Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner. Attempts for gender equality in Europe are once again slowing down, thanks to colleagues on the right. Women are denied health care, including access to abortion. Thanks to you, open misogynism is thriving on the Internet and attacks on sexual and other minorities are increasing. That is why this declaration of equality is so important. Some countries, and apparently colleagues, need to remind themselves that equality is not just a phrase. Slovakia was also mentioned. Thus, in Slovakia, the current government has pushed through an amendment to the Constitution that threatens democracy, our international obligations, but mainly attacks the principles of equality and justice, all for cheap political points. Do you think this is democracy? Is this something normal? It is our duty to protect all citizens of the European Union. But if we fail again, we will lose not only equality, but also freedom and democracy. And you'll all really feel it. We'll all feel it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I want to talk about the size of the MFF today, because the annual EU budget is roughly as large as the budget of the country holding currently the presidency, Denmark, with 6 million people. But Europeans ‑ half a billion people ‑ demand much more, we've heard it: prosperous regions; investments in infrastructure, security, climate action, media, support for civil society and much more. But how? How can we fund all this if we shy away from discussing alternative resources? The Commissioner said it. We see memes comparing the US and China to leaders of a new space age, while the EU is dealing with bottle lids ‑ we've heard that today. But, dear citizens, it's about the amount of competences and precisely resources that our governments, national governments are granting to the European Union. And I see the MFF as a great opportunity to change it. We may not be able to change the Treaties right now, but we certainly can shape the European Union with money, and Europeans are expecting nothing less from us.

on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - (DE) Madam President, honourable High Representative and colleagues. The news from Gaza is terrifying. Humanitarian aid blocked, hospitals bombed, more than half a million people facing famine. In recent days, dozens of people have been killed while waiting for food and water. We are calling for peace, but how many Palestinians will actually live to see it? How many people still have to die in order for us, as a Union, to realise that we can use the levers that are now available to us? No one questions Israel's right to defend itself, but what we are watching today is no longer self-defense. Recognitions and declarations are no longer sufficient. We must be really stronger if we respect the values on which the European Union was founded. We must insist on the suspension of the Union's association agreement with Israel, because with this action we can save lives. That's our minimum. It's not about politics, ideology, or religion. It is about human dignity, and today in Gaza it lies in the dust beneath the rubble.

Madam President, High Representative, colleagues, even in Europe, peace has its price tag. Neglecting this reality has left us with a critical defence capabilities gap. The upcoming NATO summit is therefore a critical juncture. It is no longer about if, but precisely how fast we can increase defence expenditures to a sufficient level. It's not our thirst for militarisation, colleagues, Mr Fico, Mr Orbán. It's because of Putin. Intelligence agencies across Europe have been warning us that Russia plans to test NATO and the EU in just a few years, if you didn't hear. My country, Slovakia, remembers it very well. This coming Saturday marks 34 years since the last train carrying Soviet troops left Czechoslovakia – the true end of the occupation. To me, this is a clear reminder that freedom is not a given, that our democracy needs to be defended. We know exactly what is at stake when Russia threatens us with a new war. So, what should we do? The European Union, through the activation of the escape clause, has provided Member States with the exceptional ability to raise defence expenditures. Member states will also have the opportunity to borrow cheaply through the SAFE instrument. But let us also make sure that this money, these investments, do not end up in the hands of some defence oligarchs, and that we will be paying for things that our armies and our security actually need. Let's act very strategically. It's for future generations. We need to think across the Union about how to actually build that powerful European pillar within NATO to protect our citizens, because doing this together is cheaper, it unites us, and ultimately it makes us stronger.

Mr President, let me be a bit personal today. I fell in love with Türkiye about 20 years ago, and I believe many of you might have had the same experience discovering a country while travelling and instantly falling in love with its people, culture, its soul. But since that first visit, my heart has been breaking down again and again every time a Turkish friend calls me and tells me they are leaving the country, that the situation is becoming dire, that they are losing hope, because – and let's be clear – you cannot imprison your main political opponent and still call yourself a democracy. But unfortunately, this isn't just about Türkiye, right? Across Europe, authoritarians are learning from each other, from Ankara to Budapest to Bratislava. Condemning such actions is not enough, dear European Union. We need to act upon our values, our principles. Every time we meet our Turkish counterparts, we need to ask about Osman, about Figen, about Selahattin, about Ekrem. Every time we talk to them. And we need to stand with those who are fighting for freedom, in Türkiye or across the European Union.

Dear Commissioner. The next Multiannual Financial Framework must not be merely an excel exercise. It must be a strategic response to the challenges we face. This includes supporting the most vulnerable regions, including at the border with the war in Ukraine. They are not a periphery – they are Europe’s strategic space. Because without a strong eastern Slovakia, even western France will not be strong. Without a safe southern Italy, even northern Germany will not prosper. If we don't invest in common security through Eurobonds, Putin will swallow us up in the next step as a dessert served by Trump. Our security must be a priority, but let us not forget that Europe's security is not only about defence, but also about young people's talent. Investments in their education, including through the Erasmus programme, will really come back to us. Only as an innovative, competitive and military-strong EU will we survive the pressure from China, the chaos from America and the aggression from Russia. Our report is not about numbers, Mr Commissioner, it is about the future, so we hope that you will present a stronger, bigger and more pro-European budget in July.

Madam President, the Russians are armored, as if nothing should exist the day after tomorrow. If we don't stop Putin together, he'll go on. The deputy defense minister told me these words on my way to Kiev on Saturday. And, you know, I am really shocked that colleagues in this plenary, too, are still living under the illusion that we are not concerned. The two reports we are discussing here today state that peace is the only way, the only viable way, to restore Ukrainian sovereignty. But you who are calling for a fast peace without guarantees and you are still following the instructions to Moscow, so finally go to Kiev! Ukrainians have already had fast-fermented Russian peace on the table many times. And where did that lead them? You're not calling for real peace, you're calling for surrender. Such a peace would only be the pause that Putin needs to prepare for the next attack, and this time directly to the European Union. I would also like to thank you, Mrs Kallas, for your equally vocal support for Ukraine, your standing behind it and your criticism, despite the fact that you call Russia by its real name: the aggressor.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, just last night, I returned from Kyiv, where I witnessed first-hand the looming threat that Russia poses to all of Europe. And believe me, we cannot afford to ignore the growing risks of further aggression further. It is crucial that we make security a top priority in our 2026 budget guidelines and negotiate it resolutely with Member States. I want to thank the rapporteur and the shadow rapporteurs for placing defence at the forefront of next year's budget, because the war on our doorstep is real. And the only way to safeguard Europe's future is through collective defence and unwavering support for Ukraine. Strengthening our military capabilities, investing in defence technologies and showing solidarity with Ukraine are all essential. Their fight is our fight. And by securing Ukraine, we protect the entire European Union. Now, more than ever, we must ensure our resources are focused on defending peace and strengthening Europe.

on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - (DE) Mr President, colleagues, let us acknowledge this and say it out loud. We have a war in Europe that we have not experienced since the 1940s, and under the pressure of a new geopolitical situation, there is a real risk that it will end in the loss of Ukraine. But the war can also move deeper into Europe, and that's exactly what Putin is doing. Defeat Ukraine, gain time to rearm and destabilise us with disinformation in the meantime. Whom do we sacrifice? Baltics, Poland, my Slovakia? We are not decades old, we may have months to create a common defence that will deter Russia, but that is precisely what deterrence is about. About assertiveness and our unity. This is what the White Paper should be about. Yes, it will cost us something, but it will certainly be the price of prevention and sustainable peace lower than the price of war. And so that the increased costs do not fall on those closest to us, we have the tools to do so in the European Union and in the Member States. So yesterday was too late. We have to insure ourselves, and investing in common security is our insurance. Europe must defend itself.

Madam President, dear colleagues, during this discussion, we need to acknowledge that gender equality is not just a matter of justice, but also of security. I think we hear it over here. Women need to be secure from physical and sexual violence, and they also need to be present when looking for safe solutions. Thanks to this roadmap, we now have a path forward, and I am honoured to shadow its implementing strategy, but what should we do? First, we need to combat violence, including integrating consent-based rape laws. Second, we must ensure equality in all areas of life and work, and this means gender mainstreaming and gender budgeting. It is not an ideology. Commissioner Lahbib is not here with us, but I want Commissioner Mînzatu to tell her that we really rely on her, because promoting equality is the key to a future where women – but eventually all of us – can live free from fear and discrimination. And the EU needs to lead this gender equality fight that we have worldwide, especially in those insecure times when geo-policy is changing.

Madam President, I stand here today with a vision of a Europe that is fair, kind and faithful to its common values, Mr President. A Europe built on tolerance, where the relationship of two adults is decided by their feelings, their mutual feelings, and not by the permission of politicians, where every child, regardless of the orientation or gender of their parents, has the right to stability, safety and family. I believe in a European Union that unites, not divides. One that does not allow crossing the border to mean the loss of a parent. The European Court of Justice, too, we have heard about this, says that if a legal relationship is recognised in one country, another must respect it. Because of the principle of justice and protection of the most vulnerable, that is the reason. And yet, for example, in Slovakia, we see the opposite. Populist governments make proposals that do not extend the rights of families, but limit them, hurt them. But we have more. Let us choose a path that is a path of respect. And let's try to say a clear yes to justice at this time. Let us stand for a Europe where every child, every family and every person has a safe place.

Mr President, unequal pay, attacks on sexual and reproductive rights, hate speech and violence. This is the real reality and position of women in the world, not what is mentioned here today, unfortunately. We are still fighting the same battles as we did thirty years ago when the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action were adopted. It was a huge leap for us back then, and today we are not only standing in the same place, but also going back in places. Gender equality is not a luxury in good times, it is even more urgent during the crisis. More than 600 million women and girls around the world are affected by war, a 50 percent increase from the last 10 years. Let's face it: when women are not involved in decision-making or peace negotiations, the results are neither democratic nor inclusive, let alone sustainable. So there are riots and a number of wars. And that's not an opinion, but that's a fact, and we have data for that. Let's not wait another 30 years. Women need more power. Now the security of the whole world depends on it.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues, the fall of Assad's regime not only shows that the oppressed do not give in to the lack of freedom – in Syria, in Ukraine, anywhere. It has also delivered a significant blow to Russia and Iran and, within two weeks, reshaped the dynamics in the region. However, this is no guarantee of stability. As we know, the direction of HTS remains uncertain and the EU needs to stay vigilant. Madam Kallas certainly knows. It must lead with principles, values, but also pragmatism – including insisting on closing Russian bases. The EU should explore diplomatic channels, but must urge the new leadership to prioritise security, the base of all negotiations, and then build upon it – upholding the minority rights, gender equality and freedom of belief. Because this is more than geopolitics. Syrians deserve freedom. They deserve stability and a chance to rebuild their own country without fear and oppression. A stable and free Syria is the goal for Europe as well.

Madam President, dear colleagues, who among us would willingly accept being paid less than another colleague for doing the same work? Of course, no one. Yet, it is an acceptable notion in Europe. For women across the EU, this is everyday reality. They are paid 13 % less than men, on average, for work of the same value. And even though we are hearing that it is a made‑up problem, the numbers speak for themselves. This difference persists even after accounting for feminisation of some sectors or for working hours. There is only one explanation: the 13 % is the value of discrimination. We try to address it through legislation. The Pay Transparency Directive is the right way to go – we need to implement it. But real change will require action from every single one of us. Let's question disparities. Let's demand fairness. And to my fellow women, insist on what is rightfully yours, because equality is a fundamental right and it applies to your paycheque as well.

Mr President, dear colleagues, nothing can justify the brutal Hamas attack on 7 October or the suffering of Israelis still held hostage. While recognising Israel's right to self-defence, it is impossible to justify its response, resulting in over 40 000 civilian deaths in Gaza. And I want to address this humanitarian catastrophe happening in front of our eyes: this winter, millions of Palestinians face hunger and diseases, lacking homes, food and medical supplies. The role of UNRWA is vital. It is providing essentials like food, water, healthcare and education, and there is no replacement in the region. Israel's bills labelling this UN agency as terrorist organisation take effect in two months. Yet, as I said, there is absolutely no viable alternative in the region that can replace this agency's crucial aid. Let me be clear: Israel has no plan B for war refugees, and if we all fail to act, history will judge us.

Mr President, bruises hidden under clothing, forced 'yes' after a decisive 'no', unwanted touches, unsolicited messages, psychological violence. For millions of women and girls, this is a daily reality. And for more than 85,000, last year was the last chapter of their lives. Nevertheless, some countries, including my own – Slovakia – still do not address gender-based violence as urgently as this problem and the gravity of the situation require. Violence is even normalized in the vocabulary and actions of politicians and public figures, so much so that even those who should protect us send a mentally abused woman home to the abuser, with the proviso that unless she has a knife in her stomach or at least a bruise, nothing can be done about it. I heard several variations of this story last week when visiting centres for abused women in eastern Slovakia. We have learned to heal wounds in body and soul, but we still cannot effectively prevent the violence that causes them. At the same time, life without violence and fear must be a European and Slovak standard. Violence in all its forms is neither acceptable nor justifiable. This has never been and will never be the case, and we must not tolerate it.

Thank you for this question and I will speak for myself in this case. I don't think that fundamental rights should be put into referendum. I don't think that women or men should be deciding on what's happening in such a way. And definitely I know that in Poland, at least 50% of inhabitants are women, so I'm sure that another half cannot be deciding on them. So, personally speaking, I don't think the referendum is a good idea.

Madam President, women's rights are human rights, so why in Europe in the twenty-first century do we still treat women as if they were not. Due to the draconian abortion law in Poland, at least seven women have died, we have heard those names. Didn't the creators of life, the creators of these laws, want to protect lives? In last year's parliamentary elections, Poland showed where these discriminatory laws belong, but unfortunately, even a year after they contributed to the change of government, the guarantees of their rights have still not been forthcoming. Because yes, the decision about one's own body must be and is a fundamental human right, and this is what this House is saying. Legal abortions are also not sufficiently available in other regions in the Member States, including mine, but we should really stop in 2024. It is high time to stop seeing women as tools for giving birth to children and not letting them make their own decisions about their own bodies. This message has already been made clear by the Polish people, and it is the message of all Europeans. It's time to respond to him.

Madam President, the case of Bülent Mumay of Deutsche Welle exemplifies the systemic repression of independent journalism. As noted in this joint motion, his case is baseless and serving only one purpose: to intimidate him and other journalists who dare to investigate. After transformations in Turkish civil society and media of the recent years, voices of constructive criticism like Mumay's are rare and really require immense courage, and we need to recognise them. But this Parliament must also condemn actions like legal intimidation, censorship and financial pressure, which are used to silence the press. Because even in our own Member States our 'wannabe autocrats' are getting inspired by them. And as a former journalist, I take cases like Mumay's very personally. We need to make sure that press freedom and freedom of expression are protected in the EU, in Türkiye and beyond. (The speaker concluded in Turkish)

Mr President, A year ago in Slovakia, a mother of two was brutally murdered with a machete by a man who had followed her for two years. Despite filing a criminal complaint, she received no help. Sadly, such cases happen all across Europe. We politicians have a responsibility to act. Back in our capitals, we need to ensure that governments implement the Directive on combating violence against women, push for a common definition of rape, and include gender-based violence among 'Euro crimes'. As a rapporteur for the Victims' Rights Directive, I'll work tirelessly to ensure that victims get compensation, legal support and psychological help. Most victims of gender-based violence are women, as we've heard and we know, and 1 in 3 have their own experience. While men are often the perpetrators. I am convinced that the majority of men want to protect women's rights and their safety. And without you, fathers, brothers, partners – all our male allies – finding solutions will not be possible.

on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. - (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, the Presidency. What Viktor Orbán is doing to the European Union is nothing but provocation. Journeys to Moscow, to China, meetings with Trump, blocking aid to Ukraine, and the example of the Hungarian national card, that is, simplifying the issuance of Schengen visas for Russians and Belarusians, is nothing else. If dictators like Putin had a Trojan horse in the European Union other than Prime Minister Orban, he would not have behaved. Let us not be fooled, my friends. If we think that this Hungarian system will not be used by Russia and its secret services, we are probably naive. Several of our member countries have experience with these Kremlin operations. My country, Slovakia, also has experience with them. That is why, of course, we have to ask whether our pan-European security is not threatened by a national card, because that is what this is all about. By doing so, Hungary is undermining Schengen and threatening its own membership. And I am really sorry that if this situation escalates, it will endanger ordinary Hungarians, Hungarians, but also other ordinary people who live in border areas, for example in Slovakia. People will take it back. But citizens need to know that this is far from being Brussels' fault. And that it will actually be the fault of Viktor Orbán, or other politicians who want to look awfully similar to his kind of politics. But let us not take populists and opportunists seriously. Ladies and gentlemen, they have always liked Europe's attention, of course, and that is good for the ego. But the fact is that they are sitting in a corner in the Council, they are sitting in a corner here in the European Parliament, and they will also be in the European Commission.

Madam President, Commissioner. Europe is facing an existential crisis! If we do not act quickly, our defence capacities may collapse and leave Europe at the mercy of geopolitical players. They will conquer us through our weaknesses – the undervalued interlinking of our defence capabilities over the years, as well as through the constant build-up of dependence on suppliers from outside the European Union. A fragmented defence market can really cost us our security. That's what Dragi's report says. And it reminds us that competitiveness is more than just economic growth, higher GDP or a better quality of life. Russia's war in Ukraine has shown that we no longer have time for alibism. These, but previously Lett's proposals, confirm that the problem is not technology, that we do not know what is wrong or how to do it. Traditionally, there is a lack of political courage. Now is the moment to be bold and push for the creation of a strong defence, industrial and technological base for the European Union and to invest in our secure future.

Madam President, Commissioner. At the moment, we need to strengthen our support for Ukraine. Both financially and militarily. If we prevent Ukraine from using weapons and ammunition, we increase the risk of further attacks on Ukrainian civilians. Ukraine is fighting our common enemy. And that is Vladimir Putin and his regime. To be clear. Nevertheless, its support is declining in some states, including mine, Slovakia. This is because Russia, too, is still conducting a wide variety of influence and hybrid operations in our country, which the European Commission needs to communicate even more intensively and strategically. But the reason is also that some politicians do not hide their sympathy for Russia. We heard it today. They are even sympathetic to Putin. But tens of thousands of Slovaks, for example, did not want to accept that their government refused to help a war-torn neighbor. And within a few days, they raised more than four million euros in ammunition for Ukraine. Let's follow this example. It is an example of solidarity and determination. And that's the biggest weapon. Ours. This is not the time for politics, ladies and gentlemen. It's time to act.