Speeches

Mr President, let us stop pretending that this crisis appeared out of nowhere. For decades, the Iranian regime has imprisoned its citizens, brutally crushed protesters and exported instability elsewhere in the region. That is the reality we are dealing with. But we should also stop pretending that bombs will magically deliver freedom. History teaches us a very, very simple lesson: missiles can kill dictators, but they will not build democracy. The future of Iran will not be decided in Washington, Tel Aviv or Brussels. It will be decided by the Iranian people themselves, by the women, the students and the young generation that continues to courageously demand freedom and dignity despite the brutal repression. Europe, therefore, has a responsibility: first of all, protect our citizens, push for de-escalation and also stand firmly with the Iranian people in their long struggle for freedom and dignity. Because if Europe continues to be a spectator, then we should stop pretending to be a geopolitical actor. Strategic autonomy means shaping events, not simply reacting to them. And finally, missiles will not decide the future of Iran – the Iranian people will.

Mr President, another debate, another resolution on Iran. In the meantime, people are being murdered in the streets, arrested in their homes, cut off from the rest of the world. Let us stop pretending. In the face of the atrocities unfolding in Iran, we have the responsibility to protect, to move from words to actions. How many more must die before we act? This is not about foreign interference. It is about a young society saying, loudly and clearly, 'We want a future.' We hear you, we see you and we support you. The EU must now engage with the opposition, not with the oppressor. You do not negotiate with a regime that kills its own people to stay in power. Europe cannot be cautious while people are being executed. The time of the Iranian regime is up. The time for change is now.

Mr President, colleagues, when ISIS was advancing, many looked away. But the Kurdish forces did not – they fought, they bled and they died. Not just for their land, but also for our own security here in Europe. Today, the very forces that crushed Daesh risked being dismantled. This is not just morally wrong, but it was also strategically reckless. In Rojava, we saw something rare in Syria and beyond: women leading, communities coexisting, local self-rule instead of sectarian chaos. And what was our response? The European Commission pledged EUR 600 million to Damascus without real conditionality, no hard guarantees on rights and no real accountability. This is not foreign policy. In my opinion, this is just wishful thinking. Let's be clear: support for Syria is good, but it must also mean protection for Kurdish rights, security guarantees and strict human rights conditionalities. Otherwise, we will betray those who defeated ISIS and in the meantime, we weaken our own security. Europe must stop being naive. Stability without rights is just an illusion.

Mr President, what you are witnessing in Iran is not simply unrest, it is systematic repression – thousands killed, thousands arrested, and the justice system weaponised against its own people. And I have one clear message to the regime in Tehran: stop hiding behind the claim that this is foreign interference. This is coming from within, from the population – a young population, mostly born after 1979, that no longer accepts fear as a form of governance. Violence is not strength. It is a sign of weakness. Your time is up. This Parliament has spoken enough before. Today, we must go further. We want accountability. We want international investigations, sanctions against those responsible, and yes, designating the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. This is long overdue – action and not words. To the people of Iran, Kurds, Azeris, Arabs, Turkmens, Persians, Baha'is, Baluchis: the future of Iran belongs to you. Women, life and freedom.

Mr President, for Malta, other regions and islands, aviation and maritime links define our economic reality. Without them, there is no trade flow, no tourism sector, no real integration. We back the development of a European sustainable fuel industry, but ambition must be matched by delivery. Production capacity, stable pricing and long‑term certainty are what will make this transition real. If sustainable fuels remain scarce or unevenly distributed, islands will pay the price first. Ticket costs rise, freight costs rise and competitiveness shrinks. This is simply not acceptable. The EU intermediary mechanism must actively de‑risk projects and guarantee market uptake, not just facilitate dialogue. ETS revenues have a clear purpose: they must strengthen connectivity, modernise fleets and support fair access, especially for regions that have no real alternative or fallback option. Decarbonisation is necessary, but it must be designed with territorial reality in mind. A transition that overlooks islands and outermost regions will weaken Europe's cohesion and credibility.

Mr President, Iran's persecution of the Baha'is is not incidental – it is policy; it is structured; it is calculated. The 1991 memorandum and the misuse of Article 49 are tools of exclusion disguised as law. Behind them are lives: elderly citizens detained without explanation; families kept in the dark; women arbitrarily imprisoned for propaganda; homes raided; families and faith criminalised. Diplomacy cannot live on concern alone. Words without consequence protect no one. If Iran denies recognition and basic rights, the EU must answer with real pressure, access to UN mechanisms and clear accountability. We do not police belief; we defend freedom. And that defence must be firm, measurable and consistent – and definitely not selective, not comfortable and not silent.

Mr President, protection of minors online is the protection of society itself, it is the protection of our future leaders and, therefore, it is the protection of democracy. We all know the problems posed by fake profiles – not just fake profiles of children, but of those who target them, who prey on them. Let us be honest: the tools exist – age verification is just one of them – but what we need is the courage to implement but, even more, to enforce the tools which are at hand. Yes, parents will always carry the responsibility. We are not here to take away that responsibility, but to support them. We regulate what our children consume – medicine, food, toys – so now let's ensure that the children are not consumed by the spaces which they use. We regulate everything our children consume, so let us act now. Let us ensure that our children are truly safe everywhere.

Madam President, Sudan today is a test of credibility for this Parliament. In el-Fasher and across the country, civilians are being killed, displaced and stripped of their dignity on an industrial scale. Families are starved into submission. Women and girls are sexually violated to instil fear and control. And this horror persists with the awareness – and at times the direct facilitation – of actors beyond Sudan's borders. Accountability does not end with the men on the ground. It reaches those who fund, equip and profit from this war. Europe cannot speak of human rights while conflict gold flows through our markets. This resolution as such is not just a gesture; it is a line being drawn. Sanctions must bite; pressure must be real; support for Sudanese civilians and for those risking everything to document these crimes must be unwavering. As I always say, credibility is not declared; it is proven. And on Sudan, our credibility will be judged by what we do and not what we say.

Mr President, again, I count on the facts that major reforms have taken place in our country in various sectors, not least in the judiciary and even in the case we are dealing with today, in the case of Daphne Caruana Galizia and her condemnable murder, where the judicial process has taken its course and only one trial is lacking. Again, there is still something to do, and we respect the European institutions, and I will tell you something else too. If we are to mention GRECO for example, which were mentioned earlier, I can also tell you that a previous government, twenty-five years old, refuses to implement GRECO recommendations on abolishing the prescription of politicians to introduce the Whistleblower Act, to introduce the law on party financing, until it has gone into opposition and today continues to refuse to publish its accounts. Are you happy with this in the European Parliament? Because I and the vast majority of Maltese citizens are not.

Mr President, rather than on perception, I prefer to base myself on the facts, and I tell you that in Malta you no longer enjoy a lawyer in the morning and in the evening you go to the judge's home after a meeting with the Prime Minister. In Malta, he does not reach a police commissioner after a meeting with the Prime Minister. In Malta, the Prime Minister does not appoint himself a President. In Malta, we no longer give presidential pardons to drug barons. And so, I'm talking about facts and not about perception. Malta is a country that is moving forward. We have nothing to do, but we will certainly not draw lessons from a parliament that is afraid to speak the word "genocide".

Mr President, this debate, in my view, is nothing more than another attempt to shoot the name of Malta. Because, I sincerely don't know how some people can't use the murder of a journalist to serve their political agenda. Daphne Caruana Galizia's murder was, remains and remains reprehensible. However, she does not want to be a law professor and political expert to acknowledge that progress has been made in Malta in the area of justice and also in the area of freedom of speech and media protection. There are challenges, then no, as in any other European country, but to say that Malta is going backwards, it is a blatant deception. So when are we happy with the progress in our country? When there is a different government, when there is a national government? Because they know who gets power before the country. And so to my fellow Maltese colleagues who work against their country in the European Parliament, I tell them clearly and roundly: by dirtying the name of Malta you will not get any respect. And to their friends the conservatives who claim to come here give a lesson to Malta while their country continues to sell weapons for use in genocide, I tell you clearly: In order to be clean, it must be pure. A European Parliament that fears saying the word "genocide" has no right to give lessons to Malta.

Madam President, Iran is no longer simply breaching the nuclear deal, but is intentionally dismantling it. Uranium enrichment has surged, international inspections are restricted, and threats to regional stability are growing. And as such, the EU was right to support the triggering of the snapback mechanism. But unless we enforce these sanctions fully and consistently, we send the wrong message – that Europe will respond only on paper. Sanctions must be coordinated, visible and enforced by all Member States. And let us be clear, those enabling Iran to bypass international restrictions are not neutral actors, they are undermining global security. This is not about escalation, it is about credibility. If we want diplomacy to succeed, it must be backed by consequences. We, the S&D Group, support dialogue, but dialogue on its own will not stop a nuclear threat.

Dear colleagues, the very title of this debate exposes the sorry state of our Union; reduced to an observer on the global stage. We were first in line for the photo, but once again we are last when it comes to global policy. We even heard colleagues today shamelessly attacking humanitarian efforts, ridiculing the Sumud Flotilla, parroting Netanyahu instead of defending our shared European values. Yes – we welcome every peace effort. Yes – we condemn the terrorist attacks by Hamas. And, yes – we demand the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. But colleagues, no agreement will erase the war crimes committed in Gaza. No agreement will bring back a future to the thousands of murdered innocent children. Of course we want peace, but equally, we want justice because there is no lasting peace without justice. The EU must stop reducing itself to an observer, and we must stand up for our own values, insist on compliance with international law, enforce sanctions and enforce our own treaties...

Madam President, colleagues, after the horrors of the Second World War, our forefathers said 'never again'. Yet today in Gaza, genocide is unfolding before our eyes. This is not anti-Semitism: this is the declared policy of Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir, Smotrich and their extremist government. We present ourselves as the guardians of international law, yet when political conviction clashes with convenience, when human dignity clashes with commercial interests, we compromise. We look away. So let us act. Because every day we allow the Israel Association Agreement, every day we allow trade and arms to flow, we betray the promise of 'never again'. Because, colleagues, 'never again' must mean something, or else it would mean nothing at all.

Mr President, Ahmadreza Jalali is not a prisoner – he is a hostage held by a regime of executioners. Iran is not just violating human rights – it is waging a war on them. But Europe's voice is often too timid, too selective. We roar against some regimes, but whisper against others. This is not foreign policy. I'm afraid to say that this amounts to moral cowardice. Our credibility demands consistency. We must be unrelenting with Iran, but also strong with Israel's brutality in Gaza, with Russia's barbarity in Ukraine, with every tyrant who bombs hospitals and slaughters civilians. Human rights are not negotiable, and the world's war criminals must know: Europe sees you, Europe will call you out and Europe will act. Because if we stay silent in the face of tyranny, then we are not just neutral, but we are complicit.

Mr President, Regarding approval, I have not referred to the Commission. I said that the Court, and I quote from the judgment as well, the Court said, did not say that the scheme is illegal, but rather said that countries remain within the competence to determine the conditions under which they grant or refuse, or otherwise hinder their nationality. Regarding the issue of these programmes, as I said earlier, I think we should be consistent in order to be credible. And whether or not it's a threat issue, I'm not answering it, it's not my opinion, but it's based on facts. What are the facts? What is the evidence? The proofs are that the Maltese passport opens doors in 190 countries around the world without a visa requirement. This is not a symbol of threat but a symbol of trust. And I look forward to continuing, as a Union, to work together to safeguard the interest and security of our Union.

Mr President, Kollegi, I am proud of the Maltese passport, considered by EATA to be the fifth most powerful passport in the world. Respected and trusted by 190 countries, around the world, including Canada, Japan and Australia. This is, not a symbol of threat but a symbol of trust. And I am also proud that Malta has acquired and exercised its sovereign right to decide who is its citizen, a right which it did not acquire centuries ago, but recently, a right which the European Court has neither rejected nor unlimited, but has rather clearly stated that the Member States remain in principle competent to determine are the conditions for their nationality. The Attorney General was even clearer when he said that combining citizenship with investment would not make it incompatible with the law. Therefore, in my view, this debate is not about the security of the Union and its principles. Because if it were about security, we would also have talked about the countries among us operating investment residences with much weaker scrutiny than Malta's. Therefore, I believe that all this is nothing more than a political theatre, because instead of debating the real problems of the world, such as the genocide in Gaza, we are reaching out to our country.

Mr President, Iran is killing its own people. Almost a thousand executions last year. Sentences handed down after torture and fake trials. This is state murder and we know it. We need real consequences. We cannot keep reacting with empty words. We need real pressure, clear red lines. We cannot be neutral in the face of injustice. We need to act. Silence and delays cost lives. Call this what it is: a regime that fears its own people and kills them to stay in power.

Madam President, let's put things into context. Only the last plenary, our colleagues from the right wanted to strongly condemn Thailand for deporting 40 refugees and for having repressive laws. And we rightly condemned Thailand for deporting 40 refugees. But when it comes to Gaza, where 20 000 children have been killed – the equivalent of how many children we have in Maltese schools – this House loses its voice. It's not antisemitic to call out documented war crimes in 2025. This is not World War II, but the atrocities of World War II have returned in 2025. It is not antisemitic to call for the protection of aid workers and for the access of humanitarian relief. If we cannot speak out in the face of these atrocities, then what do we even stand for in this House? And I have one piece of advice. I'm only new to this House, but let us call a spade a spade, because we have lost all our moral authority. We cannot speak on anything else if we're turning a blind eye to genocide. Indifference is complicity.

Mr President, Thailand is a country I have visited, a place of rich culture and resilience. We see Thailand as a valued partner of the European Union and today I am not here to preach, but to strengthen that partnership – one which is rooted in democracy, human rights and mutual respect. Yet, real partnerships require honesty, and we must be honest about our deep concern over the prosecution of Thai parliamentarians, opposition figures and human rights defenders under the lese-majesty law. Peaceful democratic discourse should never be a crime. Their voices should be heard, not silenced. Democracy thrives when dissent is debated, not punished. For this reason, we strongly urge the Thai authorities to grant an amnesty to those who are prosecuted or imprisoned for the peaceful exercise of their rights. We are also concerned about the deportation of Uyghur asylum seekers and the reports of mistreatment they face. By strengthening its refugee protection, Thailand has an opportunity to lead by example. Our resolution today is not about condemnation. It's about engagement. Thailand has made progress and we recognise that. But meaningful reforms, particularly to the lese-majesty law, must continue to ensure fundamental freedoms are upheld. We urge the Thai Government to take concrete steps forward towards greater democracy, political inclusivity and human rights protections. The free trade agreement negotiation is a process that can bring prosperity anchored in shared values. A thriving, open democracy strengthens Thailand's global position and reassures its partners that economic and political progress can go hand in hand. To our Thai friends, we stand ready to work with you, not against you. This is not just about an EU resolution. It is about the future of Thai democracy and the fundamental rights of its people. Let us use this moment not as a division, but as an opportunity – one to engage, to reform and to move forward together.

Mr President, European tourism needs a new vision, and today I humbly believe that we have the best opportunity. We have a Commissioner who from the very beginning has shown that he is willing to listen, to understand, but above all is willing to act and therefore to greet him. Tourism is not just a holiday and a destination. It is about work, businesses and communities that depend on it. There are major challenges that we must address together at European level: sustainability, labour shortages and the impacts of what many now call overtourism. I therefore believe that the creation of a common policy - a strategy that I would like to call a union for tourism, not a new agency, but a common policy - can be the key to finding solutions, giving back to communities. It is time to put tourism at the centre of the economic strategy of the Union as a whole and not of tourism as such. If we act concretely, we can give tourism the importance it deserves. And I am persuaded that, with the European Commissioner we have, we will get there.

Ms President, when a woman in Iran refuses to obey laws that strip her of dignity, the regime calls her dangerous or unstable. But the truth is that women are not the problem; not those who resist, but the system that punishes them if they do not bow their heads. This is not just their fight, it is our fight. It is useless to talk about human rights but we do nothing or do not do enough to defend them. We will be be betraying the values on which the European Union was founded. We have to go beyond statements. We must strengthen mechanisms to ensure accountability. We must ensure and fight for justice, and above all we must ensure that we are on the side of truth, on the side of those who courageously oppose fear and intimidation, on the side of those who after all fight only for what every human being has a right to: life, freedom and equality. Indifference is complicity. There is no room for compromise on human rights. We have a duty not only as MEPs but as human beings to stand shoulder to shoulder with the victims of this intimidation. This is a test for all of us: or we will be on the side of justice or indifference. For me, the answer is clear.

Ms President, the brutal murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia and other journalists, such as Ján Kuciak and de Vries, is reprehensible in every sense. There is no excuse for what happened. But let's be clear. This debate today is nothing more than a political exercise to cast a shadow over Malta. Since then, apart from arrests, Malta has changed the judicial system, strengthened the independence of the police, and introduced reforms that can frankly set an example for others. But of course the facts do not mean anything to those whose history has already been written. What I cannot accept is hypocrisy, because while this House does not miss an opportunity to inspect Malta, it remains silent on the 130 journalists killed in Gaza. Talk about Malta, then no, perhaps because we are young. But for the sake of fairness, let us also talk about how this Parliament has given a vote of confidence to those today accused of violence against humanity. We cannot say that we are defending the free press while remaining silent, if not discriminating against other journalists who have been killed in other countries, in Europe and beyond. This is not an issue with Malta. It is a matter of consistency. If we want to be credible, this farce must stop.

Mr President, I will not talk about the crisis, factory closures and competition from China. I prefer to talk about the mission, and the mission is to remain competitive. That is why I talk about the means, about the importance of creating a sustainable, innovative and inclusive future. In my humble view, we must look beyond reactive measures and address the root causes of the problem - the structural imbalance. The production costs of our competitors are that they are. To compete, then, we must invest in advanced technologies and manufacturing processes that lower costs without compromising social protection. Access to markets remains crucial, so we must be careful not to fall into the trap of protectionism. Instead we should promote fair and just trade by moving out of this House and looking to work towards international standards and global standards. We do not have the luxury of choice. We must adapt if we want to survive, and adapt by being flexible, being not just a regulator, but also a supporter. If we do this, I believe that we will not only save existing jobs but generate more work for future generations.