What Márton spoke about.

Madam President, there is a broad consensus here and in other EU institutions that economic sanctions on Russia are the most effective way of pressuring Russia to stop its aggression in Ukraine. The speed, efficiency and accuracy of the sanctions proposed by the Commission need to be commended, especially its efforts to create an unprecedented unity among Member States. It is unfortunate that it took such a disaster to realise the unhealthy dependence of our continent on Russian energy supplies and to start discussions about a unified energy market, based on diversified energy resources and solidarity among Member States. In the past weeks, Russia has demonstrated that it’s ready to use energy as a strategic weapon to further its aggressive geopolitical objectives. It must be clear by now that Russia in the long term is an unreliable partner for supplying energy to the EU. Therefore, I would like to ask the Commission to focus not only on fossil fuels when it comes to sanctions, but also to target nuclear energy. Nuclear deals struck by Russian Rosatom with the governments of various Member States must be phased out. Finland showed the way by terminating the Fennovoima deal with Rosatom, which supplied a nuclear reactor and was the financial backer of the project, as well as the main shareholder. It’s time that Hungary follows suit and terminates its equally controversial Paks deal with Rosatom. The Commission would be right, in its next sanction package, to ban every Russian nuclear deal on the continent.

Madam President, colleagues, shortly after the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it became clear that Putin miscalculated himself. His nightmare has come true in at least three areas. A multi-ethnic, young and fragile Ukraine united in defiance against the Russian aggression and emerged as a strong nation state. A fatuous EU that was long ridiculed for not being able to speak a single voice on any foreign policy related issue united in defiance against the Russian aggressor. An EU that just weeks ago seemed desperately dependent on Russian energy, cut itself loose from Russian energy and united in record time to impose sanctions on the Russian aggressor. Colleagues we must move forward in our support for Ukraine, impose harsher sanctions against Russia if necessary, step up diplomatic efforts to achieve a cease fire and peace and learn from our mistakes. Discard for good unanimity in the Council on foreign policy-related issues and finally create a common European army.

Mr President, we are discussing a very relevant report with important recommendations as to how foreign interference, especially fake news, should be detected and fended off by the EU and its Member States by supporting independent media. Unfortunately, in some EU countries, it’s too late, as authoritarian governments have already conquered the entire media landscape, turned public broadcasting financed by EU taxpayers into a propaganda machine and – by controlling advertising revenues and resources –forced the commercial media to play by the rules of the regime. No, not in some distant Third World country, but within the EU! In a country like Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Mr Borrell, I was very much touched by what you said about the link between the democratic ideal and access to information. This is why I would like to recommend the establishment of a European public broadcasting and news service independent from national governments and from market pressures as well, financed from the EU budget. All citizens should have access to it in every EU language. All national broadcasters should make it available, free of charge, on a must—carry basis. It’s time to create a single European narrative instead of 27 separate ones, to strengthen our European identity and to protect our citizens from malign propaganda.

Madam President, I would have loved to congratulate personally Ms von der Leyen for her successful procrastination on implementing the rule of law mechanism. Please pass it on to her Mr Commissioner. Also, we have been waiting over a year for the ECJ to state the obvious. If a country signs up for EU membership, it should respect its rules and should refrain from misappropriating European taxpayers’ money. Well done. After the verdict this morning, we heard the response of Hungarian Justice Minister Judit Varga echoed by Fidesz MEPs here, telling the tale of a sinister plot conjured by a Soros network and an LGBT lobby against the Hungarian people. Now, as far as the Hungarian voters are concerned, they are now faced with a straightforward dilemma in the elections on 3 April: a dictatorial regime deliberately losing funds it is entitled to and turning to Russia and China for finances, or a pro—democracy, pro-EU coalition. In the meantime, we expect the Commission to act.

Madam President, in Yalta exactly 77 years ago, superpowers divided Europe for half a century, ushered in the era of Cold War and shoved Central and Eastern Europe behind the Iron Curtain against its will. Once again, Russia is aiming to divide our continent by extending its sphere of influence. Putin is reviving the Brezhnev Doctrine and the Cold War rhetoric. Mr Borrell, you mentioned exemplary unity and solidarity within the EU while we have Viktor Orbán acting as a fifth column within our community, echoing Moscow’s position, blocking NATO initiatives, downplaying the impact of sanctions, betraying not only its allies but over 100 000 Hungarians living in Ukraine’s Zakarpattia. I was happy to hear Mr Legutko, speaker for the ECR Group, to recount the European collaborators of Moscow. Representatives of PiS, the Polish ruling party, could help the EU by influencing their key ally in Hungary, Viktor Orbán. They are our best hope, at least in this regard, until the Hungarian elections on 3 April.

Madam President, I say to Mr Macron: when I first heard you present the priorities of the French Presidency on 9 December last year, I was struck by the sincere passion with which you talked about regaining European sovereignty, defending its values and interests. A few days later, however, you visited Viktor Orbán in Budapest, who not only disregards the European values that you seek to defend, but acts as a Trojan horse in undermining its sovereignty and geopolitical interest, echoing Moscow’s position at a time when Putin conducts a military offensive at our borders, adopts Cold War rhetoric and revives the Brezhnev doctrine by outlining its spheres of influence in an ultimatum like Stalin did in Yalta. How do you wish to go about attaining European sovereignty given the apparent challenges that pro-Russian illiberalism poses? And what reforms do you propose in our institutions and procedures to further your objective?

Madam President, it appears that the EU learned from the mistakes of the previous migration crisis, which not only had a disastrous direct impact on Europe but also boosted the illiberal regime of Viktor Orbán in Hungary. Just another disease that seems to be contagious. He used this opportunity to undermine the last vestiges of democracy and rule of law, just the same way as Lukashenko uses migration today to divert attention from a stolen election, the plight of political prisoners, Tikhanovskaya’s sham trial and the freedom struggle of an entire nation. Strengthening and protecting our borders against illegal migration and defending our values simultaneously: this is our task – and, of course, never giving in to the blackmail of authoritarian regimes, either within or outside the EU.

Mr President, I agree with those expressing their disappointment over the results of the Glasgow summit and also share the concern and even some of the frustration of younger generations about the state of the planet they inherit. True, COP26 fell short of many expectations, but let’s be fair and realistic. Streamlining 27 different opinions on any subject is difficult enough at the best of times. Merging 197 perspectives on climate change is a daunting task, but not impossible. Now, despite all odds, the final document adopted the rulebook for the Paris Accords. It committed itself to the 1.5 degree target, committed itself to reducing coal and fuel subsidies, to reducing methane, deforestation, phasing out production of petrol and diesel cars. And most importantly, it pledged support to South Africa to phase out its coal plants, setting an example for cooperation with Africa and the developing world. The above sets the agenda for COP27 in Egypt. Let’s not fall into despair. Let’s keep our ambitions high. Let’s keep everyone engaged and move forward together.

Mr President, at the convergence of a health, economic and climate crisis, we are presented with a unique opportunity to set our societies on a sustainable course. The ambitious goals set out in the European Green Deal can be an instrument for transition to a new green growth model that mobilises green investment to create new industries, jobs to dampen the social tensions created by transition, and a cleaner environment for all. But there are preconditions for success that need to be addressed in Glasgow. Net-zero emissions by 2050 and transformation of our economies are a collective target, rather than one that commits each and every Member State to net-zero emissions. We need guarantees and sanctions to make it a credible commitment of all those involved. Second, bring the USA, China, but also the developing world, on board with similarly ambitious targets as the EU’s. Finally, the adoption of the Paris Agreement rulebook to set the fight against climate change into operation.

Madam President, given the abundance of challenges that our societies face in the age of globalisation, spying, eavesdropping and surveillance are legitimate tools to safeguard public security. The real question is, and this distinguishes a democracy from an autocracy, whether the process is transparent and control is exercised over those implementing it. In a democracy, such an instrument is ordered by a court or a government, with a specific time limit, in the case of specific judicial procedures or matters of national security, and strictly under the control of Parliament or a designated committee. In Hungary, the absence of all these conditions indicates a serious departure from the democratic norms by the Orbán government that is ready to use such illegitimate means against its political opponents, journalists or activists. Basically, anyone who threatens its grip on power. Just one more reason why Hungary urgently needs a change of government next April.

Madam President, colleagues, firstly, I would like to compliment the Commission on the extraordinary achievement of tackling the enormous challenges of the pandemic. Regarding our economies, the recovery facility proved to be a strong tool to ease the strain of Member States. As the latest surveys show, a big majority of our citizens have faith in the facility, but 85% also expect transparency and effective control on the use of such funds. Now in Hungary today we have an authoritarian government that effectively uses European funds to deconstruct rule of law, the Finance Minister already openly speculates on leaving the EU if finances are withheld, while a two-thirds majority of Hungarian citizens are pro-European. These are the desperate cries of a crumbling regime. Ms von der Leyen, I listened carefully to your nice words on European values, but also heard the gobbledygook on safeguarding them. You have a clear mandate. You have an instrument, the rule of law mechanism, which is effective as of 1 January. Please use it.

Madam President, after the tragedy of 9/11, the invasion of Afghanistan was initiated with two main objectives: a military objective of liquidating terrorists and a political objective of constructing a democratic society. After two decades of war, the sad reality is that neither were accomplished. And why? Because the West failed to understand the complex reality of Afghanistan. In a decentralised, ethnically and tribally based society, centralised governance is doomed to failure. Apart from dealing with the immediate challenges of a humanitarian crisis and the security challenges of neighbouring states, the most daunting task we face today is defending western values globally. After such a debacle, how can we possibly expect anyone in Afghanistan, or indeed elsewhere, to make sacrifices, let alone fight for democracy and freedom?

Madam President, as far as policy is concerned, the programme of the Slovenian Presidency is solid material. But what I find disconcerting is the gap between what this document contains concerning shared values of the European Union and your recent implications, statements and actions in this regard as Prime Minister, Mr Janša. In this respect, thank you for invoking the historical process in which post-communist countries like yours and mine, Hungary, joined the European Union. Our citizens, first and foremost, opted for values such as democracy, rule of law, pluralism and transparency, values that are beyond ideology, not leftist liberal traits, as you and your best friend Viktor Orbán imply. These values are not subject to interpretation, not up for debate, they are absolute and constant. So please respect them.