Speeches

Dear colleagues, as we debate, yet again Iran has launched another barrage of missiles towards Israel. And Iran's constitutional doctrine calls for Israel's destruction. This is not rhetoric. It's a state policy. Tehran arms Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and supplies and co-produces missiles and drones with Russia to aid its expansionist war on Ukraine. Its nuclear programme adds a new layer of existential threat not only to Israel, but to global security. The UN Atomic Agency confirms Iran has stockpiled highly enriched uranium far beyond a civilian purpose. This is a nuclear weapons ambition. Nothing else. Israel is now dismantling Iran's missile, drone and nuclear infrastructure. All targets are military. Every destroyed facility reduces Iran's capability to threaten Israel, Ukraine and potentially Europe. Every eliminated operative weakens the entire authoritarian axis. The humanitarian tragedy in Gaza is undeniable. But the root cause is Hamas, armed, financed and directed by Tehran. Remember this: authoritarian axis feeds on fear.

Madam President, I would like to make a point of order under Rule 202. The EU sanctioned Kremlin propaganda outlets like Russia Today and Sputnik, banning their broadcasts for spreading disinformation and justifying Russia's aggression. And yet, today, these same sanctioned outlets remain freely accessible inside this Parliament on the internal network, Wi‑Fi and visitor devices. After months of notification, letters and discussions to the President and Bureau, nothing has changed. This is not a technical issue. This is an institutional failure. When we demand sanctions enforcement across the EU but fail inside our own House, we move from double standards into complicity. The legal basis is clear. The EU Court of Justice upheld the sanctions. National regulators have acted. The European Parliament must not be the last safe haven for sanctioned Kremlin propaganda. We call again for immediate action, a full blocking and compliance audit, binding internal guidelines and accountability.

Madam President, dear colleagues, for Western Europe World War Two ended in May 1945, but for millions in Central and Eastern Europe, Latvia included, the end of the tyranny meant the beginning of another. Soviet tanks replaced Nazi boots. Freedom was postponed for nearly five decades. Nazi crimes were prosecuted at Nuremberg, justice was served, and rightly so. But there was no Nuremberg for Communism, no tribunal for the gulags, the deportations, the erasure of Baltic independence. Europe's memory remains divided. This is no accident; it's by design. The Kremlin today wages war not only on Ukraine, but on historical truth itself. It denies the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, glorifies Stalinism under the banner of liberation, and brands our resistance as fascism. Historical revisionism is a weapon, a tool to legitimise aggression, blur guilt and erase the suffering of nations. A united Europe demands a united memory, one that condemns all totalitarian regimes. There can be no reconciliation without truth and no security if lies go unchallenged.

Dear Chair, Dear colleagues, It is the fourth year since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The outcome of this war – Ukraine’s victory or loss – will determine the security of Europe, the West and the world as a whole over the coming decades. The defeat in Ukraine can mark the decline of the West. Victory can restore geopolitical credibility, legitimacy of norms and institutions. If we are interested in second global stability, we need to limit, limit and stop existing and potential aggressors. A just peace can only be achieved by following the pre-conditions set by Ukraine, based on international law and the UN Charter. A just peace cannot mean transferring or following the Moscow dictate of neutral or disarmed Ukraine to sovereignty or territorial integrity of Ukraine. For peace processes taking place in different formats, we, the European Parliament, need to define the principles and basic principles of the European Union for a just peace in Ukraine. Ukraine’s accession to the European Union – as part of the Ukrainian people’s victory in achieving its long-established goal – must move rapidly and persistently, and the European Commission must do so now. Because the truth is simple: Ukraine is Europe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the US tariffs are harsh, but they remind us how critical it is to deepen, not weaken, our transatlantic bond. In a world of fast-moving competition, while we debate, others – especially authoritarian regimes – are moving fast to dominate emerging technologies and critical raw materials. This is the time to align. We need permanent EU trade representation not just in Washington but in the wider US, to identify, negotiate and remove the barriers that still hold back transatlantic trade. But we must do so without compromising our standards: food, safety, security, etc. Targeted coordination on critical sectors and technologies is what we should be locking in on. That includes improving customs processing, eliminating red tape, and other measures that slow innovation on both sides of the Atlantic. And while I rarely quote Elon Musk, I'll agree with him on this: Europe and the US should aim for a 'zero-tariff zone'. So a stronger, freer trade relationship – rooted in trust and common democratic ground – is in both of our interests.

Mr President, cear colleagues, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty has been a pillar of democratic resilience since the Cold War, reaching into dark corners where propaganda thrives and truth is a threat. Today, it still does in Russia, Belarus, Iran, but also in EU candidate countries and even within the Union itself, where independent media remain under pressure. Recent developments in Washington expose how fragile its funding is. US support has been restored for now, but the long-term risk remains. And in that vacuum, authoritarian regimes gain ground. Europe must act, not out of nostalgia, but because democratic media are strategic assets in the fight against disinformation and authoritarian influence. Any EU support must be long-term, insulated from political shifts and conditional, not on content, but on clear goals, democratic values and impact. We either fund truth or let the others distort it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the EU's credibility as a geopolitical actor depends on three things: coherence, speed and resolve. First, we must strengthen the EU's External Action Service with the political weight, intelligence capabilities and coordination tools needed to act, not just react. Second, conditionality must not be optional. Every euro, every agreement – from trade to development aid – must reinforce our strategic goals and core values. No more partnerships à la carte. Third, we must expand trade agreements with like‑minded partners, reducing dependency on systematic rivals. And finally, enlargement. The process must move faster with clear criteria, yes, but without letting internal blockers sabotage the will of candidate countries determined to join our Union. Power unused is power lost. And, Madam High Representative, please break this curse that for seven years in a row, the High Representative hasn't paid respect in person the CFSP conferences. That is a disgrace.

Dear Chair, European defence needs clear priorities and working mechanisms. European re-armament cannot be based solely on offering extended lending opportunities. There are Member States that have been raising their defence funding significantly above the minimum level for years, at the expense of national budgets. In addition to the 150 billion in loans, grant mechanisms should also be put in place to provide more support to those countries that are already doing more and to provide an incentive for transnational joint procurement. By setting quantitative criteria and providing direct incentives, countries will be encouraged to undertake joint procurements, which will consequently contribute to greater investment in common security and ensure the compatibility and interoperability of the arms and equipment purchased, which is an unquestionable priority. We need to take advantage of Ukraine’s defence industry – Ukraine’s advanced military technologies have already proven themselves on the battlefield. By buying arms from Ukraine, we are not only helping its economy, but also investing in its security. The loan plan has been earmarked for four years. I expect that the envisaged and additional financial sources will be available to the Member States immediately and not at some point at the end of the year.

Madam President, dear colleagues, it is clear that the Reform and Growth Facility for Moldova is essential, especially now: with USAID withdrawing, a major gap has opened in strengthening Moldova's institutions, leaving it vulnerable to external threats. Russia will exploit this. As Moldova nears its parliamentary elections, the risk of foreign interference is high. Russian meddling is well-documented. We must bolster Moldova's resilience now. This is about more than financial aid. It is about resilience, reforms and Moldova's EU path. Strengthening institutions, independent media and electoral integrity must be immediate, not gradual. The first payout is set at 20 %, but in this critical moment, that's not enough. We should amend the plan and increase it by an additional 5 %. Moving faster and further sends a clear message: Moldova belongs in Europe, free from malign influence.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, trade agreements aren't just about tariffs and paperwork; they create real opportunities. For our SMEs this means access to a market of 260 million consumers. So far, all EU trade agreements have delivered benefits while maintaining high standards. It's a fact. This deal does the same: lowering tariffs, cutting red tape and ensuring fair competition. Yes, concerns exist. That's why the Commission has announced a EUR 1 billion fund to support affected farmers. But if we can fund compensation, we should also fund opportunity. A one-stop EU platform should be established for Mercosur markets that will help our businesses expand without excessive costs, because access should not be a privilege but a policy priority. Commissioner, you must ensure a structured engagement similar to the CFSP and CSDP. We should have a CTP conference during every presidency, where civil society and national parliamentarians can engage with the European Parliament and with the Commission. This is a chance to expand, compete and lead – and we should take it.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the EU speaks of strategy in the Middle East, yet too often we watch from the sidelines. The Abraham Accords proved that Arab-Israeli cooperation is possible, yet we played little part or no part at all. While the US and Gulf states lead, we remain reactive and divided. First, we must strengthen bilateral ties and act as facilitators where needed. Arab states are taking steps towards peace: our role should be to support, not to obstruct. The EU was built on regional cooperation, we have the know-how to contribute. Second, we must not leave a vacuum that autocrats will fill. That means direct engagement with the Gulf partners, countering Iran-backed militias and cutting off financing that enables Hamas to rebuild. It is incomprehensible that the Commission and Council still refuse to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. The region will decide its future, but if the EU wants a seat at the table, we must act, not just observe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the situation in Georgia is deteriorating rapidly. The Georgian people want the European future, but their government responds with violence, repression and lies. The Georgian 'nightmare party' has abandoned all its commitments and any pretences, silencing opposition, harassing journalists and using brutal force against peaceful protesters. The regime makes a mockery of democracy, hiding behind its principles while trampling them with every action. Their propaganda is straight out of the Kremlin's playbook. Absurd to the point of eliciting a laugh, but not dangerous in its intent. They present themselves as defenders of stability while sowing chaos and targeting their own citizens. If we do nothing, we abandon the Georgian people to the government that fears democracy and thrives on oppression. The EU must suspend Georgia's accession process and impose sanctions on those enabling this crackdown. Georgian people cannot afford to be left at the mercy of those who despise its European path.

Mr President, the new Trump administration signals a shift in transatlantic relations. But let's be clear: neither Europe nor the US can do it alone and expect to retain global strength. If we want to remain really relevant, we must stand united. Europe needs to finally become – and I mean literally – a strong, loyal and trustworthy ally. We cannot afford internal divisions while our adversaries inflict death by a thousand cuts through disinformation, coercion, hybrid and open hostilities. They thrive on our hesitation and disunity. A strong transatlantic partnership depends not just on the US, but also on Europe stepping up. We must first invest in defence capabilities that deter, not just respond, second, tackle economic vulnerabilities that adversaries exploit and, last but not least, speak with one voice on strategic threats like Russia and China. It's about our credibility. We must step up and meet the US as equals, because divided we fall.

Dear Chair, Dear colleagues, Russia's efforts to rewrite history are nothing new. Moscow has been organising the ‘liberation’ fireworks of the Baltic capitals for years, denying occupation and advocating lies about our past. Now the fake narrative machine serves an even more cynical purpose of justifying the war of aggression against Ukraine. There are clear facts: Russia robs, terrorises and kills Ukrainian civilians, deports and abducts children and women, repeating the crimes of the 20th century, which, if unpunished, they will mark with fireworks in the future. The falsification of history is an instrument by which the Kremlin hopes to perpetuate impunity. Distortion of historical facts, including the banning of Memorial in Russia, serves to remove traces of crimes and justify new atrocities. We must build a common European memory, clearly aware of the atrocities committed by the various totalitarian regimes and of the fact that they have distorted our societies. And what illustrates the need for a single memory? The fact that Lenin's ghost, along with the European communists, is wandering through the corridors of the European Parliament today. And finally, colleagues, if we talk about history, then one thing is absolutely clear and my wish would be for us to move in the direction that would lead to Make Russia small again. Make Russia small again.

Madam President, dear colleagues, today the lifeblood of our civilisation lies in its infrastructure – facilitating communication, transport, commerce and security. Severing these lifelines, as we have seen with two undersea cables in the Baltic Sea, can have catastrophic consequences for our societies and economies. Once might have been an accident; twice demands a deliberate ignorance to call it anything but sabotage. These calculated hybrid attacks are designed to test our defences, spread fear and weaken European resolve. According to some, the Baltic Sea had become a NATO lake, a secure zone for our allies. But recent events revealed vulnerabilities that demand immediate action. We must first strengthen maritime surveillance and monitoring. Second, deploy rapid response teams for critical infrastructure. Third, establish exclusive controlled shipping routes to reduce risks. And lastly, impose real consequences – economic and political – on those responsible. Europe is under attack and it's time we defend it. Otherwise they will keep on coming.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the escalation in the Middle East calls for moral clarity and actionable pragmatism. Israel has every right to defend itself against terror and peace cannot be built while hostages remain captive. We demand their unconditional and immediate release. But let us address another obstacle to stability: UNRWA. This organisation – intended as temporary measure – has evolved into a bureaucratic nightmare, from educational curriculums promoting hatred to the misuse of facilities by Hamas, it has abdicated neutrality and failed its mandate. Alternatives do exist, as we have heard in public expert discourse. Yet, Mr Borrell has continued to fuel anti‑Israel sentiment, shifting the Overton window to dangerous extremes. This failure of balance does not foster peace. It undermines it. Events like the recent pogrom‑like violence in Amsterdam show us the consequences of this recklessness. Peace in the Middle East demands engagement from all regional players and solutions that address the root issues, not one‑sided narratives or institutional inertia.

Madam President, dear colleagues, in light of recent phone calls by the Western leaders to the Kremlin, let me be clear: any hesitation, any delay in supporting Ukraine is not diplomacy, it is Chamberlain's appeasement. The ghost of Chamberlain haunts Europe today, convincing some that the concessions to the aggressor will bring peace. Are we so naive, so timid, that we would abandon Ukraine and its people to jackals? Yet, as the Ukrainian anthem declares, the glory and will of Ukraine have not yet perished. A coalition of the willing must rise above complacency, delivering every weapon Ukraine needs, every sanction against its enemies and every frozen Russian asset has to be repurposed to rebuild what Russia has destroyed. This House must ensure that the accession process with Ukraine begins not as soon as possible, but immediately. History will not forgive appeasement, nor will it forget those who stand firm. Let us prove we are equal to the challenge.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Freedom House has warned that disinformation, globally, will be the greatest threat for freedom in the next five years and we are already seeing this unfold. Foreign actors Russia, China and Iran are weaponising information to destabilise the EU, erode trust and weaken our institutions. AI-driven disinformation, like deepfakes, spreads false content at an alarming rate. 15 years ago, social media platforms became battlegrounds for malign actors and we missed our chance to properly regulate them. Now, disinformation spreads unchecked, threatening elections and deepening polarisation. Russian campaigns have aimed to undermine European support for Ukraine and divide us. Europe was once mocked for the GDPR, but now others are adopting our standards. It is time for Europe to lead again, pushing for global rules in and on cyberspace, a space where conflict increasingly plays out. We must act now to counter foreign interference and protect our democracies.

I have a very simple question. We talk about returns. The definition of returns, according to the legal basis, is actually 'expulsion'. It's not about returning somebody who's wandering around Europe; we are returning those who are not eligible for international protection. And that is the question. So do you see the equal sign between returns and expulsion? Expulsion is a legal decision by law enforcement institutions that is not a political decision and should be enforced.

Just a very simple question. So you said that the budget financing is something that is governments' and not people's. How is your country when your government approves the budget? Is the budget that you see only for governments and not for the citizens? Or did I get it wrong, what you said about Ukraine – that the money's not going to the Ukrainian citizens?

Mr President, dear colleagues, this is a crucial step. Yes, EUR 35 billion to help stabilise a war-torn economy is no small feat. But the goal of this mechanism is not in the plan itself; it is in the implementation. The aggressor must not only lose, but also pay. Using immobilised Russian assets as collateral is a bold statement – one that Russia should pay attention to. And now, with this mechanism in place, we must create a framework for seizing frozen Russian assets and impose sanctions – not every 6 months, but until Russia withdraws from Ukraine entirely and pays reparations. We must not only provide financial help, but also confront the international dynamics that threaten Ukraine's sovereignty. At this time, Ukraine faces two nuclear powers as the warring parties on its soil. Reagan warned us that freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We must safeguard Ukraine's freedom today, or we shall spend our lives recounting stories about what it was like when the nations were free.

Mr President, dear colleagues, what we are witnessing in Georgia is nothing short of a deliberate attempt at dismantling democracy. The so-called transparency of the foreign influence law, along with the recent legislative changes, are not just misguided, they are dangerous. These laws have sent a chilling signal not only to the Georgian people, but also to the international community. Laws modelled after Russia's playbook now poised to stifle opposition and restrict free expression. I stand in solidarity with the Georgian people who overwhelmingly support EU integration. Yet the actions of the current government jeopardise this future. It is vital that the upcoming elections adhere to the highest standards of transparency, fairness and freedom. Anything less risks further alienating Georgia from its European path. But let me be clear: while the government may attempt to manipulate narratives, the Georgian people's aspirations for the democratic, pro-European future cannot and will not be silenced. Their democratic will must prevail.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the escalation of violence in the Middle East has reached a dangerous tipping point. Hamas terrorists massacred more than 1 200 innocent civilians in cold blood just a year ago. And now, as the conflict spreads to Lebanon, we see Hezbollah, another Iranian proxy, seizing the moment to destabilise the region further. Let's not mince words. Israel's fighting for its very survival and it's our moral duty to stand firmly by its side. The time for European passivity is over. Iran's fingerprints are all over this conflict, from Hamas to Hezbollah, all empowered by the IRGC. Many national parliaments, including mine, have called for the IRGC to be declared a terrorist organisation. But what have the European Commission and Council done? Nothing. We are still babying Tehran while they arm terrorists. We cannot wait for more carnage. Europe must stop this dangerous complacency. Designate the IRGC as a terrorist organisation now, cut off Iran's support for its proxies, or we will see further bloodshed, not just in Israel but across the region. Israel cannot stand alone and Europe must show it has the backbone to act.

Madam President, Hungary's decisions to simplify travel for Russian and Belarusian nationals is not just a breach of trust. It is a direct challenge to the security of the European Union. The integrity of the Schengen Area itself may be jeopardised by Orban's unilateral measures at a time when the EU is united in response to Russia's war in Ukraine. By opening the door to individuals from hostile countries against the EU, Hungary is compromising our collective safety. These relaxed visa rules create dangerous loopholes, allowing unvetted individuals, potential spies, saboteurs and agents of disinformation easy access to our borders. Let me be clear. This is not about national sovereignty. This is about the security of the EU. If Hungary refuses to align with the common EU approach, I urge its neighbouring countries to reinstate border controls for the time being, prioritising their own national security. Europe's unity must not be sacrificed on the altar of appeasement, especially at a time when the EU is on a high alert for potential acts of sabotage.