Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Global Gateway has been presented as the European Union's great response to the geopolitical and economic context of our time. It is therefore completely out of step, because the context has evolved and we have not. It is only a context of a festival of ideological dogmas. We are talking about EUR 300 billion, ladies and gentlemen. We are talking about funds that would be very much needed within the European area itself. We are talking about funds that are used in ideological contexts, with impositions of multilateralism, harming our interests, our industries and our people. While global powers play to win, the European Union, for a change, is another partner that gives money to those who are outstretched and pledge allegiance to the European Union. For these reasons, the Patriots for Europe cannot support this report, which is an ideological report and not a power report.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, enlargement can be very good or very bad. It can be very good when it strengthens stability, peace and prosperity in Europe. It can be very good when it respects the accession criteria, in particular the Copenhagen criteria and, on a case-by-case basis, is making use of the strengths of that country which wants to join the European Union. It can be very bad, if this accession is done on the knee, in an unconsidered and hasty way, which can create extremely serious problems not only with that country, but within the European Union itself. Therefore, this enlargement and the enlargements that will come have to be done exclusively on merit. I have been advocating for the accession of the Western Balkan countries to the European Union for years. They are part of Europe, they are part of European culture, they are part of the socio-economic base of our continent. These countries must be part of the European Union. And what is serious is that these countries, ten years ago, were closer to us than they are at the moment. Like 20 years ago, too. And that means there's a shared guilt here. It's our fault, their fault. Somehow, we have abandoned these countries to their fate and, on the other hand, we cannot be with demands, which are not constructive demands, which are not demands that provide for greater unanimity on the part of the countries, because unanimity in decisions - my dear friends - is fundamental for the European Union to meet its objectives and comply with its internal laws that have been defined from the beginning. Because you can't move in the middle of the championship. You can't change the laws, you can adapt ‑, but you can't change. So yes to enlargement for a stronger Europe, for a more substantial Europe. No to an enlargement that will support federalism, which leads nowhere. Supporting federalisms that will ultimately destroy Europe.

Mr President, Commissioner, I liked your speech on Bosnia, I did not like your speech on the Democracy Shield. My dear friends, it is not with dictatorships and autocracies that the democratic deficit is fought. On the contrary, it is with the will of the populations, it is with the informed populations. This is very simple. This fight against social networks and this support for media Classics have only one origin: It's just that you're losing and we're winning. And fear is what they want to instill in us – us who are for democracy, for free expression. It is political correctness. They tell us what we should say and what we should not say. That's what instills fear. It is not now that we are afraid to say that we need a dictatorship in relation to democracy. This, my dear friends, is not so. It's not. Because if we really want to build a democracy – and democracy is the people’s regime – we have to listen to the people, we have to listen to what the people want to say. And it's not saying that it's all a lie, that people are legitimizing hate, that people are doing this or that. Of course there are risks, of course, but the risks are not erased with dictatorships and the risks are not erased with autocracies. It is the people who have the right and the duty to think for themselves.

Mr President, Commissioner, I like your speech, Commissioner. I'm going to speak in English. Mr President, Commissioner, I liked your speech. I was in Bosnia before, during and after the Paris-Dayton Accords. It's been 30 years. Thirty years is a long time in an evolving world, and that means that agreements have to be reviewed. We have to think about a different future than the past. The strength games in Bosnia and Herzegovina are different at the moment. Our presence is different. It was I, as the European Union's special envoy, who negotiated the start of the agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina's Europe. To date, nothing has been done to make this agreement a reality. We didn't do it, they didn't do it. This has to change, because Bosnia is a country in the centre of Europe. We have to create a third entity, a Croatian entity, because the force games have changed in Europe, the force games have changed in Bosnia itself. We cannot accept secessions. We must accept a whole Bosnia, and that it is a European Bosnia and not a Bosnia leaning to one side, with another part of Bosnia leaning to the other. That's up to us, and we're going to have to comply. Therefore, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we will continue to build European unity. Let's give Bosnia its rightful place.

Mr President, Commissioner, the key word is fear: fear, fear. Democracy is not protected with shields, democracy is protected with deeds, democracy is protected with freedom, democracy is protected with truth. And you can see from this Parliament where democracy is when the third political force is subject to a cordon sanitaire that does not allow it to hold committee presidencies or other activities here in Parliament. Is this democracy? Is this how democracy is protected with prohibitions? My dear friends, this Shield is turned upside down, it is turned to protect the Commission and other institutions of the European people, because it is the European people who decide. It is the people of Europe who rule the most in a democracy. Democracy should not be afraid, because democracy is and emanates from the people.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, let us then talk about human rights. Everyone talks about human rights and I ask: and our human rights, the human rights of European citizens? In Portugal, 20% of Portuguese live on the poverty line. We have homelessness, we have homelessness, and what are we going to do with them? Are we going to preempt them in favor of illegal immigrants? I don't think that's what we all want. We have to protect our own and we have to protect our own first. Secondly, it is clear that the right of asylum is a sacred right, but it is not a universal passport. Protection should be for the real persecuted, not for the opportunists. As for the call pool It is a market of annual solidarity, let us be very clear, it is not solidarity, it is a market of consciences. The rich pay not to receive immigrants, the poor get into trouble. And this, my dear friends, is not a way to build Europe.

Madam President, Commissioner, I was serving in Serbia in 1999. I was instrumental in downing Milošević. You know one of the reasons why? Because I promised the Serbs a future in Europe. Eight years afterwards, I came back as a special representative of the European Union. And what had been done? Zero by us! So we are complaining about Serbia, but we are not complaining about us – for what we did not do, for how we did not give any future to Serbia. And now we are complaining. Yes, Vučić is not perfect. Yes, the Serbs are not perfect. And yes, there is a complicated situation. But the Russians are there and the Chinese are there because we left the void. We left an empty space and they came in. It's normal, it's chemical, it's like in physics; it's like that also in politics. So let's work a little bit harder to bring Serbia into the European Union: less talk and more action!

Mr President, Commissioner, we are, of course, in favour of enlargement, especially in relation to the countries of the Western Balkans, because there is a black hole, which is there in the middle of Europe, which it is essential to fill. However, enlargement should not be a pretext for destroying unanimity, crushing small countries or diluting sovereignty. And, by the way, I wanted to tell you: Be careful with the statements of Mr. António Costa, because he destroyed Portugal and eventually could destroy the European Union as well. In this case, in particular, we always affirm the precedence of states over Brussels. Moreover, it is not the institutions that are outdated, it is the bureaucracy that complicates the life of the institutions in Brussels. Too many bureaucrats, too much bureaucracy, not too much politics, are damaging the European institutions. It is the bureaucratic machine, this monster that has been created over the years.

Madam President, Commissioner, my dear friends, it seems that history does not pass through this Parliament. It seems that history in the Middle East began on October 7th two years ago and that what happened back doesn't matter. How many times were the Israelites harassed, how many times was Israel not attacked? And I'm telling you, this isn't a situation that's going to be solved overnight. It will be a matter that will have to be resolved in due course, in due course, and it is not with miraculous two-state solutions or with a precarious ceasefire, such as the one that exists at the moment. My dear friends, these crisis situations are not to be solved, they are to be able to maintain peace and stability. It is very important that people are aware of this, and that the Commission and this Parliament are aware that the conflict is not over, because the Palestinians have only one objective, which is to end the State of Israel, from the river to the sea.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, when the Commission speaks of digital sovereignty, it forgets the very foundations of sovereignty, which is the freedom of citizens and the sovereignty of the Member States. What it actually proposes is centralization and control. Digital identity, the digital euro, the so-called chat controlThey are not instruments of freedom, they are mechanisms of surveillance and censorship. They are a reflection of what we see in totalitarian regimes: in China, with the social credit system and the digital yuan; in Russia, with centralised identification and the digital ruble; in Iran, with the national monitoring network; in Venezuela, with the carnet de la patria. The free world does not centralize to control, it decentralizes to protect freedom. Europe should not imitate Beijing, Moscow or Caracas. As, for example, does the Portuguese government submitted to the ongoing globalist agenda.

Mr President, Commissioner, it is extraordinary. It seems that anti-Semitism and the problems of the Middle East only began on October 7th two years ago. It's not quite like that. They're centuries old. If my friends study history, they will see that the roots are deep, and we cannot allow them to evolve. In Europe, the work of the Muslim Brotherhood has been tireless against our democratic structures, against our social structures. It is enough to read the report made by the French secret services to see to what extent this organisation has been working in Europe, and it is they who have caused this kind of situation. My dear friends, let us have no illusions, because after the Jews come Christians, as in Congo. Right now, in northern Mozambique, where there is a genocide, a genuine genocide, by Islamists against Christians. We Christians are next.

Mr President, Madam Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, hallelujah! There was light. I have been advocating for years for an international administration for Gaza and, in principle, for the entire Palestinian Authority. And now that the plan of the Americans has come to the fore, this administration has become unavoidable, which I think is extremely positive, because without it there will be no peace, there will be no stability. I think that is the way forward, not only for the Gaza Strip, but also for the territories of the West Bank. The European Union has behaved unfortunately towards the Middle East: has given money, has lost control of money; tunnels are built with money from the European Union, and aid does not reach the people; People are hungry and the least defended of all. This help, which the Commissioner has come to announce, will be provided through whom? The United Nations? Hamas? Because do not forget that there is something called Stockholm syndrome – and you can be sure that a large part of the population of Gaza and a large part of the West Bank, of the Palestinian Authority, are increasingly on the side of Hamas. I'm sure they won't forget that. As for the two-state solution, let's recognize what? There can only be a Palestinian state if that state recognizes the state of Israel. That is why the five attempts in the past have failed, and that is why this one will fail if the Palestinians do not recognize the State of Israel.

Madam President, Commissioner, we in Portugal have always been in favour of immigration, we have always had immigration since the country was founded almost 900 years ago. What we want is regulated immigration that integrates into the life of the country. It is not a mass, unregulated immigration that harms Portugal and harms the Portuguese – and harms Europeans as well, because their countries are also being attacked. In Portugal, more than half of the individuals who are imprisoned are foreigners. In Portugal, more than half of those who commit violations are foreigners. There are many places in my country where our wives, their daughters, cannot go unaccompanied. They are often afraid to take to the streets after 6 p.m. It can't be like this, this has to stop and that's it. And it has to stop because otherwise we not only lose our generations, we lose our sovereignty.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, Madam Minister, first of all, I'd like to thank you very much for the solidarity that was displayed by this House and by our friends in the European Union towards, not only this terrible happening that 3 % of Portugal this year destroyed out and the loss of lives, but also for the solidarity vis-à-vis the terrible accident with our elevator which killed 16 people in Lisbon. Thank you for the solidarity. I'll speak Portuguese now. Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, I have to say that every year it is the same, that is, every year we have fires. This year, 3% of Portugal's area burned. And don’t come to me with stories that are climate change – it’s not. Most of them are arson; There is a human hand in these fires. Therefore, it is not worthwhile to have big theories of climate change if we do not prevent the human hand from doing damage in our countries, on the one hand. On the other hand, more important than solidarity and the means used to fight fires: They must not exist. Prevention is necessary so that there are no fires. Because it's the same every year. We say that in Portugal, but now I stand here, before Europe, to say the following: if you want to help us, help us regulate our territory, help repopulate the trees and vegetation of our country, help with techniques that avoid fires because, once the fire is declared, thank you very much for the help, but it is already late. We don't want words; We want action. And that is what I ask of you, especially the European Commission and the Council: Be active, proactive, and have action.

Madam President, Ms Kallas, while everybody speaks about Israel and the surrounding problems, today I'm going to speak about Hamas – the other side – because the conflict has two sides. Hamas is a terrorist organisation recognised by all countries represented here. Hamas must be held accountable if it refuses to release hostages and shoot them at point blank in a cold way, refuses to disarm and deliberately steals or blocks food aid meant for civilians. Hamas is not a partner for peace, it is an obstacle to peace. All countries, nations or institutions that provide Hamas with manpower, weapons and money should be considered as terrorism supporters. And let's say one thing here: if they want the war to end tomorrow, they just release the hostages and put the weapons down, and in 24 hours, there will be no more war in Gaza, I can guarantee you. The other thing is recognising the Palestinian states, very nice. What are you going to recognise? The Gaza Strip? The West Bank, where the most corrupt government takes over and they don't have geopolitical continuity? They hate each other. Abu Mazen is hated as Netanyahu by the Palestinians. Now, one thing is that if you want to create a state, you must have elections, you must have a parliament and you must have a government. And who's going to be the government? Hamas or its proxies? I leave this thought with you. The other thing is Jordan. 60-70 % of the people living in Jordan are Palestinians. Remember the Black September in 1970? Once you give them the statehood, they will say, we national Palestinians, we want to be in this country because it's our country. It means to destroy Jordan.

Madam President, Commissioner, first of all I would like to commend the efforts of the rapporteur, Ondřej Kolář, who has certainly made the best of his efforts in drawing up this report. However, I cannot fail to point out certain shortcomings, namely the differential treatment that has been applied to the Federation and the Republika Srpska, the lack of dialogue with the Republika Srpska representatives, in contrast to the excessive dialogue with the representatives of the Federation, in particular the Bosniaks. This is complicated because it makes the report not perfectly exempt. We have to think that Bosnia has two entities. These entities are increasingly apart from each other and we run the risk, in fact, of having a more divided country today than it was 30 years ago. And it is very important that we have this notion because 30 years ago I was in Dayton, I was an ambassador in Bosnia and I knew the country well and I know the country well. And then it was closer to the European Union than it is now. Twenty years ago they were closer than they are now. I think this is extremely serious and I think there has to be more dialogue and there has to be less demonisation of the Serbian side compared to the Federation side, because nobody mentions the increasing Islamisation of part of the Federation, the influence of Iran, Turkey and Qatar on parts of the Federation, which is as unacceptable as the influences of Russia and China on the part of Republika Srpska. We have to be diplomats. We have to do the dialogue.

Madam President, Commissioner, first of all I would like to commend the efforts of the rapporteur, Ondřej Kolář, who has certainly made the best of his efforts in drawing up this report. However, I cannot fail to point out certain shortcomings, namely the differential treatment that has been applied to the Federation and the Republika Srpska, the lack of dialogue with the Republika Srpska representatives, in contrast to the excessive dialogue with the representatives of the Federation, in particular the Bosniaks. This is complicated because it makes the report not perfectly exempt. We have to think that Bosnia has two entities. These entities are increasingly apart from each other and we run the risk, in fact, of having a more divided country today than it was 30 years ago. And it is very important that we have this notion because 30 years ago I was in Dayton, I was an ambassador in Bosnia and I knew the country well and I know the country well. And then it was closer to the European Union than it is now. Twenty years ago they were closer than they are now. I think this is extremely serious and I think there has to be more dialogue and there has to be less demonisation of the Serbian side compared to the Federation side, because nobody mentions the increasing Islamisation of part of the Federation, the influence of Iran, Turkey and Qatar on parts of the Federation, which is as unacceptable as the influences of Russia and China on the part of Republika Srpska. We have to be diplomats. We have to do the dialogue.