Speeches

Madam President, while I was pleased to support this report, I must again state my frustration at the Irish Government’s inaction in reintroducing Ireland’s Atlantic corridor back into the TEN-T core network. It is beyond comprehension at a time of climate crisis, a Green Minister for Transport sits on his hands, delaying our Western seaboard ability to access sustainable transport such as the Western Rail Corridor, Galway, Mayo, Sligo and Donegal are home to half a million people. Linking these Western counties directly via rail is vital in terms of connectivity and addressing regional imbalance, a region that incredibly ranks 219 out of 234 EU regions in terms of infrastructure. This, in a supposedly modern, developed Ireland is just not acceptable. People in my region deserve access to high quality public services like anywhere else, especially at a time when we are being asked to reduce emissions. We are not second class citizens in the west and north west. Minister Ryan, wake up, prioritise the Atlantic Economic Corridor and work towards re-opening our rail lines.

Madam President, citizens of most Member States who are living in a third country can still vote in European elections. However, in a small minority of countries, including Ireland, citizens living outside the EU are completely disenfranchised. This effectively creates two classes of EU citizens: those who have the right to vote and those who don’t. Many hundreds of thousands of Irish, Czechs, Slovaks and Maltese around the world do not have the same rights as their fellow EU citizens from other Member States. This is unacceptable in a democracy. Post—Brexit, this is a particular problem in the north of Ireland. An Irish citizen from Belfast, Derry or Fermanagh can vote if they live in Belgium, but they cannot vote where they were born and grew up, nor where their family and friends live. EU citizens should not be forced to emigrate in order to access their most basic of rights, their right to vote. EU electoral law should and must address this anomaly.

Madam President, I strongly welcome the committee's insistence and the need for workers to have the right to avail of collective bargaining. In Ireland, this right has long been denied. The need for collective bargaining to be protected by legislation has never been greater. An ideology of neoliberalism with hugely damaging consequences for workers and family has reigned across Ireland and Europe for too long. The High-Level Group on Collective Bargaining and Industrial Relations has done some good work, but it must translate into strong legislation for workers’ rights. We saw today how those from the right will try and dilute every bit of progress. They must not be allowed to win out. Only by giving workers the tools to bargain for themselves can they have a chance of living decent and happy lives. Collective bargaining must not be impeded or delayed, but implemented as soon as possible.

A Uachtaráin, I was happy to vote in favor of the CSDDD. Today’s vote was an important milestone towards improving the global landscape on business and human rights. This is a crucial piece of legislation that will finally hold multinational companies to task for the myriad human rights and environmental abuses linked to their value chains. The position established today is not perfect, but I am pleased that efforts from the right to scupper the directive were almost all unsuccessful. We are now one step closer to proper corporate accountability and access to justice for victims. We must continue to stand in solidarity with impacted communities and insist on a strong due diligence law during the trilogue negotiations.

Mr President, according to new data compiled by the Newstalk radio station, there are substantially more short—term holiday lets available in Ireland than long—term lets. Galway has nearly 20 times more short—term lets than long—term, while Donegal, also my constituency, has 47 times more. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil governments are pushing our young people away from a future in Ireland. To paraphrase W.B. Yeats, ‘No country for young men … women, or indeed any future generation’! How can we turn the tide of our young people leaving our shores when we can’t even provide them with a home of their own? When I see the abundance of holiday homes available, I ask myself, does our current government view the West of Ireland as anything other than a holiday destination for a weekend retreat, as an amenity for those with multiple homes whilst others go homeless? It’s time for action, not just words. Let’s secure our youth’s future!

Mr President, I want to welcome this debate on confronting cyberbullying amongst young people. And I want to acknowledge my colleague, Frances Fitzgerald, who has done sterling work in this regard. And I especially wish to praise the work of Jackie Fox, who joins us today to honour her daughter Coco, a victim of cyberbullying. You are in our thoughts. Bullying has a profound effect on the victims. Technological advances such as social media give space to the bully to hide behind a keyboard whilst inflicting untold hurt to their victims. Our responsibility as legislators, therefore, is to combat cyberbullying. We know too well that cyberbullying left unchallenged escalates, leading to serious harm. Early intervention by confronting cyberbullying can help prevent the situation from deteriorating and protect potential victims. That is why I believe that we must act decisively in order to protect our young people from the tragic consequences of cyberbullying. Now let’s act with urgency and let’s enact an EU Coco’s Law.

Madam President, successive opinion polls in Ireland have confirmed that the majority of the Irish people are opposed to any dilution of Irish neutrality. The very idea that we set up EU battlegroups is a clear violation of that neutrality. I am astonished that this House would be asked to promote qualified majority voting instead of unanimity when it comes to military matters, effectively asking Irish MEPs to vote against an Irish veto and vote against Irish neutrality. We in Ireland have a strong tradition of promoting human rights, international law and disarmament. Maintaining a policy of military neutrality is consistent with these values and promotes peace and stability around the globe. That is why I voted against this report, and I urge members from across this House to respect Irish neutrality.

Mr. President, although I welcome the fact that this report is very welcome, I was not in a position to support it. We are facing a huge challenge and this report does not address these challenges. What is needed is a budget that gives priority to citizens, and I do not see that in this report. Also, there is too much emphasis in this report on military matters. Ireland is a neutral country and we are proud of that.

Mr President, Commissioner, I think it’s fair to say that the digital euro has not captured the public’s imagination. It is, however, an important innovation, and it’s one that we must get right. In the digital age, there are some who would have us abandon cash altogether. This must not happen. Workers, consumers and small businesses must continue to be allowed to use their own cash – their own money in their own purse or pocket. In this digital age, we must protect the idea of money as a public good. Huge corporations cannot be allowed to take over the use of our money. We wouldn’t allow the privatisation of cash, therefore we cannot allow the privatisation of its digital equivalent. I urge the Commission and ECB to not think of the digital euro as a purely defensive innovation, but to grasp its full potential. The banking sector has had enough public support down through the years, so for once let’s put consumers, citizens and workers first and use the digital euro to empower them.

Madam President, Commissioner, I firstly want to thank Mr Berger and all who worked on this file. And I want to be clear: my support is based on the fact that this legislation brings transparency, protects consumers and adds financial stability. I have no interest in creating a market in or fostering the use of crypto assets. At their worst they are pyramid schemes, are used by criminal gangs for money laundering or defrauding working people, and they can waste huge amounts of energy for no purpose. I see little or no social or economic benefit to these tools of speculation. I accept the reality that crypto—assets exist, and short of banning them, they must be regulated. I predict we will be back here again, tightening this regulation and closing any loopholes left open. As Fabio Panetta of the ECB put it, crypto—assets are bringing about instability and insecurity, the exact opposite of what they promised. They are creating a new Wild West. Now, the Wild West may have romantic connotations, but I don’t think anyone would want to live there. So we have a responsibility to regulate the good from the bad and ugly. Any identifiable use that crypto—assets might have in terms of efficiency and technological innovation must be put to use in the design of public money such as the digital euro. Crypto—assets are a threat to financial stability, to consumers, to the environment, and at their most extreme, to the functioning of a democratic society. Those pushing their use are vested interests out for a quick buck. They’re detached from and have no regard for what working people and families actually need. So let us regulate, regulate, regulate.

, it is only right that this house celebrates the Good Friday Agreement and the 25 years of peace and progress it has brought to the island of Ireland. This historic agreement put in place a new constitutional framework in the north of Ireland that would finally guarantee equality, justice and human rights. The Good Friday Agreement is a peace process and a political process. It’s a living, breathing document. It is a framework which guarantees that the people of Ireland – north and south – will decide whether to unite or whether the North remains tied to Britain. My hope is that, within this decade, the people will be asked to be part of a new Ireland – a modern, forward-looking society based on peace, equality and social progress within the European Union. The future of the whole island is one where we work together for the benefit of all. Over the years, most of the problems have stemmed from Tory Governments’ failure to act – as the Agreement says they should – with rigorous impartiality. A continued failure to uphold the Agreement. Consistently taking one political side does nobody any favours. It merely delays the progress that we know must happen. To those who reject the very principles of the Good Friday Agreement, I have a simple message: equality benefits everyone. We should be able to move beyond seeing our neighbours as our enemies. Attempts to deny rights to different groups of people – marriage equality, reproductive rights, language rights – damage the economic and social cohesion of the North. We should all be working together for the benefit of all the people, which is why the Executive in the North must be established without delay. Building an economy that benefits everyone; building a society that works for all, where no one is left behind. That’s why it is important that this House celebrates the 25th anniversary. And I have no doubt that this House and the EU will continue to play an important role for the next 25 years as the Good Friday Agreement embarks upon its next chapter.

Mr President, Commissioner Šefčovič, colleagues, first we want to welcome this report and to thank Pedro for all his work. In all the arguments about checks and controls in the Irish Sea, developments about human rights have got very little attention. I'm very pleased that the report stresses the importance of Article 2 on the non-diminution of rights. The language of hostility to human rights by British Government ministers is extremely unhelpful. Be clear, the European Convention on Human Rights is the foundation of the Good Friday Agreement. If it does come to pass that Britain leaves the Convention, they will have to put in place a system whereby those rights continue to apply in the north of Ireland. I also welcome recognition of the importance of engagement with the Belfast Assembly. The application of parts of EU law in the north of Ireland means that their elected representatives have an important role to play in shaping laws that apply to them. The European Parliament has an important role in engaging in dialogue with Assembly Members and other stakeholders in the North. We must formalise a direct relationship between this Parliament and the Assembly. In all the discussions about Brexit and implementation of the protocol, our priority has been to uphold the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement is the constitutional framework of the north of Ireland. It gives the same legitimacy to the idea of a united Ireland as it does to the continuation of the link with Britain. The future constitutional status of Ireland is for the people of Ireland, north and south, to decide. The Good Friday Agreement has brought 25 years of peace and progress. There was never any reason to link the restoration of the institutions to the Irish Protocol. Now that an implementation agreement has been reached in Windsor, there is an onus on the British Government to move the DUP in the coming weeks, so to restore the assembly and executive without delay. The people of the north of Ireland deserve no less.

Mr President, Commissioner, family farmers in Ireland and across the EU face soaring costs. Corporate greed is responsible, and family farmers are suffering for it. It is obnoxious that corporations are using the geopolitical situation to exploit them. Despite the recent fall in the price of natural gas, fertiliser companies continue to charge extortionate rates. Improvements in the market have not filtered down to farmers. They are set to spend over a billion on fertiliser this year, currently paying an average of over EUR 800 per tonne. They are rightly demanding that something be done. Therefore, I tabled amendments to support the use and supply of organic fertilisers, and it is good to see them in the resolution. Domestically sourced organic alternatives to chemical and mineral fertilisers are needed to reduce dependency on these corporations, especially in Ireland, where we have an ample population of livestock to help meet these needs. I also welcome the proposals in this resolution that aim to ensure fertiliser is sold at true market prices to help prevent exploitation of farmers. But urgent action by both the Irish Government and the EU Commission is now needed, especially as rising inflation is negating the effectiveness of CAP payments to farmers. Ireland needs to consider State aid measures to assist farmers faced with an increase in the cost of fertiliser. Greece has done this, so why hasn’t Ireland? The resolution also calls on the Commission to boost the deployment of small- and medium-scale biogas plants. However, in my own constituency in Midlands-North-West in Ireland, state authorities have failed in their responsibility to engage with communities, such as in Gort, in Galway, in their attempt to deploy such plants. On this basis, I’ve tabled an amendment to this resolution that calls for any such deployment to be done with the consultation of our communities. Therefore, I encourage my colleagues in this Chamber to support Amendment 15, and I encourage MEPs to vote in favour of the resolution and support our family farmers.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, five times in nine months the ECB has increased interest rates, with huge implications both economic and societal. It’s the final straw for many struggling to get by at a time of immense pressure on working families and people. In Ireland, this is compounded by the EU and our government’s fixation on vulture funds. When family mortgages were sold off to vultures, those families were promised their full rights. Now, as the ECB turns the screw tighter, these families have found that such promises are now worthless. These mortgage holders are now trapped in schemes with little option to escape. Many have seen their repayments rise by thousands of euros a year, with further rate hikes likely. If they fall behind, they have less recourse to access solutions. This Parliament, which lined up behind the EU proposal to back vulture funds, now knows the real human impacts of its policies. Targeted interest relief is needed in Ireland. The EU and ECB must stop prioritising vulture funds and banks over working families.

Mr President, last week the Irish Government failed to support a Sinn Féin motion demanding the end to a deal between Coillte, the Irish state—owned forestry service and the British Investment Fund Gresham House. Irish public farmers and environmentalists alike are united in their indignation. The use of our natural assets in a deal with foreign investment funds adds insult to injury. Again, another example of an Irish Government standing idly by as cuckoo vulture and investment funds profit off the backs of Irish workers and families. This deal won’t benefit the environment. It won’t help Ireland reach our climate goals. The deal only lines the pockets of corporations with no regard for our resources or citizens. As shareholders on behalf of the Irish people, I am calling on the Irish Government to abandon this deal, which flies in the face of real and meaningful climate action. If the Irish Government fails on this, they fail rural Ireland, they fail forestry and will fail biodiversity.

Madam President, President of the Council, President and Vice—President of the Commission, this has been a tough winter for many people across Europe, and we must be clear: much of the blame lies at the door of Vladimir Putin and his brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. As always, solidarity with the people of Ukraine must be our watchword, and to join with your words a couple of minutes ago, Madam President, I too – as with all colleagues, I’m sure – join in sharing those words of sympathy with regard to what has happened over the last number of hours. Solidarity should also be a requirement with our most vulnerable. This solidarity cannot be just one—off actions. These must last as long as is needed through the winter and beyond, and they must be substantive and worthwhile. The EU and the Irish Government have taken some steps and actions, but there remains an ideological block in place that means a commitment to a certain economic model and the market, which often clouds judgements and prevents real and immediate action to help families and workers. We need only to look at the time wasted in setting a cap on runaway gas prices to see how real solidarity is subject to a veto by abstract right—wing ideology. My own government must act before we have a mortgage crisis as mortgage rates follow the ECB’s lead. In Ireland, this comes on top of the disastrous rental market situation, and only this week new research showed the wealthiest 1% of Irish society owns over a quarter of the country’s wealth. This creates understandable anger. A tiny percentage are attempting to direct this anger towards some of the most vulnerable refugees and asylum seekers. Their agenda is hateful and will be rejected by communities from across Ireland. So we need to see real solidarity: rent freezes; pay rises; a ban on energy disconnections; concrete economic and social support for all workers and families. This is the way through this crisis. Solidarity with our most vulnerable who struggle to put food on the table or heat the home, or those in difficulty maintaining a roof over their heads and for all who seek refuge at this time. My message to the Council is to drop the excuses and commit to long—term solidarity in actions, not just words.

Mr President, today the Parliament endorsed the Council’s measures to tackle rising energy prices and the misery they are causing so many households. These measures are a step in the right direction, but we all know that much more is needed to tackle this crisis while decarbonising our energy system and eliminating energy poverty. The broken energy market needs to be reformed so that the price we pay for energy reflects the real price of production. We need more effective price caps so that energy companies can no longer exploit this crisis at the expense of workers and families. We need public control of an energy system that has people’s basic right to energy at its core. It should be the role of this Parliament to push the other institutions towards stronger policies. This resolution merely echoed the inadequate measures already agreed by the Council. Now, more than ever, we must do better for our citizens.

Mr President, I voted in favour of this report because I believe that water is a human rights matter. This report highlighted the fact that water is a public good that is vital to human life, and is not an item for profit. No matter where you are in the world. Clean and safe water should be available to everyone.

Madam Chair, like probably all of us, I too warmly welcome this agreement. It is important that consumer rights and environmental considerations trump commercial interests at least some of the time. There could be no justification for one company to insist on a different charger for its devices. That situation simply costs consumers money and led to unnecessary electronic waste. This standardisation is expected to save consumers in the region of a quarter of billion euros, which would be welcome news to many feeling the impacts of the current cost of living crisis. It is not revolutionary, just plain common sense. Anything that protects consumers, the environment and saves money is always welcome. More of this, please, Brussels. I commend the work of the European Parliament in widening the scope so that eventually laptops, e-readers, earphones, keyboards and a multitude of other electronic devices will work off a single common charger. We may have to come back here to tackle the issue of unbundling and wireless charging, but this is still a good day for consumers and the environment.

Madam President, I welcome these reports. However, the 8th report unfortunately reaffirms that my home region in Ireland, the north and west, has for over a decade been stuck in a so-called development trap. The region has actually slipped in relative terms from being a developed region to a region in transition. It begs the question: In transition to what? The route out of this trap must be investment. As I speak, Ireland is the only country that has had its plan for spending the recovery and resilience approved. Yet, it has failed to apply for pre-financing grants or loans under the fund. Unbearable regions like mine are crying out for investment. The closure of essential public services and banks compound this trapped status, and there’s no digital age without full, affordable broadband technology. Such factors highlight the need for a plan, something sorely lacking – cohesion funding, state aid flexibility, a EUR 1 000 000 000 RRF allocation, and the Brexit fund offer a ready-made investment package if the political will and imagination to stand up for the north and west of Ireland existed. Unfortunately, it doesn’t with our government parties. For example, a western rail corridor accessible to Knock Airport, continuing ultimately to Derry, would be a crucial link in an all-Ireland railway, creating jobs and connectivity. Infrastructural investment is the primary way to tackle regional imbalances, and that is why I will highlight the need for a real investment plan for the north and west regions of Ireland.

Mr President, in two weeks’ time, the Irish Government will present its 2023 budget. Much fanfare and kite flying as we await what measures the government will introduce to help workers and families meet the everyday challenges of the cost of living crisis. Unfortunately, for many, the measures the government introduce will likely be too little and too late. It’s astonishing to me that whilst workers and families are subject to record increases in their electricity bills and trying to choose between heating their home or putting food on their table, the energy companies are making record profits. Make no mistake, the cost of living crisis is now approaching a state of emergency. Our most basic human needs are under threat, threatened by the selfish profiteering of energy companies and the perplexing inactions of government. That is why we in Sinn Féin believe the Irish Government must introduce a windfall tax on excess profits of big energy firms, redirect that money back into people’s pockets with direct supports and through long-term structural investments to eliminate energy poverty and accelerate the renewable transition.

Mr President, I want to welcome this debate, the development of an EU cycling strategy. I agree with the proposer of the debate that cycling should be acknowledged as a transport mode that is as valid as any other, and that its benefits in health and reduced road congestion should be recognised – not to mention the fact that a cycle strategy will be crucial to our efforts in tackling climate change and reducing our CO2 emissions. Therefore, it is my genuine hope that this debate is the beginning of a real engagement with stakeholders from across our Member States, so that we can find a way to fully invest and implement safe and active mobility for all our citizens. Our roads and transport links are for everyone, cyclists included – whether you’re a student cycling to college, a nurse taking a bus to work, an electrician driving your van to a job. When we debate cycle strategies, we are often bogged down in an ‘either-or’ argument. For too long, some politicians in Ireland have peddled the myth that you can only have cycling infrastructure or real infrastructure, but never both. For instance, take the Western Rail Corridor in the west of Ireland. The rail line has lay idle for years, while politicians have debated whether to reopen the rail line to passenger and freight or to turn the rail line into a green- and cycleway. I’ve warned you: this ‘one or the other’ narrative really stifles us from harnessing our full potential, and it undermines our efforts to undo decades of neglect from successive governments, which has resulted in regional imbalance, which negatively affects West and North West Ireland. When we are talking about transport policy and the future of sustainable transport – whether it be active mobility on a bike or public transport on a train – let’s be ambitious. We have the capacity and the skill set to develop and invest in both. What we lack is the political will. There are many examples across Europe of greenways running alongside railway lines. I firmly believe there is no reason that this could not happen in the case of the Western Rail Corridor. So let’s work to promote sustainable mobility. Let’s work to promote active mobility. Let’s work towards a transport strategy that serves all our citizens.

Mr President, , this debate is long overdue and one sought by The Left Group. The British Government are not only attacking the protocol; they are attacking the Good Friday Agreement. They must not succeed. The north of Ireland has changed. People will not accept supremacy by regressive unionism from the DUP or their paramilitary allies. The protocol protects the north from the worst damage caused by Brexit. What the British Government cannot swallow is that the economy in the north is doing better than anywhere in Britain, but the illegal Protocol Bill is designed to drag the north down – the dual regulatory system would create an impossible bureaucracy for business. Be clear: as he clings to his job, Boris Johnson will do anything. He systematically breaks international law. He undermines the Good Friday Agreement. He absolves the British military for crimes committed, denying grieving families the justice they deserve. He repeals the European Convention on Human Rights, the beating heart of the Good Friday Agreement. Britain is fast becoming a rogue state, acting unilaterally in the interests of its own elite, with no regard for the well—being of its people or the international rules—based order. Unless Britain turns to legality, it deserves to fail, which is why Scottish people want to take control of their own future, and why a referendum on Irish unity, as provided for in the Good Friday Agreement, is increasingly on the agenda.

In June, MEPs voted in favour of a European Parliament resolution on the future of European islands. One suggestion in this report was that 2024 would be the Year of Islands in the European Union. I firmly believe in this proposal and I am of the opinion that it will allow us to have a real discussion on the future of our coastal and island communities. I have since written to the Commission to ensure that this proposal is properly studied. Dear friends, the EU institutions should work with our island communities across Europe to have a comprehensive discussion about the future, and as MEPs, we should put pressure on them to ensure this.

Mr President, I warmly welcome this debate so that I can put on record that my party, Sinn Féin, totally opposes moving away from unanimity on tax matters. I also want to put on record our support for the OECD deal and the EU directive implementing it. Hungary has been cynical in opposing the deal. It’s reneging on its word. All those that signed up to the OECD deal in the EU and across the world, including the US, should implement the deal as soon as possible. There is, unfortunately, another wave of cynicism on show here today. Those who seek to end tax sovereignty are using one Member State’s cynicism to cynically advance their own agenda. We should not throw away the rulebook just because there’s a temporary political issue. Unanimity is not a block to progress. It is a safeguard of democratic decision—making. Sinn Féin rejects centralisation of tax powers and defends unanimity on such crucial matters.