Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, next year, American aid to Ukraine will evaporate; let's stop pretending. We face a brutal truth – Europe now must finally deliver on its promises or betray everything we claim to stand for. We are brilliant at slogans, we use soaring rhetoric, brave words, yet Ukraine bleeds. We have poured more cash into Putin's war machine for energy than goes into the fighting for Ukraine. We promised Ukraine EU fast-tracking, but when we look closer, are we keeping those promises? The grand announcement has been nothing but PR so far. Virtue signalling, a weak-kneed avoidance of the actual gut punch needed to defeat Russia. Consider this: Ukraine is Europe's breadbasket, it is the most war-experienced military in Europe, a nation forged in fire. Having them as an ally would be a great promise for the security of this continent. But are we just bluffing? Are we a continent missing in action? It is time to shed illusions and face fire. When the Nuremberg War Tribunals ended, they declared that a war of aggression is the supreme war crime. All the other war crimes follow from that: detention of civilians, stealing of children. And we must now face the aggressor.

Madam President, in the Victory Day, the Russian and Chinese Presidents are sending a clear message to all of us – their strategy is working and the West is divided. The US is wavering, declaring that Russia is not an aggressor in the conflict, and accepting land grabs in Ukraine. For Putin, this war is not over. Victory day is about fear and dominance, and trans-Atlantic unity is weakening. He is preparing to extend the war in the region, ranging from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea, and all the way to the Arctic Sea. Europe is facing a turning point. If we fall again now and we hesitate, we invite more aggression, more war and the collapse of our security order, the collapse of the European project. We must build real deterrence. We must stand with Ukraine, not just in words, but in action.

Madam President, honourable Members, Greenland has the right to decide its own future freely and without foreign US interference. Denmark, with Europe, firmly rejects the return of neo-imperialist tactics that seek to pressure or exploit autonomous regions for strategic gain. This isn't just about Greenland: it is about international order. Decisions about Greenland's future belong to Nuuk, not to foreign capitals. Europe must stand together in this, and we need to develop a European strategy that takes the Greenlanders' ownership of their island seriously.

Mr President, honourable Members, the recent tariffs imposed by the United States strike at the heart of fair and open transatlantic trade. These measures are already hurting European industries, disrupting supply chains, and shaking investor and consumer confidence. The European Union has responded responsibly, suspending countermeasures for 90 days to allow for negotiations. But let me be clear: we shall not allow unfair treatment of our businesses or our citizens. If talks fail, we are ready to act – firmly and strategically. We have to communicate our resolve clearly: honey talking does not ultimately work with President Trump. This is not just about economics; it's about standing up for European interests and for our collective defence. Europe is open to dialogue, but not open to intimidation.

Madam President, well-functioning free media is democracy's beating heart, exposing corruption and amplifying the voiceless. But it is under siege, censored, silenced by anti-democratic forces and those who fear facts and fully informed citizens. Radio Free Europe has been a relentless beacon defying tyrants, delivering clarity to millions. Now the US Administration is killing it. We must fight and fund to protect its factuality and keep freedom's voice alive for the oppressed. Without the free press, there is no free society. Without honesty, democracy rots into demagogy and freedom of expression into hostile antagonism, fed by Russian actors. We can't let that happen. Let's fund Free Europe.

Mr President, two years ago, Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine demanded a unified European response. We declared a bold ambition to sever our dependency on Russian natural gas by 2027. Yet a stark reality reveals a troubling fact: we are falling short. Russian LNG imports into EU have increased recently, according to some reports. This is not merely a statistical anomaly; it is a strategic vulnerability. Exemptions for pipeline crude oil and the insidious refining loophole continue to funnel vital revenue into Russia. Let us be clear: we cannot credibly rearm Europe while our energy dependence fuels the very aggression we seek to deter.

Mr President, Commissioner, today we have a historic opportunity to show justice and determination. Russia has invaded Ukraine, violated international law and caused immeasurable suffering. At the same time, hundreds of billions of euros of frozen Russian assets – money that has been stopped in response to this aggression – rest in Europe. The funds must be transferred to Ukraine. Crimes become a responsibility, and the funds raised can help rebuild destroyed cities and strengthen Ukraine’s defence. This, in turn, will provide security for Europe. Some may be afraid of escalation, but indecision is what encourages it.

Mr President, Commissioner Kubilius, the world is experiencing the rise of transactional superpower activity, the diplomacy of coercive power. The policy of equipping Europe for Russia is quite sensible. It's time to grow up. It would have been good to make the decisions already three years ago, but by investing in defence now we can perhaps sigh of relief in three years' time. Ukraine's strength and continued support must be seen as the simultaneous birth of European defence. Over-reliance on America requires the development of European alternatives. A situation where about 70% of all purchases are made from the United States is not a sustainable model. It is much more sustainable to harness Europe's industrial capacity to create a heavy deterrent.

Mr President, rising geopolitical tensions are leading to serious challenges to the European Union's technological security. At the heart of the issue is the infrastructure that supports essential services for our citizens. These systems are critical for the smooth functioning of our daily lives, yet they also create vulnerabilities and expose us to hostile enemy actions. The key to solving this security dilemma and shielding our democracies is, as always, knowing your enemy – those who show political and economic force, who ploy to harm us. For example, the Russian tactics of sabotage, specifically sabotage operations targeting our critical cables and undersea infrastructure, is something that we have to see. The consequence of these hybrid and cyber attacks are not hypothetical. They jeopardise our societal security and I encourage the Commission's actions on securing our critical infrastructure with sensors.

Mr President, we are living in a time when borders are becoming increasingly important. They're being challenged. Russia is a key risk-producer on the Eastern border. Harmful cross-border phenomena and geopolitical threats require concrete measures and burden-bearing. The use of border crossings by Russia and its allies as a geopolitical weapon is a repulsive phenomenon that has been woken up to on the eastern border. It is essential not to create space for this exploitation, but to have effective means and resources based on infrastructure and regional support. Borders are also at sea. There they are flows of energy and data. Russia is intimidating and sabotaging. I hope that the security of these European external borders will also be taken into account in the forthcoming debate on the defence package. Finally, the equation is clear: Without a strong north and east, there is no stable Europe. We carry a heavy geopolitical burden and this requires EU resources to be sustainable.

Yes, you are quite right. We woke up too late, and back in 2014, we were still under the illusion that gas will produce peace. And it did not. We actually woke up more when the Malaysia Airlines flight was shot down than we did when Crimea was taken over. That's a shame. Shame on us for that. Action needs to be taken. Loud words do not defend Ukraine.

Mr President, in the run-up to its brutal war of aggression, Russia sought direct talks with the United States on the neutralisation, dismemberment and wide-ranging interests of Ukraine in Europe. They wouldn't do this. We have to hold on to this. If this is the case, Russia will have to negotiate with Western-backed Ukraine. Peace through strength. Russia has not achieved its goals with terror. It is now trying, through the negotiating table, to achieve what it has not achieved militarily. Europe must continue to support Ukraine, as the solution to Russia’s war of aggression will become one of the key cornerstones of the new European order or disorder. If we don't stay tight and invest in our own defense, no one will listen to us. Debtless Europe has no role to play in determining ourselves in the world of superpower realism and neo-imperialism. If Ukraine is neutralised at the negotiating table, hard times will only begin in Europe.

Madam President, the enemies are at our gates, and even inside. They are using different weapons and tactics to defeat and divide us. We must remember Winston Churchill's words at the ruins of the Second World War. He envisioned European integration as a geopolitical necessity to deter the Soviet Union and contain its ideology. As a geopolitical actor, we must invest in the European defence and security industries. This would complement NATO's efforts to fulfil its European mission. Some are asking where the financial resources come from. I will ask the counter‑question: where did the money disappear to when we were cashing in on the so-called peace dividend? In the economic stagnation and political decline into lazy ideas of peace through gas.

Mr President, there will soon be virtual elections in Belarus, but years ago it was clear to Belarus that Russia was conducting its own operation. The russification progressed. Putin's plan to unite the different tribes, the Russian tribes, was clearly in motion at a time when we were still dreaming of a democratic future for Belarus. The role of Russia is somewhat similar to that of Ukraine, but the choice of means is different. And this is what we need to understand in this House to oppose, and we need to understand Russia's responsibility for this enlargement of the state, for territorial superpower realism and for Russia to be vaccinated, and at the same time to keep in touch with Belarusian society, with civil society, as much as we can ever do.

Mr President, Commissioner Virkkunen, Russia is using the shadow fleet to circumvent sanctions and damage critical infrastructure. With these actions, it deliberately and negligently tests the reaction of the West, and we must understand that passivity in the face of this challenge signals weakness. Russia and China use the Baltic Sea as a test bed. The level of self-confidence is also indicated by the fact that Russia feels that it can exert pressure on Europe where its own most critical energy transports are sailing. The main countermeasure is to increase controls and tighten inspections of insurance and ship condition from the Gulf of Finland to the Danish straits. We need to send a clear message to Russia: every act of sabotage makes its navigation in the Baltic even more limited and difficult, as it is clearly not an innocent transit. Shadow fleet vessels shall be identified and fully sanctioned without delay.

Mr President, Commissioner, many of us watched yesterday's commencement speech with keen interest. President Trump's primary focus was evident as much as it is domestic. His policies have external ramifications, from tariffs to Paris Treaty. He will significantly increase US defence spending and promote US exceptionalism without hesitance. He promised American revival and primacy. His method echoes previous US presidents: if you have a big enough stick, you will be heard even when you speak softly. Unfortunately, Europe lacks such power. Our defence spending still lacks and is insufficiently used. Aid for Ukraine has to continue, even when the US withdraws from it, for the next three months, if necessary, alone. Without that strength, our voices go unheard. No matter how loudly we yell, the rest of the world only yawns. Now we need to alter our approach radically. Our policies need to prioritise European geostrategic interests.

Mr President, it is said that history is written by winners to bolster their own power. On the other hand, mobilizing political resources for defence requires a correct fact-based understanding of the past, including the enemy and his goals. For Russia, this equation is clear: Russia is not a winner. It can subjugate others to its version of history. It can also confuse the temporal understanding of the sense of history of others, thus obscuring our understanding of our goals and paralysing the mobilization of the resources necessary for the defence of freedom. Russia is good at this. It manipulates and disperses our historical understanding. The main target in Finland is the period of peatlandisation and peatlandisation. The role of bridge construction is recommended for Finland. The nostalgia of peaceful coexistence is not only accentuated to deceive Finland, but has its uses especially in relation to Western actors who see finlandisation as an attractive tool for oppressing Ukraine. So many have fallen into the manipulative trap of Russia. Fortunately, Finns know better and understand that the period was a danger for years.

Mr President, High Representative Kallas, the Syrian people have been suffering from the atrocities of al-Assad for decades. Millions have fled, hundreds of thousands have been killed. Now is the time for us to let the Syrians settle their issues and, at the same time, actively contribute to the establishment of the broadest possible regime in the country. The challenge is great. Power is redistributed, bloody settlements related to territory and dominance are easily created. It is clear that outsiders who supported the Assad regime, such as Russia and Iran, have been exposed as weak. They have an interest in messing up future events. Turkey has a major role to play, as has Israel, which destroyed Hezbollah. The events shouldn't have come as a surprise. The EU should support this hope. But what is certain is that Syria will remain under geostrategic pressure for years to come.

Mr President, representative of the Commission, children have our future and this is certainly a personal matter for all of us. That is one of the most important issues that can be addressed here. Yet Europe is blatantly violating children's rights, treating them inhumanely. The hatred that is currently being mobilized in Ukraine by Russia has led to the disappearance of hundreds of thousands of children who have been relocated to Russia. Where are those children and what can we do to find them? Thirty-five years is a short period of time and progress should be made. But if we look at the great arc of history, I come from a country where periods of history are called hatred, periods of Russian terror. And I always remember my great-grandmother, who said that hatred takes the grain out of the field, the fish out of the river, and takes the children out of her arms. Nothing has changed in Russia's behavior. 300 years ago, a grandfather in Finland caused a lot of child robbery, and I wish we could finally move forward.

Madam President, as President Niinistö's report highlighted, all economies, whether democratic or totalitarian, are highly dependent on data flows through undersea cables. In the Baltic Sea region, these vulnerable cables are crucial for all coastal states, including my own home country, Finland, which has the longest land border in the EU with Russia. Recently, a Chinese ship operating from Russia, allegedly severed two of these cables. This action, along with the previous acts on a gas pipeline and another data cable, raises concerns that China is testing responses for its strategic goals. If China were to blockade Taiwan militarily, it might begin with disrupting cables, satellite communications, with similar actions that we are seeing in the Baltic Sea. This also highlights the coordination with Russia. These two countries, as they say, are better than allies. These cables and pipelines are vulnerable to sabotage in hybrid warfare to enhance security. We should replace them with active versions equipped with sensors and deploy undersea surveillance drones. This would reduce the plausible deniability that Russia so well exploits. In the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, it leaves unambiguous the necessary actions that have to be taken. We must be prepared to board and detain ships, as outlined already in the telegraph cable law from the 1880s. The European Union aims to safeguard underwater cables through collaboration, but this initiative is set to be completed only by 2035, far too late. We must go beyond sanctions and we have to start thinking about also blocking Russian data flows.

Mr President, Russia has shifted the transport of its hydrocarbons to uninsured and often unfit ships. With this so-called shadow fleet, Russia circumvents the oil price caps and other sanctions imposed on it and maintains the flow of funds it needs for its war. The Shadow Fleet also serves as a tool for the dirty war used by Russia. Ships constitute a serious geopolitical, environmental and sabotage handicap. The EU should urgently strengthen sanctions to prevent the risks of the shadow fleet. Uninsured and unfit ships pose a particularly serious threat to the Arctic. The demanding ice conditions in these areas require oil from the drivers of the vessels to have a high level of condition and equipment. The Shadow Fleet is a sailing ecological time bomb in a sensitive environment. International law makes it possible to check the seaworthiness of ships in the international sea area. This should be done without delay and clear sanctions should also be imposed on ports receiving shadow fleet vessels, companies whose vessels exchange cargo with these vessels at sea. The EU must make Russia's tricks and the flow of oil to the world transparent in order to know who is using energy and to strengthen the reactions of citizens and consumers, as well as more specific sanctions. There's no time to waste.

Mr President, the Kremlin is trying to take over Georgia. By taming the country's freedom-seekers, Putin wants to dictate Georgia's foreign policy and gain economic benefits from the country. Now, after a long period of pressure, the Georgian leadership is, against the will of its citizens, bent towards Russia. At the same time, we must be self-critical, have we had the courage, the will and the readiness to accept the country as a member of the EU and NATO? Now is the time for us to step up and understand the deeper geopolitical nature of the struggle. The Georgian regime's ties to Russia with dirty money flows constitute an economic temptation to oppose the people's democratic will. The Georgian regime has built a position in which it has nominally pursued the goal of EU membership, but at the same time it is building relations with Russia. As a result, the country is becoming less and less democratic. It's more and more autocracy. The EU needs to think strategically. We must not allow the Georgian people to be alienated from us. In the upcoming elections, the stakes will be high and the Russian hand will be strongly present. The promises of a European path must be fulfilled without fear of Russia.

Mr President, Commissioner, the presidential election and referendum in the Republic of Moldova are two weeks away and the favourite is the current President, Maia Sandu. Under Sandu's leadership, Moldova has sought to break ties with Russia and promote the country's ties with the EU. Sandu's path to becoming a favorite hasn't been easy. Russia has destabilised Moldova in many ways, trying to influence the outcome of the elections. Russia has illegally supported pro-Moldova parties in the elections, as well as trying to buy Moldovan votes. Over the past month, more than 15 million dollars have arrived from the Russian Federation, distributed to 130,000 Moldovan citizens. At the same time, Russia has shaped Moldova's political landscape with numerous clone parties and pseudo-candidates. These tools of Russian interference in democracy are already familiar to us from our own elections. It is obvious that Russia is trying to mess up the elections now and in the future. While Russia is trying to mess up democracies, the EU, we must also act as anchors of stability for the Moldovans.

Mr President, High Representative, yesterday we celebrated a desolate anniversary. Blind terror carried out by Hamas together with Iran and Hezbollah killed hundreds and hundreds of Israelis. This attack has triggered a conflict that has caused a serious humanitarian crisis for the entire region, even though the anger triggered has only caused suffering and death. The war is escalating in the Middle East. The Lebanese population is suffering and the Lebanese government is unable to stop the terrorist group's attacks on Israel. In return, Israel's retaliation is massive. It is obvious that it will continue to strike as long as they are in danger acutely. At the same time, the Hezbollah attacks will increase the suffering of the civilian population and mobilize refugees. The situation has been tolerated for too long. It would be important to have at least a de facto ceasefire in the region, based on an existing UN Security Council resolution. The influence of Iran and terrorist networks should not be underestimated. Their toxic grip on Lebanon must be repressed. The day of hope is still far away.

Madam President, dear colleagues, it is wishful thinking that limiting Ukraine's options and targeting sites in Russia might open a road for peace. Even today, there seems to be a feeling that if Russia is treated measuredly and carefully, its extremism would die down, akin to 1930s appeasement thinking. It is tempting to bury one's head in the sand and forget that ultimately Russia is waging a war against the EU and NATO. Putin will launch his next war once Ukraine is dealt with. It is not a question of 'if'; it is a question of 'when'. Preparations for this should have taken place yesterday. This is the existential question for our Europe. Ukrainians, with the most knowledge, should wage their war as they see fit, with our full support and unrestrained use of weapons provided to them. This is important. Putin's Russian roulette with nuclear threats should not stop us from charting a firm course. By giving in to Putin, we would only encourage him to continue using nuclear threats and weaken our deterrence. I urge us all to lift the restrictions on Ukraine's use of Western-supplied weapons. This is the course for a peaceful Europe – peace for all of us.