Speeches

Mr President, dear colleagues, 30 years ago, the Dayton Peace Agreement was an essential step to stabilise the situation in the Western Balkans region, but it also left Bosnia and Herzegovina with a difficult political situation. I had the chance to observe elections in the country several times and I witnessed these difficulties. Unfortunately, there have been rising tensions. At a time when the country needs stability, economic development and progress towards EU integration, it is being held back by dangerous separatist tensions, and we have to see these tendencies. Milorad Dodik is now banned from any political activities for six years by the state and constitutional courts of Bosnia-Herzegovina. I think this was necessary and it is positive, but nevertheless, we have to see Dodik still plays a very negative role. All Western Balkan countries are a part of Europe and should be a part of the European Union, and it is our responsibility to contribute, to stabilise the political system in the region and to strengthen our cooperation. It is in our interest, but of course, also in the interests of the people of the region. So what should we do? We have to work hard so that all of these countries have a realistic perspective for membership of the European Union, including Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Madam President, colleagues, when children are no longer safe in their schools, a nation's future is under siege. What happened in Papiri, Nigeria, is a tragedy that must shake us all. Children must be able to learn in safe schools, and schools cannot become a battlefield. Nigeria continues to face horrific violence, not only from Boko Haram, but also from bandits turning kidnapping into a business. And since President Tinubu took office, at least four mass school abductions have taken place. And yes, religion plays a role – Christian communities and schools are deliberately targeted. A classroom must never be a place of fear. It must be a place of opportunity. Nigeria has to act and we have to support Nigeria in its efforts.

Mr President, colleagues, over the past year we have been witnessing a decline in the state of democracy in Georgia. While Georgia achieved candidate status for EU accession in 2023, the country is sadly currently experiencing backtracking on its path toward European integration. A key concern is the increasing repression of the free media. Yesterday, we were able to award the Sakharov Prize to Mzia Amaglobeli, a Georgian journalist who was imprisoned in January 2025, and is widely considered to be Georgia's first political prisoner since independence. This case, unfortunately, also fits into a pattern of worrying developments, such as undermining of the judiciary, the intimidation of the opposition and, as has been mentioned, a closer and closer relationship with Russia. Georgia's ratings in international democracy monitors have sharply declined. It is not too late, I would say, for Georgia to return to a strong European path, as was the case just a few years ago. The government must follow European values, especially the rule of law and media freedom, and we have to support human rights defenders and activists in Georgia who risk a lot to defend European values.

Madam President, Dear colleagues! This week is a crucial one and the European Council will have to show that the European Union stands firmly and decisively with Ukraine. That's crucial. The Council summit must agree on key points. Member States need to agree on continued and reliable financial support to Ukraine. Only strong Western security guarantees will ensure the sovereignty and independence of this great European country in the future. And as long as Russia refuses to pay reparations, we have everything to do to ensure that frozen Russian assets are used to rebuild Ukraine. And a final message to all those who see the end of the European Union coming and have doubts about the future of the European Union, including here in the House, but also outside the House: No, we are not a disintegrating group of nations led by weak people. The European Union is the opposite, and we will prove that this European Union will continue to grow in the future. We will create enlargement and we must do everything we can to deepen the European Union. We must not lose sight of this in all the major problems. The future of all of us sitting here is cooperation within the European Union. And there is no alternative.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, over the past months, we have seen a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas take hold. In the Gaza Strip, a lasting peace is still a long way off. We must recognise that Israel has the right and the duty to protect its citizens from terrorism. This right remains non-negotiable. At the same time, we know that security for Israel can only be achieved in the long term if the people of Gaza also have prospects for peace and a life without fear. The situation is very complicated, and we have to see the difficult situation in Lebanon. Although a formal ceasefire exists between Israel and Hezbollah, tensions along the southern border remain high, also, because of the weakness of the government in Lebanon. Israelis and Palestinians, like all the people throughout the Middle East, deserve a future defined by dialogue and a two-state solution. Only in this way, we can create a secure and sustainable future for all people in this region.

Mr President, thank you, rapporteur, for your report. The report shows that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a key partner of the European Union in terms of economic relations, and a central actor in regional stability. The country, as you mentioned, is undergoing profound transformation. As Chair of the Delegation for Relations with the Arab Peninsula, I have the opportunity to witness firsthand the evolving dynamics of cooperation between the European Union and the Gulf region. This report recognises that bilateral relations should evolve into a strategic partnership, including items like trade, sustainable energy, people-to-people exchange and so on. But we have also to see the concerns, and I have to mention 338 executions in 2024 and 340 already this year. This is a negative development. So, to conclude, if we want to build a strong relationship, which will have a lot of benefits for European and Saudi citizens, we have to act in mutual respect and we have also to see the problems.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the absolutely rigged elections in Tanzania, the rapidly deteriorating human rights situation and the life‑threatening case of Tundu Lissu demand our united voice. After the 29 October elections, the country experienced widespread protests, and the state's response was extremely brutal. Amnesty International documented over 100 deaths during the security force crackdown. Hundreds were arrested and dozens now face treason charges: a clear sign of how far democratic space has narrowed. Tundu Lissu, a long‑time defender of democracy and chairman of the Chadema party, was arrested six months before the elections and charged with high treason, a crime that still carries the death penalty under Tanzanian law. His case is emblematic of a broader pattern: intimidation of the opposition, media restriction and enforced disappearances. The EU has to stop its substantial financial support to Tanzania. Such cooperation must be firmly tied to progress on the rule of law, fundamental freedoms and accountability. Europe must monitor the situation closely, speak with clarity and act with consistency.

Madam President, dear colleagues, we must work towards the closest possible constructive, pragmatic and forward-looking relationship between the EU and the UK. EU Member States and the UK are bound by security, economic, trade, political and social ties. That is why the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement remains so important. The TCA offers preferential terms, like zero tariffs, for Austria and for the whole European Union. This agreement is not simply about commerce; it's about preserving prosperity and sustainable stability in times of global uncertainty. The UK remains a close neighbour, a valuable friend and a strong partner to protect our security and our shared values. Two weeks ago in London I met Members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords and a long-serving former Minister of European Affairs. All of them were strongly in favour of close cooperation with the EU.

Madam President, colleagues, the situation in Myanmar causes immeasurable suffering for civilians and especially for the Rohingya people. Since the beginning of the conflict, 3.2 million people have been displaced – 1.8 million of them since 2023. And the situation is getting worse. The junta is now deliberately terrorising civilians; hospitals, schools and churches have been bombed; and leaving the country is severely restricted and was made even more difficult by the introduction of biometric data surveillance in May 2025. The rule of law has collapsed in large parts of the country. And the situation is also affected badly by natural disasters such as the floods following the prolonged monsoon in September 2025. After the floods, the junta systematically blocked the delivery of aid supplies as a form of collective punishment. So what do we have to do? First of all, the restoration of the rule of law – martial law is currently in force in at least 65 cities. Secondly, the immediate securing of the delivery of relief supplies to affected regions. And thirdly, clarification of the role of the third countries that are indirectly involved in the conflict. It is time to act.

Madam President, all colleagues mentioned that Sudan is facing a dire humanitarian crisis, with over 25 million people suffering acute food insecurity. Millions are displaced and there is widespread violation of human rights. The conflict has devastated civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, and intensified violence. And we have to stop these atrocities and killings. Therefore, I think the European Union must back the ongoing peacemaking initiative led by the Quad – the United States, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt – as these efforts offer the best pathway, how I see it, towards ending the devastating conflict in Sudan. The EU's support is essential, and all parties should respect the proposed ceasefire and engage sincerely in a political dialogue. It is necessary to start this dialogue.

Madam President, dear colleagues, one year ago Mario Draghi delivered a strong message: securing critical raw materials will mean diversifying away from countries that were the cheapest suppliers in the world of yesterday. Today, this challenge is more urgent than ever. Over 80 % of the largest European companies depend directly on China's rare earth producers according to the European Central Bank. China is now turning this monopoly into economic leverage by introducing new export controls that require licenses and the disclosure of sensitive business data, measures that violate World Trade Organisation law and pose a direct threat to our supply chains. Not acting only gives China more leverage and deepens our vulnerability. We must therefore respond with urgency. It is necessary and I think it is an emergency and here we have to act.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the pact for the Mediterranean reminds us that the region strongly affects Europe's security and economy and our stability as a Union. But there are many challenges in the region. Libya still faces a fragmented political landscape, with competing authorities and a lack of progress on national reconciliation. In Syria, the overall humanitarian situation – and especially the situation of minorities – remains dire. The civil war may no longer dominate our headlines, but the future of the country is still troublingly unclear. Lebanon has been enduring an unprecedented economic collapse and the trust in governance has eroded. At the same time, Hezbollah remains active. In Palestine, after 7 October, it has become worse. The pact for the Mediterranean must reinvigorate our commitment to partnership, reform and stability. Yes, it is a long way for many countries, but we have to work closely also with our partners from the Gulf region. I think finding stable solutions – especially in Palestine and Lebanon – needs us also to have the Gulf countries as our partners. Let us seize this moment to strengthen cooperation and ensure that all Mediterranean countries have the chance to become an area of peace and stability.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, It is good that migration policy is so clearly addressed in the Council conclusions. The course is now clearly defined – external partnerships are strengthened, irregular migration is massively tackled, returns are intensified and smuggling crime is also effectively tackled. We are not yet at the destination, but the way is right. This has already been shown in recent years. After years where some things have certainly been missed, the figures are now clearly declining: at European level from 2023 to last year by more than 140 000. For us in Austria, too – Austria has been massively affected by migration and illegal migration in recent years – the number has fallen from 60,000 in 2023 to 13,000 in October. By the end of the year, there will be no 20 000 applications, which is not even a third of 2023. It is now necessary to implement the Migration Pact quickly and also to adopt the Return Directive. The responsible Commissioner Magnus Brunner needs the support of the European Parliament, because a common migration policy, a successful common migration policy, is a core task of the European Union.

Mr President, I take the floor because we have to give human rights defenders a voice here in our Parliament. Three years ago, I met a group of Iranian women protesting in Austria against the mullah regime. Following their activism, they faced intimidation tactics, including being filmed and threatened, in an attempt to silence their voices. This is one of many examples of how Iran has escalated its efforts to silence critics abroad, through a surge of assassination attempts and coordinated harassment campaigns – not only in Austria, but also in the UK, Sweden, Germany and the Netherlands. And Russia targets exiled journalists and activists abroad through intimidation, digital surveillance and harassment. What I want to say is that it is our duty to stand up for those who risk everything to speak the truth. This is our duty.

Madam President, dear colleagues, accounts of foreign espionage are unfortunately nothing new, but espionage contacted by a Member State of the European Union, targeting its own institutions to which it belongs – this is alarming. It strikes at the foundation of trust and cooperation that must underpin relations among Member States and within our institutions. These revelations come at a time when EU-Hungary relations are already fragile – we know it, strained by concerns about backlashes and backsliding of the rule of law and the Hungarian leadership proximity to Russia. If the allegations are verified, this would represent yet another significant breach of trust by a Member State towards the European Union, and the European project rests entirely on trust and shared democratic values. No government within our Union can be permitted to turn European institutions into instruments of domestic or foreign agendas, which is obviously done by Hungary. We must, therefore, act firmly to safeguard our democracy, defending it not only from external threats but also from those that arise within the European Union. And this question is a question: what was the role of Commissioner Várhelyi when he served here as ambassador of Hungary? This is an open question.

Madam President, five years ago, the people of Belarus stood up with extraordinary courage against the stolen election. They demanded democracy and were met with brutality. Since then, Lukashenka and his regime have systematically destroyed the foundation of democracy, imprisoning more than 1 400 political activists, silencing independent media and turning repression into a tool of state control. Let us be clear: this regime is not only repressing its own citizens. It is an active accomplice of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. And the recent release of Siarhei Tsikhanouski, after five years of unjust imprisonment, of course, is a rare moment of hope. It is proof that international pressure and European solidarity work are necessary. We have to continue with these efforts.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the European Council this week must demonstrate unity. For me, this is the most important thing. Europe cannot afford indecision; we need determined action. First, Ukraine: our support must continue politically, financially and also through reconstruction. Europe must stay united here to help Ukraine, and we have to do everything to secure a just and lasting peace. And that can only be achieved, as I see it, on Ukraine's terms. Second, security and resilience: Europe must better protect its citizens by safeguarding critical infrastructure and countering hybrid threats. Third, the Middle East: The European Union must play a role here. We have to play a role in diplomatic, political and economics. We have to work here and to continue to work on a two-state solution. Finally, migration: Austria supports a balanced implementation of the new pact on migration and asylum, with strong borders, effective returns and deepening partnerships with countries of origin and transit. So this European Council must send a clear message: Europe delivers with unity.

Madam President, colleagues, it is in the hands of President Vučić to take Serbia towards Europe. Their neighbour Montenegro is showing the path, or – like Georgia – take the opposite direction. Serbia's European future remains open, of course, but it depends on respect for our common values. That means an independent judiciary, free media and political pluralism. It is crucial to have much closer alignment with the European Union in foreign and security policy, including towards Russia. We want Serbia to succeed, of course, but that requires determined reforms, rejection of nationalist narratives from political leaders as well as all sections of civil society, and we have also seen it through the demonstrators. Serbia has made progress, of course, in certain areas, including economic growth, regional infrastructure, connectivity and cooperation with the EU on migration management and energy security. But there are many other fields where there is no progress, not at all. Our long-standing commitment to Serbia's European perspective is essential, and it always depends on full respect for the rule of law and fundamental rights. Serbia needs a democratic dialogue, de‑escalation and inclusive political participation. It is Serbia's decision whether it comes back to the European track.

Madam President, dear colleagues, at this moment, there is a chance for peace in the Middle East, but not more. Thanks to President Trump, there is significant momentum, with a ceasefire and hostage-exchange deal, as well as commitments to humanitarian access and reconstruction in Gaza. At the same time, the situation remains extremely fragile. Violations of the truce have already occurred, and the core issues – the full disarmament of Hamas, the long-term governance of Gaza and a credible two-state solution – are still unresolved. The EU has to remain firm – most urgently, for the full disarmament of the terrorist organisation Hamas and the end of their rule over Gaza. We must also continue working towards a two-state solution, which is necessary for a viable Palestinian state alongside a secure Israel. In all areas, we must work with the Arab world. A long-lasting solution is only possible with their support. The Abraham Accords show the way.

Madam President, dear colleagues, on 11 September, not one month ago, in the Haitian town of Cabaret, the gang coalition Viv Ansanm perpetrated a brutal massacre of over 40 innocent people, among them children, elderly people and entire families. This is not an isolated event – in the last three years, 16 000 people lost their lives, and more than 1.3 million people are displaced. Half of Haiti's population faces acute food insecurity. Hospitals, schools and courts have collapsed under gang domination. Sexual violence has become systematic. What we are witnessing is the erosion of law and humanity itself. Haiti's suffering is a humanitarian catastrophe and a moral test for the whole international community. Europe cannot remain a spectator. We must act with determination, grounded in our values and guided by responsibility. Firstly, we must restore justice and accountability. Gangs act because impunity reigns. The European Union should help rebuild Haiti's judicial capacity, training judges, investigators and prosecutors. And we have to support the investigation of these massacres and corruption. Without justice, there will be no stability. Secondly, we must intensify humanitarian aid. The UN Humanitarian Response Plan remains gravely underfunded. Europe should step up: food assistance, healthcare and protection of those most in need; ensuring transparency, monitoring and secure access for humanitarian workers. Thirdly, we must help re-establish security and the rule of law. The UN‑mandated Gang Suppression Force, approved by the Security Council, must be staffed properly, equipped and financed. The European Union should support this effort politically and technically. And so, coming to a conclusion, I think this massacre in Cabaret must serve as a turning point. By adopting this resolution, our Parliament sends a united and clear message: Europe stands with the people of Haiti, works against terror and works for security, justice and restoration of human dignity.

Madam President, Iran has crossed every red line by enriching uranium to 90 % weapons‑grade levels and advancing its ballistic missile programme in blatant defiance of UN Security Council Resolution 2231. Iran is not sending any signals that it is for de-escalation. It is doing the opposite. It is escalating a grave threat. Here it is absolutely the right way – the full reimposition of UN sanctions. And I think the European Union must go further. Now the EU must demonstrate unity, and I am absolutely sure it is not a matter of non‑proliferation. No, it is a test of Europe's strategic credibility and our commitment to the rules‑based international order.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Latin America is a key partner in many areas like trade, natural resources, the fight against organised crime or tackling climate change. We also share a large common culture, history, religion, values and strong people-to-people ties, like in Spain or Portugal, and Mercosur countries are already our biggest export market – even bigger than the USA and China. Yet Europe's attention has been drifting elsewhere, leaving strategic space for China or Russia. We face an increasingly contested international environment, and if the European Union wants to continue shaping the rules-based global order, we must act proactively. So I hope the upcoming EU-CELAC Summit in November 2025 will be a key opportunity to launch a new roadmap.

Madam President, dear colleagues, India is one of the world's fastest‑growing major economies, with GDP growth of more than 7 % in the first half of this year. Their demographic strength, rising technological capabilities and also their big economy show how important this country is. For the EU, a new strategic agenda with India can offer opportunities in trade and investment. As India's global influence rises, so do its responsibilities toward stability, peace and respect for a rules‑based world order. And here India must show that India is going the way we did already. They have to diversify their energy supplies away from Russia. Europe has undertaken this painful but necessary shift, and I think we have to discuss it with India, so that they also reduce their dependence on Russia. India and the EU are natural partners, as I see it. They are democracies with shared interests and a global reach.

Mr President, dear colleagues, we must keep at the forefront of our minds the immense suffering of the people in Afghanistan. The devastating earthquake has compounded an already dire humanitarian situation and, of course, the Taliban's restrictions have severely hampered aid delivery, with bans on women working, internet blackouts, as was mentioned before, and obstructive administrative burdens. At the same time, we must not lose sight of the broader context. The regime that now controls Afghanistan continues to violate human rights and deny women their fundamental freedoms. In the face of this, our response must remain value based. In the dark hours, Europe can show, on the one hand, that it stands with the people of Afghanistan, but, on the other hand, in the same way, we have to criticise this horrific regime in Afghanistan.

Madam President, Mr Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen! Smaller and medium-sized countries in Europe can do far more than their size. Luxembourg is a prime example of this. Economically very strong, above-average European commitment – this is what Luxembourg has been doing for decades. In the midst of the turn of the century, we must now do everything we can to strengthen Europe as an economic and industrial location in order to strengthen our internal market. Only in this way will we be able to cope financially with the growing tasks – whether it is about defence spending, whether it is about being able to finance our social model in Europe with an ageing population. Luxembourg is a founding country of the European Union. Since then, there have been several expansion steps. The last one, however, is a long time ago: 2013. We should take the next step here in the Western Balkans. We need a Europe that is growing, not only in terms of Member States, but also in terms of strength and cohesion. And not a return to the nation-states, as has been falsely demanded here again by patriots and nationalists.