Speeches

Mr President, it is clear that the European Parliament must give its full support to Moldova, which is facing the concrete consequences of the war in Ukraine, consequences that are first and foremost humanitarian. The Moldovan people had to take in tens of thousands of refugees. Political consequences as well, as has been said, unrest, more or less manipulated demonstrations, attempts to destabilise, events that are multiplying, the threatening words also of Mr Lavrov, who saw Moldova as a new Ukraine, the Tiraspol declaration of independence. In short, we know these difficulties. And then there is an intense economic crisis, with a very large trade deficit and purchasing power that is completely burdened by the energy bill. We must therefore reiterate our support, of course, for Moldova’s territorial integrity. We also need to consolidate our macro-financial assistance. I find this despite the fact that there are grants, I find that there are still too many loans. And when you look at the situation that the Moldovan people are facing, I think we should not gobble up. Full support must be given to a country facing a very serious crisis.

Madam President, digital regulation is advancing in Europe. We owe it to the vigilance of this Parliament. We also owe it to the action of Commissioner Breton. And this regulation marks an important step in building effective legislation on access, transfer and sharing of non-personal data, first and foremost industrial data. Describing data as ‘new black gold’ is a bit of a commonplace, but it is true that, like any black gold, it is the object of lusts and we have an obligation to protect that data, including vis-à-vis our trading partners who, in this case, are also formidable competitors – I am thinking of the United States and, of course, China. Among the key points of the text, I mention three. First, the general interest is reinforced in the text, as public bodies will be able to have access to company data in the event of a crisis – this is an important point. Second, as has been said, it is a step forward for consumers who benefit from data portability of a cloud to the other and who will have free access, it is important, to the data generated by the connected objects they own. Last but not least, the extended framework for data transfers to third countries: the text strengthens the protection of our industries and their know-how. It will be necessary to be vigilant in trilogues because this has not yet been fully resolved. But I think we are going in the right direction and we need to keep it going.

Mr President, it is true that Tunisia is a strategic partner for the European Union, but I find that the Commission and the Council have not taken stock of what is happening in that country. Because the process initiated by Kaïs Saïed still leads to a very worrying result. The new constitution presents worrying setbacks. However, there has been an abuse of decree laws, which has led to serious attacks on pluralism and freedom of expression. Trade unionists were imprisoned, and the parliamentary elections were boycotted by most parties. Tunisians have also shunned the polls themselves, with 10% participation, and all this shows that Tunisian democracy has not been revitalised but, on the contrary, weakened. So what should we do? Of course, we have to denounce this situation. We must also try to understand, because there is still a contradiction – and I am addressing my colleagues – that Kaïs Saïed remains popular. It is at the top of the polls, and there is no alternative being built. We must therefore try to understand what is happening in the country, and the main factor, of course, is the economic and social crisis. As this crisis continues, citizens lose confidence in political efficiency, and the situation is very serious: Doctors, technicians, engineers are massively fleeing this country, which needs it so much. We must therefore support all civil society initiatives that go in the right direction. And I would point out one: that of the UGTT trade union, which is relaunching the Quartet with the hope that the population will re-appropriate the very important issues facing Tunisia. Europe must continue to support Tunisia, it must support it financially, it must support the Tunisian people politically, of course, and not a power that still deserves to be widely criticised today.

Madam President, since the advent of democracy in 2011 in Tunisia, the optimism and many hopes raised by the Tunisian revolution have, it must be said, given way to a form of scepticism, anxiety or even disappointment. Today, everyone is aware of the risks facing this young democracy with which we have such close friendships. In this country hit hard by the health and social crisis, the paralysis of the Assembly of People’s Representatives, but also the negligence of a political class resulting from the revolution, had created in Tunisian opinion a demand for order and stability. This explains our restraint at the time of the events of 2021. But what has happened since then? The economic slump remains, as do inequality, inflation and the government deficit. And the presidential power, it must be said, has stiffened considerably. There was the episode of the Constitution, a referendum with a very low turnout, a form of resignation among the people and a Constitution that, it must be admitted, deviates from the democratic standards that the hopes of the revolution could have made us expect. There have also been measures that limit freedom of expression and political pluralism, with a largely questionable electoral law. In this context, what can be done as Europeans? Of course, do not interfere in parliamentary elections. Of course, not brandishing sanctions would be absurd. I think that Tunisia should still be reminded of its international commitments and continue the dialogue with civil society, women’s rights movements, associations, trade unions, because you know how central the UGTT is in this country. What is happening in Tunisia concerns us because we are convinced here that the future of Europe is also being played out on the other side of the Mediterranean. So let’s maintain this bond of friendship, but let’s be vigilant and demanding, a firm but demanding partner.

Madam President, accession negotiations have started with Albania and North Macedonia and, despite extremely worrying political instability marked by deep divisions, we will soon be deciding on granting candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Let us agree together that this acceleration or even haste, which is not always a good adviser, does not owe much to the objective situation of the countries in question, but owes everything to the geopolitical context, i.e. the war in Ukraine, and the fact that we had to align our decisions – since we took the decision urgently in favour of Moldova and Ukraine. But I note that there is a candidate country that does not enjoy the same eager optimism that we are showing. This country is Serbia and, I say, it is a pity because Serbia is a country that counts in the Western Balkans. This is the most important geographically, demographically and economically. We have opened 22 chapters out of the 35 and I think we should congratulate ourselves and not give the impression that we are dragging our feet. Why? Because otherwise we will be accused of applying double standards to the Western Balkans. I recall that Serbia voted with us on the Russian aggression, on the annexation of the four Ukrainian territories. So, really, it is a country that is making efforts. I think we also need to do this to make it clear that we do not make any difference between all the countries of the Western Balkans.

Mr President, in the area of trade, we are informed by experience. There is a long way from words to deeds and, despite a proactive front, despite some progress, I believe that the Commission is not fully responding to criticisms of the ineffectiveness of the clauses on trade and sustainable development. First of all, the first point is that the impact of global trade and increased trade on the climate is still unthinkable in our debates. That's almost a quarter of greenhouse gas emissions. In fact, mercantile activism always outweighs social and environmental considerations, which explains the enthusiasm for the agreement with New Zealand, while it is a country at the opposite end of Europe, the enthusiasm for Mercosur, while it encourages the destruction of the Amazon rainforest. What bothers me about the Commission's text is that it is still very unclear about the nature and scope of sanctions in the event of a breach of the clauses. Where is the binding character? What are the mechanisms? We're still hungry. Last point, attention to the double discourse. We cannot say that we will defend human rights, fundamental freedoms and at the same time make a gas deal in Azerbaijan at the time when they massacre the Armenians and make a pact with Qatar and Saudi Arabia. Frankly, there is a contradiction that is unbearable, and it must be resolved.

Mr President, Mr Borrel wants questions. I'm going to ask you one, Mr. High Representative. Why are you so timid, so withdrawn on the issue of Armenia and Azerbaijan, when you are known to be very far-reaching, and often at the forefront of fighting on other topics? Because, anyway, there are facts. There's an assailant, an assailant. There are war crimes, with this atrocious video where we see Azeri soldiers shooting at close range at Armenian prisoners of war. And what bothers me is why you are asked the question tirelessly, which is why Europe does not react more firmly? I understand the embarrassment, because, indeed, as has been said, Mrs von der Leyen went to sign an agreement with Azerbaijan with great pomp. But at the same time, you can see that Europeans might feel that there are double standards. We come to be in unison, firm in condemning the Russian aggression against Ukraine, and that is normal, but you are timid, in retreat, when it comes to saying what is happening in Armenia, that is, an aggression characterized by an aggressor who must be strongly condemned and sanctioned, sanctioned because there are international conventions to which Azerbaijan is a signatory, and those who are perpetrators of war crimes must be held accountable and accountable. That is why, tirelessly, we ask you the question.

Madam President, High Representative Borrell, it is true that the situation in the Taiwan Strait is alarming. The dangerous game of the great powers threatens international security in a strategic sector. Strategic for us Europeans, it was recalled, because we have interests, but above all strategic for the Indo-Pacific region and the Pacific. However, it must be said that the visit of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, did not make matters any better. This was not necessarily relevant, it is not necessarily appropriate. Moreover, Joe Biden himself had been annoyed following that visit. But of course, the response to this infra-diplomatic gesticulation must also alert us to the nervousness, the lack of discernment and the disproportionate nature of Beijing’s actions: Conducting large-scale military activities and thus aggravating the threat to Taiwan in response to this visit is obviously a pretext and is condemned. Europe has a responsibility to play because we need to continue to have good relations with Taiwan, to ensure its security. And the two key words are obviously de-escalation and demilitarization. And for this, we count on a united Europe that maintains the status quo, that maintains the principle of a single China, but that is obviously a fervent defender of democracy in Taiwan.

Mr President, does Parliament really want to encourage Serbia to join the European Union? Sometimes, when I hear our debates or when I read our texts, I come to doubt, because they are texts that are systematically burdensome, without nuances – nuances that we show when it comes to other countries in the Western Balkans. Remonstrations are made in Belgrade, demands that are untenable, by continuing to deny the weight of history, by ignoring the political culture of the country, and above all by ignoring the progress made. Of course, the situation is unsatisfactory. It has been said: corruption, obstructed civil society, media. However, progress has been made on our recommendations. I am thinking in particular of the constitutional referendum on justice, the parliamentary elections held in good conditions, the fight against conflicts of interest or the new guarantees for judicial independence. And sometimes I think that we should address Serbia by welcoming these advances first. Because Serbia is the largest country in the Balkans. It does not need our lessons, but our encouragement. So let us show the same kindness with all the countries of the Western Balkans.

Madam President, it is better late than never. I welcome the outcome of this long negotiation, which will finally give the European Union an instrument to protect public procurement. I welcome the rapporteur's tenacity, too, because I would point out that it has been ten years since the text was blocked in the Council by governments that share the religion of unfettered free trade, and it was time for European naivety to end. It was also time to rediscover the virtues of reciprocity. But for that, we had to face the harsh reality. That is to say, yes, there are states that protect their interests, that do not play the game of fair competition, yes, there has been a strengthening of protectionism, Chinese of course, it has been said, but also American, and by others. I take this mind-blowing example of a bridge built in Croatia: 350 million European aid, and finally it is a Chinese company that benefits from it. So do not spend public money. The interests of European companies must be defended. I think we can go further. Ten years ago, in public procurement, we were told: “You have everything wrong.” Today, we are right. I offer you something else: the Buy European Act, i.e. European preference in certain areas. You tell us today: “This is not possible.” I hope it will not take ten years to achieve this.

Mr President, we have all been moved by the serious speech of Mrs Sandu, who is the courageous Prime Minister of a tried and tested country and who is making immense efforts to welcome a flood of refugees fleeing the war in Ukraine. I believe that it was good for us MEPs to reaffirm our support at a time when this country is facing immense difficulties and – as has been said but I repeat – at a time when the territorial integrity of Moldova is being questioned, notably by Tiraspol, who made a completely irresponsible declaration of independence, and by some Russian leaders who dream of a corridor between Crimea and Transnistria. It is good that, collectively, we oppose it. But I think we need to go further in aid, because there is more than just emergency aid, there is aid in response to the social crisis and I would not want us to have the usual recipes of saying: We're going to make you loans and free trade agreements. We must live up to the expectations of Moldovans; we must live up to the expectations of the Moldovan youth, who are emigrating massively because they are facing immense material difficulties. We need to provide support in the face of the emergency, but also in the long term – and for that, there is a need for money and not just loans or a hypothetical free trade agreement.

Mr President, the very few reports from North Korea point to a further deterioration of the situation, including the possible return of famine. We have a repressive infrastructure that is increasingly fierce: North Korean prison camps have nothing to envy to gulags or Chinese re-education camps. Moreover, North Korea’s grounds for re-education have recently been broadened. There is a new law on what they call the ‘elimination of reactionary thought and culture’ that punishes with prison or even death people who are arrested with external cultural materials, for example simple Bibles. And, as usual, the single party used a crisis, in this case the COVID crisis, to terrorise the population a little more, with risks of ever more severe repression. We are still a little disarmed to find concrete ways and put pressure on a power that is at the same time aggressive, delusional and hermetic. I believe that what we can do first is help political refugees; secondly, to support the return of humanitarian organisations; and finally, it has been said, to press China tirelessly to convince, if possible, this totalitarian partner, this regime that has no place in the world.

Mr President, at a time when the war in Ukraine is tragically raising the issue of energy sovereignty and dependence on hydrocarbons, talking about a text as archaic and outdated as the Energy Charter Treaty may seem a bit ridiculous. For twenty years now, we have been subjected to this text, which confers on multinationals senseless profits. Decisions that encourage renewable energy and energy tariff modulation, or that challenge projects such as pipelines, have been under attack for 20 years by multinationals, which receive hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars in compensation. The Commission had told us that it could amend this archaic treaty, which runs counter to the Paris Agreement, as has been said, but which has even been judged by the Court of Justice, for once, totally outdated and archaic. We will not be able to modernise it. The truth is that we have to get out of it, quickly, and the sooner the better, because, frankly, given the context, we have something else to do than stick to these texts from another age, which, in addition, are really the embodiment of neoliberal Europe as we did not want it and as we no longer want it.

Mr President, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is deteriorating particularly in this poor, landlocked and divided country, which has not really overcome the traumas of the civil war and whose institutions are malfunctioning. Tensions are growing between the Bosnian Federation, known as the Croat-Muslim Federation, and the Bosnian Serb Republic. The latter, it has been said, no longer conceals its will to secede. Milorad Dodik, the political leader of the Bosnian Serbs, no longer recognises the legitimacy of Sarajevo and calls for his own army, his own judicial system and his own taxation. In this perilous context, of course, Vladimir Putin's war throws a raw, blinding light on Mr. Dodik's plans, which makes no secret of his allegiance to Russia and counts on his support to achieve its ends. And then there is also the United States, promoters of the Dayton Accords, who are very interested in the region and have adopted sanctions against Mr. Dodik. We are therefore in the process of internationalising the conflict in the Balkan powder keg. And there is every reason to believe that if there is no swift, determined action by the European Union, Commissioner, there could be a second catastrophe on Europe's borders. Because, of course, the Ukrainian disaster moves us all, but there is a problem of security, of credibility. So we need to clarify our own position, and that can only be the territorial integrity of Bosnia. Then we need to make sure of Serbia’s intentions – I saw that the Serbian President had encouraged Republika Srpska to participate in Bosnian collegiate institutions. Finally, we must find a way out from above because Europe cannot drag on. She can't procrastinate. It's about our safety.

Madam President, we all want to prevent the flare-up. We all want to prevent this leak that puts European security at risk. Obviously, we all agree that even a limited aggression against Ukraine would justify a strong and common political and economic response from Europe. We should all agree, too, that among the great powers that throw oil on the fire, it is not just Russia – but that is hard to hear. Therefore, action must be taken to prevent this catastrophe, without Ukraine being threatened or destabilised. This means applying the Minsk agreements, as repeatedly requested by France and Germany, in the Normandy format. But it also presupposes – I am sorry to say – that for the time being Ukraine does not join NATO, as it has become clear that Ukraine’s accession to NATO would be a factor of war; ignoring it by flouting Russia’s objections is not a responsible attitude. I repeat, and you all know it: Unlike the US, Russia remains – and will remain – on the European continent. As Chancellor Scholz said yesterday, but also President Macron, there is no European security if there is no Russian security.

Not Macron, Macron is someone else! Madam President, the summit between the European Union and the African Union should have been an opportunity to review in depth the relations between our two continents. I doubt that this is the case, although I know that we are going to talk usefully about the health issue and the lifting of vaccines, the geostrategic issue and the situation in the Sahel, which is very worrying. I would like to come back to economic issues for a moment, because I think this has not been said enough: our trade relations with Africa are profoundly unbalanced, outdated, asymmetrical and objectively unconcerned with the interests of the African peoples. Even though the Cotonou Agreement has been overhauled, the truth is that today there is no level playing field with Africa. I think we also need to talk about the issues that are annoying. Maintaining an Africa under pressure from the IMF, which Europe continues to blindly align with, undermines our credibility and in some ways also undermines our moral posture. Finally, I believe that Europe needs to change its vision on Africa, which today is too mercantile and too patronising. Yes, it is true, Africa is our future; but this requires a little more interest in the interests of the people and a little less interest in the interests of multinationals.

Madam President, the DMA is indeed a real step forward that will make it possible to better protect users, but also – and this is our wish – to see small and medium-sized structures develop in the face of the giants of the Web. I think there are still a number of points that can be improved. First, the scope of the DMA: it is a question of regulating Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft, but we must not forget, for example, Alibaba and Tik Tok, and that is why I support the Commission’s proposal to reduce turnover to EUR 6.5 billion, because it allows for a wider spectrum. Secondly, I believe that the usefulness of the DMA will be more complete if all the activities of gatekeepers (gatekeepers) are subject to regulation, and I am of course thinking of the shops they host. Furthermore, as regards the use of personal data for commercial purposes, I consider that, in line with everything we have done on the GDPR, it is necessary to prohibit any cross-referencing of data between different entities, but above all targeted advertising and not only for minors. I think it needs to be extended to all users of these platforms. Finally, the last demand – and here I agree with many colleagues: interoperability. This is very important to have a little more freedom for digital users. Once again, I hope that we will all vote together for this important step forward.

Madam President, we are witnessing a very serious, almost inextricable situation in Somalia, where terrorist activities, human rights violations, political instability and food insecurity intersect. On the one hand, we have an Al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist group called Al-Shabaab, which is responsible for horrific atrocities, killing thousands of civilians and forcibly enlisting thousands of children. And very recently, last Saturday, a journalist, Abdiaziz Mohamud Guled, was killed in a suicide attack sponsored by the jihadists. On the other hand, we have very weak, corrupt regional and national authorities that have abominable legislation in place against women and girls and are committing abuses against journalists, trade unionists and human rights activists. And all this means that 6 million people are waiting for food assistance, 2 and a half million people are on the brink of famine and a failed state. Of course, the European Union must continue to provide humanitarian aid and perhaps even increase it. But I believe that it must also avoid the complete collapse of Somalia. This requires action in favour of more stable institutions that can bring together all sub-national components. What is the risk? The real risk is that we will have a new Afghanistan in the Horn of Africa. Europe cannot let this happen. It needs to mobilize more.

Mr President, European citizens are now experiencing the concrete consequences of an energy policy inspired by absurd dogmas: deregulate everything, privatize everything, dismantle public monopolies... We see the result. Soaring energy prices are hitting consumers hard. Last night, the megawatt-hour of electricity was exchanged at €300 in France, €309 in Belgium and €280 in Germany. Two years ago, it was on average €34 in Europe. These senseless prices also find their cause in a market based on an absurd rule. When demand is high and the cheapest sources of electricity such as hydro, wind and nuclear are no longer sufficient, gas must be used. However, gas, as you know, is a 70% increase, with concrete consequences. For a Frenchman, the rating has risen from €319 in 2007 to €501 today. The group of Member States that last month put an abrupt end to the demands for energy market reform will have to take responsibility for the tens of millions of Europeans living in poverty today. So, yes, we have to react. Yes, we have to make a clean table. Yes, the electricity market in Europe needs to be reformed.

Mr President, in this context of great tension and rising tensions, Europe must hold its own. And in the face of Chinese provocations in the Taiwan Strait, to which the US has responded by strengthening its own military capabilities, Europe cannot remain impassive. It must not only promote all efforts for the stability of peace in the region, but also defend its interests there. Because yes, we have interests in this Indo-Pacific and Europe must invest more autonomously, that is to say without subordination to the United States and without naivety, obviously, vis-à-vis China. I agree with the main thrust of the report, in particular on democratic, institutional and cultural ties and on deepening our ties with Taiwan. I think it is good that the island participates in international organisations as an observer, but on the other hand, in economic and commercial matters, I have doubts, in particular about a hypothetical investment agreement. I don't think the situation allows it. Above all, the real challenge is the restoration of industrial sovereignty. This is what we need to talk about today, especially on the history of microprocessors. It is by developing its own path that the European Union will be able to build sustainable strategic partnerships with Taiwan and other regional actors.

Madam President, Tunisia, a friendly country if any, is facing countless crises. First of all, there is the COVID crisis, which has left the majority of health institutions extinct, an economic and social crisis – not enough has been said about it – which is undermining young people, causing unemployment and misery, but also a political and institutional crisis, which is a symptom of a blocked system, eaten away by corruption, a system that exasperates the majority of Tunisians. We have a new government, it is headed by a woman, it has been said, Mrs. Najla Bouden Romdhane. This is a first step, but it can only be a first step. Because, of course, the concentration of power in the hands of one man, even if it is supported by the majority of the population, is never healthy, it is never good. And I believe that Tunisia, of course, needs a new electoral process. And for that, the Tunisians, the Tunisian people, have our confidence, they have our friendship because we know the vigour of the living forces of Tunisian society: NGOs, feminist movements, the UGTT trade union, which has played a vital role for Tunisia, to lead it towards civil peace and political renewal. To overcome these crises, Tunisia and the Tunisian people can count on the unwavering support of the European Parliament, EU agencies, the Democracy Support and Election Coordination Group. In short, all this makes us want to help Tunisia today, but above all not to punish it. Helping this country also means boosting economic aid, boosting social assistance. Especially not to punish, but to help the Tunisian people who need it. Because our ties are unbreakable. This has been recalled and must never be forgotten in this Parliament.

Mr President, European strategic autonomy is just words; to take action, one must be able to emancipate oneself from the tutelage of the United States. We are a long way from that, as this text shows, because, despite the successive facts, whether under the Trump or Biden presidency, we are not able to emerge from a kind of voluntary subordination, to the point that in this report we are silencing or diminishing our disputes, disagreements and problems in the face of the United States defending its interests, while we, in the face, are not sufficiently defending our own. This is true in commercial matters and it is also true in digital matters. A summit is announced in Pittsburgh, but the US is going against European interests on these issues. This text does not question NATO’s strategy and its failures in Libya or Afghanistan. He does not question the US strategy that humiliated the French and Europeans over the Australian submarine affair. Since the election of Biden, we have been like rabbits caught in the light of lighthouses: we do not see that there may have been a change of driver, but there was no change of direction. So if we really want to be strategically autonomous, Commissioner, we have to draw the following conclusions: wake up and be able to emancipate themselves. We're a long way off.

Mr President, 17 is the age of Mustafa al-Darwish when he took part in anti-government protests, which led to his being sentenced to death and executed. Fourteen years old is the age Abdullah al-Howaiti was at the time of his arrest for a murder that he confessed to only after endless torture, even though he had an irrefutable alibi that was not examined. He too was sentenced to death. These death sentences for minors were handed down in defiance of Saudi Arabia’s international commitments and the decisions taken by the Crown Prince himself. They obviously discredit an inhumane judicial system based on archaic and barbaric laws. The European Union cannot be complicit. It cannot compromise on such an affront to human rights. We therefore call on Saudi Arabia to re-judge Abdullah al-Howaiti. We call for a moratorium on executions. Europe cannot be content with soft incantations on these points, except to allow accusations of hypocrisy and double standards to flourish. We can no longer tolerate our economic interests, be they Saudi Arabia or other authoritarian states, being paid at the cost of the blood of the innocent.

Mr President, on the one hand, we have a developing country, Bangladesh, which specialises in textiles and attracts manufacturers who benefit from unworthy working conditions and remuneration, as has been said – constantly falling wages, thousands of working children... On the other hand, there is a European Union that imports unimaginable quantities of clothes, most of which are worn only once. I would point out that textiles account for 3 billion tonnes of CO2 per year. So you have Bangladesh at the heart of this social and environmental devastation. To break this deadlock, we must continue to put pressure on companies, it has been said. There is the 2013 agreement, the one that came after the Rana Plaza. It is insufficient, even if it puts trade unions at the heart of the decision-making process. The problem is that today you have European companies, from other continents, putting incredible pressure to challenge the meagre progress of this agreement. We must resist the pressure of lobbies. We need to tighten up legislation, especially on due diligence. Finally, I believe that we need to revise the Generalised System of Preferences to finally make the ILO Conventions effective and focus on working conditions in beneficiary countries, which has not been allowed so far.