What Eszter spoke about.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, 25 years ago, Europe launched an ambitious idea: the European Research Area, a common space where researchers, knowledge, technology and innovation could circulate freely across borders. Now take a moment and imagine a tree: its trunk is research – strong and visible – feeding the crown, where leaves grow and fruits appear: innovation. But beneath the surface lies something that we rarely think about: the roots. Hidden underground, they anchor the tree, nourish it, and allow it to grow and flourish. Those invisible roots are the European Research Area: they quietly sustain the entire ecosystem, ensuring that research can thrive and that innovation can bear fruit. Over the years, the European Research Area has evolved but, despite the progress, Europe’s research and innovation landscape remains still fragmented. Our researchers face administrative and structural barriers when moving between countries. Investments remain uneven, and we are far from the 3 % GDP target. Too often, knowledge and innovation do not circulate across Europe as freely as they should. This is why today’s debate on the ERA and the motion for resolution on the ERA Act is so important. Once and for all, we have an opportunity to address longstanding challenges in Europe’s research ecosystem, from fragmented frameworks and uneven R&D investment to barriers for researchers’ careers and mobility. And we must do it right this time. As detailed in our resolution, it is imperative that the upcoming ERA Act focuses on three fundamental aspects. First and foremost, we must put people at its very heart. Europe is a home to more than two million researchers, around a quarter of the world’s scientific talent. Yet this talent is still too often constrained by fragmentation and uneven framework conditions. We must end this precarity and persistent fragmentation. We need to support mobility, brain circulation between countries and sectors, and we have to make all of Europe an attractive destination for the best talents around the world. Secondly, we need to build the ERA on strong, European values: researchers must be free to explore ideas, challenge them and pursue knowledge independently. Protecting academic freedom, research integrity, and openness in collaboration is essential not only for our democracies, but also for our global positioning and competitiveness. Last but not least, we need clearer and simpler framework conditions for research and innovation across Europe. At the same time, we should respect the diversity of national research systems and the competences of Member States. Europe has extraordinary talent, but talent needs the right environment to flourish. The European Research Area provides a unique opportunity to build a truly integrated European innovation ecosystem. It benefits the European Union as a whole, but it is particularly important for central and eastern European Member States. It offers a pathway to unlock the potential of less research-intensive countries, where outstanding talent and innovative ideas remain too often underutilised. We are at a decisive moment, and we need to make ERA happen. After more than 20 years, we the opportunity to move from aspiration to real implementation of the European Research Area, and this House has a responsibility to support that ambition. We should encourage the Commission to come forward with an ambitious yet realistic ERA Act, one that strengthens framework conditions, empowers researchers and helps to overcome fragmentation in Europe’s research landscape and reinforce it at the global stage. We should also encourage all Member States to engage constructively and take this opportunity seriously. The European Research Area is our common European project, our joint interest and aspiration, and a benefit for all. The moment is now and we simply cannot miss it.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The revision of the Cybersecurity Act is a very important step, promising more uniform rules and greater resilience. This is particularly timely as the European Union is facing ongoing hybrid threats. This situation is characterised by cyberattacks, sabotage and information manipulation from Russia, especially during the elections, as illustrated by the Romanian and Moldovan examples. EU cyber legislation has been transposed in Hungary in such a way that only one company has a monopoly position in the market for mandatory cybersecurity audits. It's a company that's tied to government circles. This raises serious questions about the independence and transparency of the system. In the meantime, it is difficult for the same government to protect its own systems. Russian hackers have had access to the systems of the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for years. Recently, according to opinion polls, the personal data of the sympathizers of Tisza, the opposition party with the highest support, was stolen and then leaked through pro-government media. This raises serious concerns about the political neutrality of data protection. Cybersecurity is too important for any Member State to become a tool of political interest or for a lack of transparency to leave room for abuse. If the Cybersecurity Act really is to protect European citizens, then stronger EU cooperation, true independence and full transparency are needed. Otherwise, cyber defence will not be a shield, but a tool to abuse power.

Dear Mr President, I also strongly support the European Democracy Shield and the establishment of a European Democratic Resilience Centre. The shield is a strategic, whole-of-society effort to strengthen our assessment of the situation, electoral integrity and democratic resilience. But I think we need to go further and we can go further. Information manipulation, influencing public opinion, comes not only from external actors, but also from within the Member States. This is just as serious a problem. Therefore, the shield should also act against internal information manipulation. Unfortunately, the information environment in my country, Hungary, is one of the most disappointing examples of the EU. In recent years, the government, as a predator, has gradually taken control of the media, which now acts as a megaphone for Russian propaganda. It uses all means to do so, including disinformation and fake content produced with the help of artificial intelligence. This means that internal manipulation uses the same scenario as foreign interference, only from within. Therefore, the mandate of the Centre should cover the transparency of algorithms, AI-generated content, political advertising, pseudo-civil society organisations and legal loopholes enabling such practices. We need EU minimum standards to protect the rights of our citizens, the mental well-being of our communities and strengthen our democracy.

I would like to remind you that it was your government, the Hungarian Orbán government, that increased Russian oil imports from 60 percent to 85 percent from 2021 to 2024, and if these imports have increased, why have you not diversified? And my other question is, did you say...

Mr. Congressman. I would have liked you to ask me about hybrid attacks and how the Hungarian government has become increasingly pro-Russian in Hungary. You were the one who mentioned recently in your speech that by diversifying energy supply... (Mr András László interrupted the speaker)

Dear Madam President, Recent violations of EU Member States’ airspace and attacks on our critical infrastructure are not isolated incidents. They are part of a conscious, coordinated Russian campaign to test and weaken Europe. Together with disinformation campaigns, they are part of a hybrid strategy to undermine our security, unity and democracy. This campaign is no longer hidden in the shadows. When President Putin publicly stated that he believed that Hungarians could only remain under Orbán, he revealed Moscow's true strategy: They want to divide people with the question of identity. This is no longer diplomacy, but open foreign interference. He threatened the Hungarians that they had to decide between their Hungarian identity and their European future. Our response must be as coordinated as the threat itself. We need to strengthen our collective defence, such as the Eastern Shield, and make society resilient to hybrid attacks, from institutional to media and citizens. Only with unity and determination can we defend not only our borders and systems, but also the democratic values that underpin our identity.

Dear Madam President, Democracy is not a gift, we must protect it every day. Hungary's situation clearly shows the danger. Recently, Russian foreign intelligence accused the European Commission of preparing a regime change in Budapest and of supporting an opposition party, the Tisza. Hundreds of fake internet profiles spread disinformation, which was taken over by the Hungarian state news agency. What can happen today in Budapest, tomorrow anywhere in Europe. Therefore, there is a need for common and decisive action in the EU against attempts at external intervention: strengthen anti-disinformation organisations, refute false narratives transparently and swiftly, enforce the obligation of online platforms and support independent media. In addition to external intervention, there are other threats to people in Hungary. The government operates a huge propaganda machine with public money to keep power, it conducts a kind of information warfare, which causes serious harm to our society. This can also be called cognitive overload. Their aim is to make meaningful and honest dialogue on public issues impossible. Although the majority can see through the sieve, many are plunged into political apathy. That is why it is important to help all Europeans to make their decisions guided not by propaganda and fake news, but by the facts available.

Mr President, Commissioner, honourable Members, the internet is a global common good, essential to our democracies, our economies and our daily lives. It must be safeguarded in the name of the public interest and we must insist that it remains open, free, global, interoperable, reliable and secure, governed for all and by all. We know the alternative: regimes where the authorities shut down internet access during protests, manipulate public discourse, and remove or filter information, suppressing freedom of expression. The internet is not meant to be an instrument of control, but of freedom –essential to our modern societies. This is why the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) matters and its mission needs to continue. The IGF's greatest strength lies in the multi‑stakeholder approach, bringing together government, civil society, public sector, private sector and technical communities on an equal footing. This inclusive model creates the space where global cooperation can protect the internet as a public good, governed by all and for all, and not by a few. This is also why the European Parliament's active participation and position in this forum is crucial: to defend rights both online and offline, to resist fragmentation, and to promote the European and global vision of a free and democratic digital present and future.

Dear Madam President, NATO is the cornerstone of Europe's and Hungary's defence, while raising defence spending to 5% of GDP is at the expense of social and healthcare spending. We should only be committed if we are ready to recognise the threats that may affect us. While conventional military capabilities remain important, hybrid threats need to be taken equally seriously. We also need to strengthen societal resilience, defence industry and technologies across Europe. The dual role of the Hungarian government is particularly striking in the field of defence. He plans to spend hundreds of billions on military development to counter the Russian threat while maintaining friendly relations with Putin. Meanwhile, it does not give any explanation to the Hungarian people as to why this increase in defence spending is so urgent and how it intends to obtain its coverage from an already ailing budget. No one can serve two masters at the same time, as the Latin proverb says. However, the Hungarian government seems to be attempting to do so. But if you look at the fact that the defense industry was privatized before the historic increase in spending, one thing seems certain: The man they serve is none other than the Hungarian oligarchs.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Europe leads in the number of scientific publications and international cooperation, but for global competitiveness we need more innovative, inclusive scientific ecosystems. The kind that attracts the most brilliant minds. First of all, we need to be an attractive place for the best researchers. This means predictable, long-term funding, a separate framework programme, clear and attractive career paths, a good work-life balance, especially for women and young researchers, and a research culture based on excellence, openness and trust. We must also not forget about narrowing the research innovation gap. We need to build a strong European research area, with excellent infrastructures that involve all regions and Member States, including Hungary, which, in the future, when we, the Tisza, will be in government, will give back the freedom of the Academy and then again become a vibrant scientific ecosystem where talent can truly flourish. Europe must strengthen its scientific sovereignty, investing not only in high-tech, but also in the people who create it.

Mr. President, please. The technology race is about the future of Europe. To be successful, we need to focus on the key drivers of innovation. I would like to highlight only two of them. First of all, the talents. STEM education and talent development should be a priority. We need to further train workers and promote brain drain, as does the Choose Europe initiative under Horizon Europe. We need to harness our talents across Europe, which will not only strengthen economic convergence, but also our strategic autonomy. Secondly, we need to improve support for innovation. This includes simplifying access to finance, mobilising private investment and building strong venture capital ecosystems. Finally, we need a separate framework programme with a dedicated budget to provide strategic support for science and innovation. Europe is already a world leader in renewables patents and second in scientific publications. Now we need to focus on increasing research and innovation spending, specialising in cutting-edge technologies, in particular artificial intelligence, blockchain technology and quantum and increasing commercialisation. Europe was not born to follow, but to be at the forefront. The technologies we develop today will shape our common future.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The Clean Industrial Deal is an excellent opportunity for the EU and its Member States to provide affordable and green energy to high-priced industry. In Hungary, in my country, the government is happy to talk about the reduction of public utility charges, but at the same time it forgets that Hungarian businesses pay the fifth highest electricity bill in the European Union and the second highest in Central Europe. However, the current energy policy of the government does not support domestic industry. Due to the lack of energy generation capacities, Hungary is significantly more vulnerable to imported electricity than other EU Member States. Hungary, a country of 10 million, imported more electricity in 2023 than Germany, a country of 80 million. This makes Hungary the fourth most dependent EU Member State on electricity imports. The lack of infrastructural development is also having an impact elsewhere. For example, no new wind capacity is expected before 2029 due to the scarcity of grid connections. The vulnerability of the Hungarian industry is also increased by the fact that, although the government neglected energy investments, it is now using taxpayers' money to attract gigantic energy-hungry Chinese battery factories and car factories. As a result, electricity prices continue to rise, which directly threaten the competitiveness of Hungarian businesses. The Hungarian situation shows the damage that the lack of affordable energy supply can cause to competitiveness. By contrast, the strategy set out in the Clean Industrial Deal provides an excellent basis for sustainable industrial development in Europe.

Dear Mr President, The system of our communication infrastructures provides the necessary conditions for the functioning of modern society, therefore its control and protection are of strategic importance. Many of the communication infrastructures depend on external actors, posing serious security and economic risks. Let's think about it. Most of our 5G networks and cloud services are not in European hands. This is not only a technological dependency, but also a security issue. When our critical data travels on external servers, when our strategic decisions are made through the infrastructure of other powers, we are actually giving up some of our sovereignty. It is therefore necessary to reduce external influence. The EU needs to act urgently. We need to invest in our own technological solutions. We need to develop European alternatives and strengthen our cyber defences. Only in this way can we ensure that Europe remains an independent, strong and competitive actor on the world stage. We need to take control of our digital future or accept that others write the rules for us. Time is pressing.

Dear Mr President, The Competitiveness Compass presented by the Commission is a major step forward in the history of European economic policy. This comprehensive package is a clear sign that the European Union has recognised that competitiveness is the foundation of our economic, environmental security and prosperity. However, the document needs to be further developed and refined in a number of areas. The impact of energy prices on competitiveness is a key issue. We have a significant competitive disadvantage in this area. In 2024, European industrial companies operated at two and a half times higher electricity costs than their US competitors. As an example, my country, Hungary, is in a particularly vulnerable situation. Hungarian SMEs are paying the third highest electricity price in the European Union, which severely limits their growth potential. Moreover, the situation is worsened by the fact that the diversification of the Hungarian economy is not satisfactory. In recent years, instead of encouraging innovative investments, the government has unilaterally focused on mega-investments in the automotive and battery industries. This not only poses environmental risks, but also makes the country extremely vulnerable economically. The stagnant Hungarian economy since 2020 is a warning example. It shows the consequences of a country's neglect of energy modernisation and economic diversity. Therefore, it is crucial for Hungary to channel EU funds as soon as possible to improve the business environment of Hungarian small and medium-sized enterprises. The freezing of EU funds further increases the vulnerability of our businesses.

This measure was indeed taken by the Biden government, but what I have referred to is Hungary's separate policy. He hopes for privileged relations with the Hungarian government, the Trump administration, and, for example, the introduction of a possible tariff would affect Hungary as well as the entire European Union. Given that we are part of a customs union, and you are very well aware of that.

Dear Madam President, US AI chip export restrictions could fundamentally jeopardise the functioning of the European single market and the EU's technological sovereignty. The new rules do not treat the European Union as a single market. France, Belgium and Spain will have unrestricted access to U.S. chips, while Poland, Portugal and Greece will only be able to import 50,000 of these vital components per year. This discrimination is particularly acute in Central and Eastern Europe, including my home country, Hungary, where the digital transition and the adaptation of artificial intelligence are already lagging far behind. According to Eurostat data from 2024, the share of enterprises using AI technologies is particularly low in our region, which could further deteriorate due to restrictions and even widen the innovation gap. It is particularly worrying that while the Hungarian government is primarily ideological in its approach to U.S. relations, it is ignoring real economic challenges. This approach is dangerous. The new restrictions raise further concerns about the technological development of Hungarian businesses, which is taking place at a time when our economy is already facing serious challenges. The situation shows that separate travel policy is a dead end in the global technology race. If we want to defend our economic interests in this fragmented world order, we must act together with our European partners. The EU must speak with the US in unison about lifting restrictions, while also developing our own chip production capacities to reduce our external dependence.

Dear Mr President, Our relationship with the United States is a century-old partnership. Together we are the bulwarks of the democratic world and, by the way, we are facing a number of similar challenges. Trump's recipe for America's future is crude, but the problems are real. The world is in transition. While the new US administration aims to strengthen America's global leadership, voices in Europe, especially from the government of Hungary, have intensified, calling for the end of Western-style democracies. This is a good time to look inside and renew our democratic institutions. The EU and the US should strengthen their cooperation. Our interests in joint defence industrial developments, cybersecurity and new technologies coincide. The development of European defence capabilities and a stand-alone European defence industry will benefit both continents. Together, we can also ensure affordable energy for European citizens. In transatlantic economic relations, the emphasis should also be on cooperation and not on trade war. The latter would only strengthen our rivals. The self-renewal capacity of American politics is strengthened by challenges. This is true for Europe and transatlantic relations. And we need to address the challenges in a way that is mutually beneficial for both the EU and the US.

Dear Mr President, I want to show you a hand sign. Why is this important? In August, a special case occurred in Hungary that sheds light on how a simple gesture can save a life. A young woman asked for help from a clothing store salesman with a hand sign suggesting abuse, and the attentive salesman recognized the hand sign. She gathered the courage to signal in silence while the man who had abused her was present. The hand sign consisted of only three simple moves, and it was enough for the shop's seller to notify the authorities, who rescued the woman from her distressed situation. This case underlines that prevention and sensitisation are key. In 2024, the EU adopted new legislation to strengthen gender-based violence both online and offline. This regulation is an important step, but the real change can come from everyday attention and support. Home should be a place of love, care and security, and we are all responsible for ensuring that.

Dear Mr President, The rise of electric cars is an opportunity for the automotive industry to secure Europe's leading innovation potential. However, the rise of Chinese competitors presents a new challenge. While Europe must remain open to fair cooperation with China, the transition must not increase our excessive economic exposure. By contrast, the Hungarian government, which so proudly defends national sovereignty, supports the giant investments of Chinese car and battery factories instead of European companies. These factories often provide worse working conditions than European competitors, the workforce is not local, but mainly Asian, and they put an extreme strain on our environment. Moreover, these so-called "greenfield" investments divert valuable agricultural land from production, which also harms the interests of local farmers. BYD's new Hungarian car factory provides a loophole to circumvent European import duties on Chinese electric cars. However, this economic policy failed despite the investment subsidies of around HUF 1000 billion. Battery production fell 32 percent in one year by the summer of 2024. Instead of polluting and uneconomical factories in China, it is necessary to support investments that increase the added value of the domestic automotive industry and create quality jobs. That is why I am asking the European Commission to use the tools at its disposal to monitor compliance with the environmental standards that apply to them, in order to ensure genuinely sustainable development for Europe and Hungary.