout the EU. Irish people are the working envy of every Member State, and their skills should be recognised and valued. Number two: I want to welcome the plans that we stop punishing small and medium enterprises by reducing the burdens on businesses between 250 and 750 employees. But we actually must aim much higher. Number three: I'm really glad to see the Commission responding to my call for reform of our GDPR rules for SMEs. Reducing GDPR record-keeping requirements means less red tape, more clarity and, finally, a bit of breathing room for the entrepreneurs who drive our economies. And I really think it's a win-win for common sense. But we do need to go further. So I want to continue pushing for further practical reforms to strike the right balance between privacy and productivity. What businesses need is not more paperwork, but clear proportional rules that actually work in the real world.

Mr President, Commissioner, when it comes to commercial practices, online is the only show in town. But when it comes to consumer fraud, online spaces still remain a Wild West. We need all actors on board to ensure that we have a shared responsibility. Because today, citizens in Europe are subject to fake advertising and online scams on a near daily basis, often via social media platforms. Our own Irish Data Protection Commission has already issued over EUR 3.5 billion worth of fines, as well as corrective measures. But it's all too easy to put fake advertisements purporting to be from regulated institutions online, and for unsuspecting citizens to be scammed out of their own money before the advert just simply disappears. Three in every four Irish people have encountered some form of suspicious activity online, whilst 45 % of Europeans stated they have experienced more suspicious activity compared with last year. We know that such incidents are hard to track and almost impossible to reverse after they happen. The Digital Services Act obliges platforms to take down illegal content once it has been reported. However, it creates few proactive obligations prior to publication or even reporting by individuals. So we need to look at ways to ensure that electronic communications providers verify with national competent authorities that advertisements purporting to be from regulated entities are, in fact, legitimate, so that we can protect our people and their hard earnings.

Madam President, colleagues, today in Hungary loving just somebody that you love can get you branded a threat to the state, and that certainly isn't about protecting values, it's state-sponsored homophobia. The bill that was introduced to ban the Pride marches, to use facial-recognition technology and to fine anybody who dares to attend EUR 500 is not just repressive, it is absolutely shameful. In Ireland, we know what it means to fight for LGBT+ rights. We know that dignity, visibility and equality are not just given, they're won – by people who are brave enough to demand them, people who refuse to hide even when it is hard and especially when it is dangerous. And the LGBT+ community of Hungary who have marched, spoken out and stood tall simply want to be who they are. They certainly will not be silenced or repressed. In Europe, we have values: freedom, dignity, equality. Orbán, however, only values power. If we, as Europeans, stay silent now, we risk normalising this erosion of rights across our Union, and we open the doors for others to follow – and there are many waiting in the wings. This is not just Hungary's problem. It's a test of Europe's conscience. Real leadership means courage. It means standing up for your people – and that means all of your people, even the ones that you might not agree with. It's not about targeting our most vulnerable. There is nothing brave about bigotry. It is time for Europe to invoke the rule of law. And I wish you every success, Commissioner McGrath.

Mr President, Commissioner, for millions of Europeans, the basics have become just simply unaffordable. In the 1980s, the average home in the EU cost about three times the average salary. Today in some cities, in my own capital city, sometimes it's more than eight times the average salary. Bills have increased and wages – even though they have been adjusted for inflation – have stagnated in too many sectors. I definitely don't call that progress. We as politicians must remember that economic success is not measured in GDP by most normal people, but in whether a person can look after their family, heat their home, put food in their fridge. The EU has long championed meritocracy as a core value. I think that means allowing people the freedom not only to fulfil their potential, but continued action on the cost of living and investment in our public services. Social Europe cannot be just about protection; it has to be about opportunity. We need to remove the barriers to social advancement, put money back in people's pockets and reduce government bureaucracy. A 'social Europe' is not just a slogan; it's a responsibility. And it's time we got back to basics.

Madam President, Commissioner, the Union of Skills must include everybody. Because for every mother who stepped away from her career to raise her children, for every woman who moved abroad but wants to bring her skills back home, and for every woman who took a career break and was told she has no longer got the skills, Europe has to do better. Women don't lose skills when they step away from the workforce; they gain new ones. Leadership, resilience, problem-solving: these are qualities that our workplaces need. Yet too often, women returning to work face barriers instead of opportunities. A career break cannot be a career end. We need to end that stigma. That is why returnships are so crucial – supported pathways back to the workforce that offer training, mentorship and real job placements. Because without them, we are absolutely wasting talent. And if we want to remain competitive, we need skilled workers to return to our workforce. Ireland led the way with the launch of its ARC programme last year, and I really hope that Europe uses this model, ensuring that skilled workers, especially women returners, have the opportunity they deserve to re-enter the workforce and to contribute to our shared success.

Mr President, Commissioner, President Lagarde, we are here today discussing the ECB annual report. At times of enormous uncertainty, following on from Canada, Mexico and China, President Trump is threatening the EU with steep new tariffs. Billions of euros of investments and thousands of jobs depend on the trade between Europe and the United States. I have heard the concerns from people and businesses in Dublin about how America may soon be closed for business. European Member States, including my own, have strong historic, cultural and huge economic links with the United States, and we need to do everything we can to preserve this, and ensure that EU‑US relationships remain functional. Yet there are those who would have us turn away from one of our closest historic allies. And this literally would be the definition of cutting off your own nose to spite your face. President Lagarde, I want to welcome your words in the Financial Times recently with President von der Leyen, where you highlighted the need for Europe to be better at helping businesses to grow and thrive. We need to see the reforms to boost competitiveness and innovation. I also want to welcome the work that has taken place to bring down inflation by the ECB. This is why the ECB can now reduce our interest rates, which is very welcome. But for this to continue, all the Member States must be prudent. The time for talk is over and the time for action absolutely is now.

Madam President, colleagues, we have spent the last few months since I've been here intensively talking about the importance of innovation, and it is clear that, despite all of the risks it entails, crypto stems from a desire to innovate and operate outside traditional norms and structures. In general, legislators and regulators should focus on creating the conditions for innovation and sectors to thrive. But in this case, there's vital issues of trust, consumer protection and there is obviously the serious potential for financial crime that still exists. And yet, on the other side of the Atlantic, we hear the promises of the new administration of the sector, even as the President's own meme coins were launched and then crashed and lost half their value in the space of one weekend. I think there are serious questions that have to be asked about a situation where the most powerful politician and one of the richest men in the world can self‑enrich himself through a scheme while purporting to be in charge of the regulators of that particular innovation? And while these questions go unaddressed, the cryptocurrency industry will continue to face serious pushback by some of us in this Chamber and outside. The EU's legal framework for the sector seeks to promote innovation while tackling market abuse and the very large elements of criminality, and its full implementation has literally only just begun, it's in its infancy. So, I hope that when we eventually come to review and have an international standard, that our efforts will be used for that global standard.

Madam President, Commissioner, as Timothy Snyder said, 'to abandon facts is to abandon freedom'. In recent months, we have seen an election in the European Union suspended due to illegal content and manipulation of algorithms. We have US tech billionaires promoting far-right politicians in Europe and talking about taking down democratically elected governments in Europe. Now we see social media platforms reducing their oversight. Next month marks one year since we passed the Digital Services Act, and it will be all for nothing if national regulators, including Ireland's – my own, Comisiún na Meán – don't have the resources that are needed to make sure that we bring it into full effect. So let us be very clear: this is not about controlling free speech. Instead, it's about ensuring that no voices can be silenced or drowned out by incitement to hatred, deliberate misinformation or manipulation of algorithms. It's about protecting democracy online. It's about making the online space open to everybody, not just the highest bidder. EU regulators need to agree soon – now, not in 2026 – on a common approach for age verification to protect our young people. And furthermore, platforms should be banned from making money profits from criminals by taking ads for people who are purporting crimes. Europe faces vital elections next year and we need to make sure that we control freedom of speech on all of our platforms.

Mr President, at the height of the Cold War, US President John F. Kennedy declared that peace is a daily, a weekly, a monthly process, gradually changing opinions, slowly eroding old barriers, quietly building new structures. The ceasefire in Gaza must last. The eyes of the world must stay on the region, and the agreement should be followed by a new comprehensive political agreement of a two-state solution. This is the best way to ensure long-term peace, and this opportunity cannot be lost like we have seen so many times in the past. Other countries in the region, Europe, the US must be committed partners in this peace process – political, cultural and financial partners that see us slowly progress towards that two-state solution, because never, ever again should we allow ourselves to witness scenes like the horrific attack on 7 October, taking hostages of innocent men, women and children, or the subsequent near destruction of the people and the infrastructure of Gaza. Closer to home, colleagues, we must combat the rise of antisemitism, because too much of it these days goes unnoticed, and it's now becoming an accepted part of normal discourse and it sets an extremely dangerous precedent. We must put a stop to it and do that now. As Europe learned in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, and as Northern Ireland learned in the 1990s, peace is not something that simply happens. It's a process that requires consistent effort and dedication over many years and decades. UNRWA reports today, for the first time in many, many months, the people of Gaza hear the sound of children playing. That's something we must strive for to make louder and permanent.

Madam President, with democratic accountability under threat right across the world, including in some of our own Member States, I believe the role of the European Ombudsman has never been more important. EU citizens must feel that the institutions are not above scrutiny. And that is why I want to thank my own Irish colleague, Emily O'Reilly, for the service that she has given in this role for the last 11 years. Emily has given her absolute all to uphold democracy, enhance accountability and ensure that the abuses of power in EU institutions, including in this Parliament, do not get dismissed as 'It's just the way things are done'. Because I know there are citizens across the Union in every Member State who are extremely grateful to Emily for her work that she did on their behalf over three mandates. But that work is never complete and there is still much more to do. The Commission in particular needs to become much better at giving public access to the legislative documents within a reasonable time frame, as she outlined, and I am sure that will be for our next EU Ombudsman and I want to wish them all the best of luck tomorrow. But Commissioner, after 11 years of outstanding service of a fine Irishwoman and three of our candidates tomorrow being women, maybe it's about time we changed the name of the role to 'Ombudsperson'.

Mr President, today we have to confront the harsh truth that violence against women is at global epidemic levels. It doesn't respect borders, class or race. Every day, women are harassed, beaten, assaulted and simply killed because of the fact that they are a woman. And it's not just a woman's issue; it's a human rights crisis at this stage. As a fellow Irish woman, I shouldn't know the names Jessica Bowes, Natasha O'Brien or Nikita Hand, or the countless other brave Irish women who seek justice through our court systems, having faced physical, domestic or sexual violence. And we watch them as women in solidarity as they are dragged through what feels like a cruel, degrading system, rather than the victims that they actually are, all the while being judged by the public opinion as well as their peers in court. So we have to act now. Governments have to prioritise prevention at the root causes: misogyny, inequality and poverty. Education must teach respect, consent and equality to break the toxic mindsets that are underlying in our communities and we need stronger laws and enforcement. Too often we see mitigating circumstances and allow men to walk free with suspended sentences, and, finally, we need to support survivors. And that is non-negotiable. Shelters, counselling, legal aid – they are not luxuries; they are lifelines that women need.

Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it's not just about laws. The EU's many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we're facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China's Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market. We don't want protectionism, we don't want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.

Madam President, Mr Letta, you're absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can't take it for granted, because if we do, it's going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing. Europe's economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it's particularly true in the case of our service industry. We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States. Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it's also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.

Mr President, I want to really welcome this debate today because housing supply is a real challenge in many Member States, as we can see from the contributions today. But we all know that home ownership is really good for society and, as legislators, I think we have to make sure that we do everything we can to make it a reality for all of our citizens. And whilst Member States' governments are at the front line of actually delivering and tackling the crisis, there's a lot of things that we can do here at an EU level. First of all, I think we can learn from each other what works and what doesn't work and don't repeat it. We can ensure that there are EU funds available and that the rules around planning and procurement are not overly onerous as they are in my own country. And we can coordinate resources to ensure that governments do have access to the skilled workforce. Because in Ireland, money is not our problem. It's the lack of people to actually build the houses that has been an issue for us over the last number of years. But because the challenge is different in different places, we do need to recognise and monitor the problems. In Ireland though we're making important progress. More than 115 000 homes have been delivered since 2020, and it's rising. In the last 12 months alone, 51 000 new bills have been commenced and the number of first time buyers is at its highest levels in years, thanks to the government interventions such as the Help to Buy scheme. But there's an awful lot more we can do, and this social challenge should rightly be at the top of our new housing DG's agenda, which will be Commissioner Jørgensen's Commission task, and I want to wish him well and support him.

Mr President, good morning, Commissioner, the recent rulings bring to an end of this long-running case, and I think it's right that all parties respect the judgment of the European Court of Justice. However, I think it's important to clear up a number of misconceptions around this case. The case is hugely historic and only has relevance there relating to Revenue opinions from between 1991 and 2007, and Ireland has already made significant reforms to its tax code since 2007: changes in the law and corporate residence rules, and the attribution of profits to branches of non-resident companies operating in Ireland. And whilst taxation is of course a national sovereignty, it still requires European and international cooperation. Ireland is an active participant in our international tax discussions, and we have also made the necessary changes as international tax law rules have developed over the years. And this includes the important work of the OECD two-pillar agreement, where Ireland made significant tax changes that have not been matched by any other country. Ireland is also a strong advocate of this agreement because base erosion and profit shifting is a global issue that requires a global response. So it's absolutely right to tackle unfair state aid. And this should also include the large amount of state aid through subsidies that currently take place in many of our Member States. But also, I think we need to be really, really clear: in a week where we've spoken so much about Europe's need to boost our competitiveness, private investment, innovation, this judgment shouldn't be used – as it is by some – as a stick against the foreign direct investment sector. We need to remain open for business, to attract foreign direct investment, and this includes measures such as tax competition that makes us competitive on the international stage. Foreign direct investment makes us stronger, creates jobs and boosts the economy. And that's exactly what we need.

Madam President, colleagues, this year, drug seizures at our airports, ports and other entry points in Ireland have more than doubled in comparison to last year. And on the one hand, that is welcome because our Gardaí, like police forces right across Europe, go above and beyond their duty to keep us safe. But on the other hand, it's a signal that organised crime, including the smuggling of illegal substances, continues to be organised, well financed and well resourced. So tackling organised crime absolutely should be a major EU priority because crime doesn't respect our national borders. And thankfully Europe is stepping up to the plate. We're establishing a new EU agency to tackle money laundering, tackle illegal migration, clamp down on excise fraud and we are beefing up our defences on cyber crime. But we absolutely must do more. Since our last plenary session here in July, Europol has been involved in cracking down on Europe's largest ever synthetic opioid lab, a cocaine lab, multiple migrant smuggling rings, euro counterfeiters, cyber criminals, money launderers, contract killers and drug traffickers, just to name a few. And yesterday, at home, An Garda Síochána in Dublin, working with Europol, dealt a major blow to one of our country's largest drug gangs, seizing 100 kg of cocaine worth EUR 7 million. Organised crime gangs tear our communities and families apart. They prey on the vulnerable and they have a massive, damaging effect on every level of our societies. But we are only going to make progress in tackling this scourge if we support and resource our Garda enforcement personnel. And to that end, I want to call for an increase in the membership and numbers of An Garda Síochána – Ireland's police force – to reach 20 000 members. We have a growing population, we have a growing crime drug problem and we have growing organised criminal gangs. And if our police are to keep us safe, we absolutely must support them in return. We must root out the leadership of these gangs, whether they are in Europe or elsewhere, and bring down the trafficking networks, seize every last euro they have made and ensure that they're held accountable. Because whether it's the family crime gang in Dublin, human traffickers across Europe, or drug trafficking right across the world, EU Member States must do everything to destroy the gangs and make them pay for the damage they've done to our families and societies.

Mr President, Commissioner, only 2 weeks ago, a survey of over 7 000 schoolchildren in Ireland showed that over a quarter of them had been impacted by harmful content online, including harassment, direct contact by strangers and exposure to unsolicited content. And as a mother to four young people, that fills me with real fear and dread. And this is one of the reasons why the Digital Services Act was introduced – to protect our youngest and our most vulnerable citizens. The laws aim to achieve an important but simple principle: what is illegal offline should be illegal online. And it also extends to misusing somebody's personal data, content promoting incitement or hatred or terrorism, or indeed undermining our democracy. So in my view, the root of this must include tackling the algorithms that promote the content that we abhor and that we see daily. And while the Act has been in place now for a number of months, I think it's too early yet to judge its effectiveness. But right now it's absolutely vital that we ensure all of our local individual enforcement authorities across every Member State, including Comisiún na Meán in Ireland, are fully resourced both financially and with personnel to do the job that we want them to do. No more should the online space be a Wild West for safety and data rights. However, there is a fine line. We have to be clear: the online and digital economy offers huge benefits and it is an indispensable part of our modern economy and society. And that is why, in seeking to uphold the law, we must not smother innovation, creativity or competitiveness. Europe must be a place where digital industries can grow, develop and compete.