Speeches

The first vote is on 'Objection pursuant to Rule 115(2) and (3), and (4)(c): Maximum residue levels for acetamiprid' (see minutes, item 6.1).

Madam President, the text we are going to vote on tomorrow is a call – one more! – that the Commission and the Council should fully assume their responsibilities in upholding the rule of law. I tell you in full transparency: Parliament is losing patience. You have in your hands one of the most effective levers for upholding our values. Budgetary conditionality has existed since 2021 and has been achieved through forceps – I know this because I have been directly involved in these negotiations – and the fact that it has only been used once is a real problem. Why? Because it is well known that the rule of law is far from being respected everywhere in the EU. We know this in the face of governments who want to free themselves from our fundamentals, who dream of a Europe à la carte, with rights, but, of course, without any duty. Unfortunately, there is nothing more effective than financial sanctions. So yes, the conditionality tool can improve, and this report offers clear paths. It is very good, it is very good, but no tool can be effective without the will to act. The future Multiannual Financial Framework will also be a moment of truth. We will see if there really is a stronger will to uphold the rule of law in the European Union.

The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on 'Breeders' protests following a lumpy skin disease outbreak in France: implications of the EU approach on sanitary and on animal health' (2025/3041(RSP)).

The next item is the debate on the report by André Rodrigues, on behalf of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulation (EU) 2021/2115 as regards the conditionality system, types of intervention in the form of direct payment, types of intervention in certain sectors and rural development and annual performance reports and Regulation (EU) 2021/2116 as regards data and interoperability governance, suspensions of payments annual performance clearance and controls and penalties (COM(2025)0236 – C10-0086/2025 – 2025/0236(COD)) (A10-0164/2025).

The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on the EU response to the continuous airspace violations and sabotage of critical infrastructure in the EU originating from Russia and Belarus (2025/2989(RSP)).

Madam President, Commissioner McGrath, as a mother, of course, I am always very worried about what is circulating on social media and, of course, I warn my children. I warn them because it is my duty to protect them. That being said, I'm a little lonely because, when my kids are on social media, they're in another world, a world I don't always have access to. And so that's why we ask for systems that protect our children when we're not there. Besides, in everyday life, that's a little bit what happens. Society also sets clear, temporary rules for minors, until they reach the age of majority, not for the sake of prohibition, but to protect them and also to protect their physical, cognitive and emotional development. We have to do exactly the same thing in the digital space. That is why I believe that the text we will be voting on tomorrow should be supported. But I still have a regret, it is that we did not dare to propose a true numerical majority at 15 years old. That was the strong gesture I expected from this Parliament. So, if everything is not settled, at least Parliament will make a clear choice, that of no longer leaving our young people left to themselves on social networks.

The next item on the agenda is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on breast cancer: the importance of screening (2025/2937(RSP)).

Madam President, Commissioner, at the beginning of the year we were already expressing our concerns after staggering revelations. We were already talking about Hungary, a fully-fledged Member State of the European Union, I would remind you, which nevertheless spied on, monitored and wiretapped investigators from the European Anti-Fraud Office. At the time, you reassured us, you told us that the institutions were safe from this type of interference. Ten months later, today, thanks to the investigations of the press, in particular Direkt36 and De Tijd, we discover that a whole espionage network has been set up. Let us be clear, today the Hungarian authorities defy all the principles of loyalty and solidarity between the Member States, act against their interests and those of Europe and, given the nature of the facts, obviously endanger the security of Europeans. Commissioner, today nothing is actually known about the Commission's internal investigation, nothing about the precautions and arrangements that have been put in place since then, if they have been put in place, to prevent espionage operations. In addition, when these operations were launched from the Hungarian Permanent Representation, it should be recalled that it was your colleague, Mr Várhelyi, who was in charge of them. The Commission should have suspended Commissioner Várhelyi, at least in time to shed light on the matter. So if the Commission does not fully assume its responsibilities, it is up to us, I think, Parliament, to do so, and that is why we support the immediate creation of a committee of inquiry into Hungary's espionage operations.

Madam President, the independence of the judiciary is not a technical detail, let alone a view of the spirit, but the very heart of the rule of law. And I join my colleagues, Blagomir Kotsev also has the right to justice and equality before the law. In its 2025 report, the Commission already warned about the state of the rule of law in Bulgaria, noting that concerns about this situation are building up – and this was also heard in this forum – and that is why, as Chair of the Monitoring Group on Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights (DRFMG), I proposed that we go there. I think this is our job, I think this is our role and I have to tell you that I am quite surprised that at this stage it is not possible, at least it seems impossible at this stage, to have a majority to lead a DRFMG mission in Bulgaria. That's pretty amazing. I hear that we are supporting it – but yes, we are supporting it – maybe next year. What we have to do is leave now. To those who explain to us that there is nothing to do, well I say to them "Do not be afraid, then", the DRFMG will do a mission called fact-finding mission and it will come back to appease everyone. I therefore appeal to those who have yet to decide on this mission, because it is important to transcend our political differences when it comes to defending the rule of law.

Mr President, we have the impression that it has been six years, but in fact President Trump has only been back for six months, and with him his strategy of chaos. So yes, in the face of uncertainty, we need a swift agreement with the United States, a fair, balanced agreement, without having to sacrifice our sectors of excellence – such as the pharmaceutical sector, which was still threatened by the President a few hours ago –, our health standards or our core values – which some tech giants do not like. I am confident that this Parliament has been clear enough on its red lines to have been heard by the Commission. However, I would like to add two things: First, President Trump has accustomed us in six months to spectacular reversals according to his moods. So, if there is agreement, we expect the Commission to remain alert and ready to react, or even to retaliate, if necessary, in future times. Secondly, if we want to be stronger, more resilient, we also have to do the job here, because it is not the election of the President of the United States that prevents us, for example, from making the Draghi report a reality, from deepening the single market. We expect these reforms quickly, much faster.

Madam President, the 200 000 people who walked in Budapest also reminded us of our European ideal: a Europe of freedoms, a Europe of values. The Commission has just published its annual rule of law report, in which it is clear - and you confirm this - that the Hungarian government continues to weaken, whenever it can, our democratic principles. So the findings are good, but what interests me, above all, is action. And we, here in the Council, in the Commission and in Parliament, are still moving forward in an orderly fashion that is too dispersed. That is why, Commissioner, I propose a clear reform: the establishment of a European Semester of the rule of law, as is the case for economic and fiscal governance, because it is also – and equally – important. A cycle that goes beyond analysis, with, among other things, recommendations in the form of steps (like the recovery plan), a precise timetable, but above all effective sanctions for those who knowingly breach our common rules – when I hear some of my colleagues, I think it is really necessary. I know your commitment on this issue. Let’s bring this bold project together for our democracy – finally!

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, this is interesting, because what was expressed earlier in the debate is exactly what we experienced in Hungary during our mission: When questioning and asking legitimate questions about a whole piece of legislation, the Hungarian government does not answer these legitimate questions, but attacks. That, ladies and gentlemen, is what we experienced during three days in Hungary. I end up wondering, ladies and gentlemen, whether this type of answer does not simply come from the fact that even they are beginning to feel uncomfortable with the laws they want to vote on. Why? Because the Hungarian parliament should soon pass a law that aims, no more and no less, to eliminate any media or organization that criticizes the action of the Hungarian government. This law, which is called – and I quote – ‘Transparency in public life’, is in fact not seeking transparency, but rather censorship. As you know, when it is no longer allowed or possible to express a divergent opinion in the face of the power in place, we definitely leave the democratic field. Again this morning, I met here with independent Hungarian media journalists and they are very clear: If this law comes into force, they can put the key under the door. Since Hungary will again breach the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the Commission will have to take interim measures to prevent irreversible damage. It will also have to initiate infringement proceedings without delay. You say, Mr McGrath, that the Commission will not hesitate. We'll see what she does. I also appeal to the Council, which will address the issue on Tuesday: How many more transgressions will we have to denounce before the repressive part of Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union is activated? To ignore is to tolerate, and if we tolerate today what is happening in Hungary, we send a signal that it will be possible tomorrow for anyone to bypass our democratic principles without consequences.

Actually, you are helping my case. I did not see it. If I saw it, I would not have given the floor, which shows you that we are treating everybody equally. Please don't play that game, because that makes debates very complicated. So it is very clear – I am talking to everybody: please take away all symbols before you take the floor. This is in the règlement and everybody has to follow the rules.