Speeches

On the Polish border there is a hybrid attack from the Belarusian side supported by the Russian authorities. This planned provocative action is really about blackmail – using vulnerable people for political purposes. The aim is, of course, to destabilise Poland and the European Union as a whole and to divide our society. I condemn the Lukashenka regime's export of innocent people exposed to danger. I also call on Russia to take action to increase transparency and stop cyber-attacks. As a Union, we need the foundations to block further actions by Lukashenko and Putin. In this context, I welcome the Commission's recent proposal to blacklist all modes of transport based on international agreements on trafficking and smuggling of human beings. We must be immune to hybrid attacks from the East by authoritarian regimes against Europe. We can't be blackmailed.

The situation in Belarus has been increasingly worsening. We all remember the rigged elections and the subsequent demonstrations that took place in 2020. Since then, the world has been profoundly impacted by the deterioration of human rights in the region, ranging from forced exiles, deliberate repression of religious freedom, political opposition and overall of Belarusian citizens and the creeping isolationism plaguing Belarus. Belarus has become a jail, whose wardens are nobody but Mr Lukashenka, Putin’s puppet. But the situation’s outcome is felt across borders: migration has now been weaponised, and it is evident now that we need a common and more structured response to protect our Eastern flank. In this context, we urge our European institutions and all Member States to jointly determine solutions to hold Lukashenka’s regime accountable for its crimes and to support Belarusian civil society both within the country and in exile.

Mr President, April marked three years since the start of the conflict in Sudan, described by the UN as the greatest humanitarian and displacement crisis of the modern world. In Sudan, genocide, forced displacement, and crimes against children, including sexual crimes, are ongoing. The country's economy has collapsed. Basic goods are unavailable and malnutrition remains widespread. Nearly 14 million children are out of school and an entire generation is being lost. Persecution of Christians is intensifying. Men are reportedly forced to convert to Islam, and those who change their faith face severe punishment under Sharia law. Women are also falling victim to widespread sexual violence. The parties to the conflict show no willingness to agree to a ceasefire. We must stand with the Sudanese people. Our European heritage demands that we defend persecuted Christians just 1 500 km from our borders.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Any attempt to normalize relations with Russia is not only a naivety that the Law and Justice government has always warned against, but a denial of security policy. Meanwhile, Western politicians are still looking for loopholes in the sanctions system. Normalization through culture is the easiest way to return to Angela Merkel's disastrous Nord Stream policy. Any invitation from a Russian artist or athlete supporting the regime is a slap in the face for the victims of the war. Putin's Russia consistently proves that it is not a partner for dialogue, but an aggressor seeking to rebuild neo-imperial influence. Restoring relations at a time when civilians are dying in Ukraine and the sovereignty of the Baltic States and Poland is constantly being tested through hybrid warfare would be a sign of weakness. For the Kremlin, this would mean acquiescing to the method of accomplished facts and acknowledging the spheres of influence determined by force. We must remember that in Russian doctrine, sport is part of the system and propaganda. Ukraine cannot be supported while allowing for the restoration of Russian influence in Europe.

Madam President, I welcome that many in Europe have finally decided to take defence seriously. It is encouraging that some now recognise what many of us have said for years: the main threat to Europe comes from the east, from Russia. However, strengthening European defence readiness cannot mean isolationism. European security is built on the transatlantic alliance. NATO remains the cornerstone of our collective defence. Hence, we must avoid duplication at all costs. The United States continues to be the key guarantor of security on our continent. Therefore, instead of endlessly debating the single market for defence, we should focus on what truly matters: real military readiness, strengthening industrial capacity and ensuring that our armed forces have the equipment they need. At the same time, let's not forget that national security remains the sole responsibility of Member States, as guaranteed by the Treaties. Europe needs capabilities, not more bureaucracy.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The war in Ukraine now lasts not four but twelve years, twice as long as World War II. It began in 2014 with the illegal annexation of Crimea and Russia’s occupation of Donbass, in clear violation of international law. Recent years have exposed the Kremlin's bloody imperial tendencies, which Polish President Lech Kaczyński warned against as early as 2008, when Russia attacked Georgia. The European Union and the Brussels elites then failed. It won greed and the desire for cheap Russian gas. This passivity allowed Russia to prepare for a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. At the same time, Germany carried out the construction of further lines of Nord Stream, and even training grounds for the Russian army. Training ground for Russian troops responsible for the Bucha massacre. Chancellor Merkel and her supporters have blood on their hands today. Unfortunately, the current support for Ukraine is largely propaganda and empty words. According to the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the EU has achieved a negative balance of support for Ukraine. Since 2022, we have provided €187 billion, while at the same time imports of goods from Russia amounted to 311 billion, more than 120 billion more. This is a scandal that continues despite Russian crimes. How many more victims are needed to end trade with Russia, which is financing Putin's war machine?

Mr President, the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime in December 2024 ended five decades of Ba'athist authoritarianism, long sustained by Russian military, financial and political support. Moscow's intervention prolonged the war, enabled mass atrocities and destabilised the region far beyond Syria's border. Yet Assad's collapse has not brought stability. Power vacuums are being filled by fragmented armed groups, and the transitional government's leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, emerging from a Sunni Islamist militant background shows no remorse for past ties to al-Qaeda. How can Syria move toward peace when the remnants of jihadist networks risk replacing one form of authoritarian rule with another? Not to mention ISIS and the threat of its resurgence as jihadist fighters have escaped from prisons, including some holding EU citizenship. This creates a direct threat to European security. The EU's position must be clear: Syria cannot move from dictatorship into jihadist instability.

Mr President, Madam High Representative, I am speaking today as a shadow rapporteur on the report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy. While the report addresses many pivotal issues, it also exposes a core weakness: the European Union still lacks a truly common foreign and security strategy. What is our common strategy regarding Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, when Member States still differ fundamentally on how to translate political declarations into real security commitments? What is our common approach to defence spending? While Poland is reaching 5 % of GDP in line with NATO responsibilities, the EU average remains only around 2.1 %. This gap raises serious questions about our credibility and solidarity. Instead of strengthening unity with our most strategic and reliable partner, we often hear political criticism of the United States. During negotiations, numerous amendments from left-wing groups risk further undermining transatlantic relations, and instead focus on limiting references to Hamas atrocities or the ongoing persecution of Christians in the world. I am equally concerned by proposals to extend qualified majority voting to foreign and security policy. Unanimity is not an obstacle here, but a cornerstone of legitimacy, as decisions on foreign policy and security must remain firmly anchored in national sovereignty.

Mr President, thank you very much. Madam High Representative! The situation in Iran is not only a matter of human rights, but also of international security, including the security of my country - Poland. The Ayatollah regime has been Putin's strategic ally for years. Iranian drones, missile technology support the Russian war machine, threatening our borders. These actions directly affect the interests of the European Union. All member states should therefore acknowledge that indulging dictators directly threatens our citizens. Unfortunately, sanctions on both Tehran and Moscow are still insufficient, and some countries continue to import Russian raw materials. We are witnessing perhaps the biggest protests against the Ayatollahs' rule. Despite numerous calls, the regime has engaged in mass repression, committing crimes against humanity. At least a few thousand people were killed, including children. I am also concerned about the increasing persecution of Christians. That is why I signed a motion to invite one of the leaders of the Iranian opposition, Reza Pahlavi, to Parliament. I ask the President to implement it as a matter of urgency.

Mr President, we are witnessing Georgia's rapid authoritarian turn, driven by the Georgian Dream party's representative legislation against civil society and media. We deeply regret that the ruling party has turned away from the path of genuine European integration and NATO membership, while increasing the country's vulnerability to external influence, above all, from the Kremlin. Let me be clear: our solidarity is with the Georgian people and with Georgia's vibrant civil society, which for years has been the engine bringing the country closer to the Euro‑Atlantic community. We also strongly reiterate our urgent demand for the unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds, so that he can access adequate medical treatment abroad. His recent transfer back to Rustavi Prison is a punitive, politically driven decision. Georgia still has a European choice, but that choice is made through free citizens, free institutions and free debate.

Mr President, by continuing imports of Russian oil, Europe is financing Russia's war against Ukraine. How can we claim solidarity with Kyiv when billions of euros still flow to Moscow every month? It is shameful! We are three years into Russia's full-scale invasion and, in 2024, 85 % of the EU's Russian LNG imports went to France, Belgium and Spain. Every shipment, every payment strengthens the Russian aggressor we claim to oppose. Poland has proved that it is possible to cut energy ties with Russia. We accomplished it long before, thanks to the Law and Justice government. We built a new LNG terminal and a new pipeline from Norway. We diversified our energy supplies. How can we demand unconditional support from the United States when our own Member States are still bankrolling Putin's war machine? Europe must act like it truly believes in victory for Ukraine. Cut the imports of Russian energy now, not by 2028. It is high time!

Mr President, today we must remind ourselves why Europe stood with Ukraine from the first day of Russia's brutal aggression. It was to defend our shared values: sovereignty, freedom and the international order that guarantees peace for all nations, not only the powerful ones. Today, the Kremlin hopes that fatigue division and the illusion of stability will paralyse us. We cannot allow that. A fragmented Europe would be the greatest gift to Putin. Let us state it clearly: so-called peace dictated by Moscow would not be peace at all. It would reward an aggressor, legitimise occupation and betray the Ukrainian people who fight and die for their freedom. A just and durable peace must therefore be concluded on Ukraine's terms, respecting its sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right of its citizens to decide their future. We will stand with Ukraine until victory. That means military support sufficient to repel aggression, financial support to sustain the state, and a shared plan for reconstruction based on accountability, including the use of Russian frozen assets. Let us therefore send a clear message before any summit that might happen in the coming weeks. Europe will not surrender to blackmail, will not normalise aggression and will not abandon Ukraine. Only a peace grounded in justice can endure.

Madam President, Commissioner, since our last debate on the frozen Russian assets, Moscow has fired thousands more rockets and drones at Ukraine, with incidents affecting European airspace and critical infrastructure. Each one of them is a reminder that this is not a distant war, but a direct challenge to European security. Today, as we debate stepping up support for Ukraine's reconstruction and defence through the use of frozen assets, Russia's aggression has already cost hundreds of thousands of lives and devastated Ukraine's economy, but it has also tested Europe's resolve and credibility. Poland, as one of Ukraine's closest allies, knows all too well the costs of aggression and the danger of hesitation, but also the strength that comes from solidarity. We therefore strongly welcome the Commission's determination to act swiftly and decisively. Using Russian assets sends an unmistakable message: aggression has consequences, and those who wage illegal wars will pay for the damage they cause. Ukraine needs support now for a defence system that protects civilians, for rebuilding energy infrastructure before winter, for de-mining agricultural land. Speed is decisive. While we debate safeguards and procedures, Ukraine is fighting for survival. Europe's credibility and the meaning of our solidarity depend on implementation within months, not years. Europe must act together and Europe must act now.

Dear President, Russia is making increasingly sophisticated attempts to put pressure on Western countries. Recent weeks have clearly shown that the Kremlin's aggressive policy knows no borders, literally and figuratively. Violations of the airspace of Poland and other countries of the European Union, sabotage of critical infrastructure elements, including energy and telecommunications systems, as well as deliberate disinformation actions testify to a complete disregard for international law. It is a carefully planned strategy to destabilize our countries and intimidate our societies, a consistent attack against the integrity and security of the entire free world, an attack that requires a firm and decisive response. Any attempt to compromise security must be met with an immediate, coordinated response from the European Union and NATO countries. There is no agreement to test our borders, our patience and solidarity. Often in our history, disregard for even minor incidents has led to great tragedies. Poland and other countries of the European Union, countries that have experienced the violence of Russian imperialism for decades, perfectly understand the importance of responding to provocations. Unfortunately, not all Member States have pursued their policies in the spirit of a properly understood European interest. The so-called reset with Russia, in fact consisting in economic and political dependence on Moscow and sponsoring anti-European projects such as Nord Stream, are milestones on the road to war. When we see Russian drones over Berlin, Brussels or Copenhagen today, let's think of the billions of euros pumped eastward by Gerhard Schröder and Angela Merkel, yes, that Angela Merkel, ineptly trying to discharge her responsibility today, curiously insinuating the improper involvement of states opposing her wrong policies. Today, the German government is also demanding the release of those responsible for annihilating this shameful investment, which is Nord Stream. That is why I would like to remind Chancellor Merz that Ukraine is at war with Russia because it has been invaded. Ukrainians have the full right to attack both Russian refineries and industrial and transmission networks. It is up to us to support them, not to punish them.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Russian drones over Poland may be the last warning sign. A sign that the policy towards Putin's Russia, based on the constant search for an agreement with him, has reached its end. Putin understands only the language of force, and any behavior that in our Western understanding is a manifestation of reason and compromise, for him is a sign of weakness and an incentive for further aggression. Unfortunately, when the Polish president died. Lech Kaczyński said in 2008 in Tbilisi that the Russian aggression against Georgia was a prelude to others, the West pretended not to understand. Mrs Merkel and successive German governments, regardless of party colours, promoted the Nordstream project. The economic miracle of many European economies consisted not in industriousness, but in cheap Russian energy. As long as German chancellors find work at Gazprom, it is hard to believe in European solidarity. Obama and Biden's policies have encouraged Russian aggression. Schroeder's and Merkel's policies gave them the money to do so. The only European solidarity we can believe in is solidarity based on the understanding that not only are we talking about values, but we are able to defend them.

Mr President, there can be no tolerance for terrorism. Colombia has come a long way since it was terrorised by drug cartels for decades. Today, its citizens fear these dark times have returned. Terrorism is present once again on a large scale. The recent terrorist attacks on civilians and the assassination of Senator Turbay are not only isolated tragedies; they are attacks on democracy. It demonstrates the complete failure of President Petro's so-called total peace policy, which has only created space for armed groups and cartels to expand their power and spread violence. I call on the European Union to support Colombia in countering the influence of terrorism and the Cártel de los Soles. We should stand firmly with the Colombian people by imposing stronger sanctions against trafficking networks. We must defend Colombia's democratic institutions. Colombia's future belongs to peace. It will never belong to terrorists or cartels.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, in recent years, Moldova has emerged as a key partner for the European Union in the Eastern Neighbourhood, choosing the path of reform, democracy and European integration. Yet this path is under relentless assault from the Kremlin. Russia is waging a sophisticated hybrid war, flooding the country with disinformation, financing criminal networks, manipulating religious institutions and funneling illicit money through cryptocurrencies to buy votes and destabilise elections. These are not isolated incidents. They are part of a coordinated campaign to derail Moldova's democratic development and European future. Our message is clear: we commend Chișinău's rapid reform progress and resilience. Now, the EU institutions should match their resolve by opening cluster one swiftly and advancing negotiations strictly on merit. In parallel, Russia must cease its provocations and withdraw its forces and equipment from Transnistria. Any future settlement must uphold Moldova's sovereignty, territorial integrity and European path.

Madam President, High Representative, the ECR Group has always been clear: there can be no long-lasting peace without justice and no justice without Ukraine's full territorial integrity and sovereignty. Any so-called compromise that rewards the Russian aggression will be seen as weakness and will only embolden the imperialist regime. We must stand with Ukraine, not only out of solidarity, but because their victory is paramount to European security. In light of this, I applaud newly inaugurated Polish President Nawrocki's recent success in obtaining clear security guarantees from US President Donald Trump – a powerful signal for the entire region. I would like to thank you very much for raising the issue of genocide in this resolution. The Ukrainian side must finally start exhuming the murdered.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, we all remember the rigged presidential elections in Belarus in 2020 and the wave of peaceful demonstrations that followed. The regime responded, not with dialogue, but with brutal repression. Since then, we've seen the dismantling of civil society, attacks on religious freedom and mass repression. The recent release of 14 political prisoners, including Siarhei Tsikhanouski, facilitated by the United States, is a positive step. But let us be clear: it is not enough. Over 1 100 political prisoners, including Andrzej Poczobut, remain behind bars, many in harsh, inhumane conditions, facing torture, isolation and medical neglect. My group calls on the EU and its Member States to hold the Lukashenka regime accountable for its crimes. The release of a few must not distract us from the continued suffering of many. There can be no normalisation without genuine democratic reforms and the unconditional release of all political prisoners.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, South Sudan is once again on the edge of collapse. Since February, fighting between government forces and opposition groups has erupted again and devastated the Upper Nile, Jonglei and the Unity State. Entire communities have been displaced, hospitals destroyed and civilians killed. The humanitarian situation is dire. Over 165 000 people have fled in recent months, adding to the more than 44 million South Sudanese who are now displaced. Overall, nearly 70 % of South Sudan's population – some 9.3 million people – require urgent assistance, yet humanitarian access is increasingly constrained by insecurity, targeted attacks on aid workers and the looting of vital supplies. In parallel to the struggle to deliver food and medical aid, there are attacks on human dignity and religious freedom. Christians are facing targeted violence, intimidation and the destruction of places of worship. Colleagues, the international community cannot stand by while this crisis unfolds. The EU and international institutions must de-escalate violence, protect civilians and ensure unimpeded humanitarian access. We call on the Commission and the EEAS to link every euro of additional funding to verifiable, safe, rapid and unimpeded access for humanitarian agencies. Let us not forget that behind these numbers are real people. The time for decisive action is now.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague will be a defining moment for the alliance's credibility and Europe's security. For us on NATO's eastern flank, we know too well that NATO is and should remain the irreplaceable shield of our freedom and our security, as well as the strongest deterrent against those who seek to undermine peace in our region. Today, we face a dramatically changed security environment, from Russia's never-ending blood-thirst in Ukraine to the escalating crisis in the Middle East and a renewed axis of autocracies. In light of this, NATO's upcoming summit must reaffirm our commitment to the founding principles of our alliance: sovereign nations that unite to guarantee each other's security in a credible manner. As such, raising defence spending, strengthening armed forces and accelerating capability development have been urgently needed. The ECR Group fully supports upcoming talks during the summit to 5 % of GDP in defence spending by 2035. Europe must share a greater responsibility for its own defence, work on a more equal footing with the US, and take part in its own deterrence. This will be a timely opportunity to engage with all involved actors and identify solutions for scaling up production, strengthening interoperability and driving defence innovation. Last, the ECR Group will always stand with Ukraine and NATO and uphold the values that define the transatlantic alliance. Ukraine continues to fight not only for sovereignty, but also for the rules-based international order that has been protecting Europe for decades. Victory for Ukraine must remain NATO's strategic objective.

Unfortunately, our region of Europe – Central, Central and Eastern Europe – fell victim to two great totalitarianisms in the 20th century: on the one hand Nazism, Nazism, which ravaged my country, on the other hand communism in the worst Soviet version, which for over half a century or almost half a century occupied Poland. You are right, these crimes are still unaccounted for. I was talking about the lack of reparations from Germany. Poland will demand it regardless of whether at the moment there is a government in power that does not feel the emotions of the vast majority of my compatriots or not.