Speeches

Mr. President, I have a feeling of déjà vu, of a play of the absurd. Everything we say today has been said for ten years. The technical criteria have been met, resolutions have been adopted, the European Commission has said yes. And the absurd question is: What else do we expect to happen in order for Bulgaria and Romania to be admitted to the Schengen area? I note that the enlargement of Schengen to Bulgaria and Romania will be a success for the European Union, and a further postponement will only work in favour of the hybrid war that the Kremlin is waging against Europe. I urge this high platform for the Council to take the only correct decision – the immediate accession of Bulgaria and Romania to Schengen. And let this happen at the Council in December and let us all welcome together as one family Christmas.

But I have an additional question, actually. You personally, as a diplomat, a politician, would you accept, would you approve of peace negotiations while a Russian soldier is on Ukrainian territory? Do you not think that peace talks should be conducted only when the aggressor is already outside the territory of Ukraine? And in this regard, because voices are heard, especially in the region and in the Western Balkans, about lifting sanctions, I would ask you at all whether you think it is permissible to talk about any issue with the current president of Russia? Don't you think that the future relationship with Russia should be discussed only with the next president of Russia?

Dear Mr President, dear Mr Borrell, the news is undoubtedly good from Ukraine. The Ukrainian army has begun its liberating campaign, and every Ukrainian victory is unquestionably approaching the day of peace. But here's my question: Do you fully support the position of President Zelenskyy, who said that peace talks should be held only after Russian troops have been completely pushed out of Ukrainian territory and Ukraine has established full control over its territory?

Madam President, Serbia's close cooperation with Russia, especially in the military sphere, poses a danger to European security. Even after Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, pro-Kremlin sentiment dominated Belgrade. They are also concerned about extreme nationalism. This non-European policy also has an impact in neighbouring North Macedonia due to the traditional commitment of political elites, and recently the Serbian Minister of Interior also spoke of the so-called ‘Serbian world’, a nationalist doctrine, a copypaste of the ‘Russian world’ doctrine, which has nothing to do with the values of European integration. Serbia needs to carry out a real process of separation from nationalist and Kremlin myths, because the European Union does not need Russian Trojan horses.

Mr President, the crises have shown that we need new powers in all areas. We need more European Union, not less, but in order to have more, we need to deepen political integration. This is an objective that cannot be achieved without changes to the Treaty of Lisbon. What exactly these changes will be decided by the Convention. It's up to us to give him a chance to get used to it. But we shouldn't hang contracts with lots of toys like Christmas trees because we risk the tree falling at some point. We have long been talking about the right of legislative initiative. This has to happen. The abolition of the unanimity requirement in the Council is also crucial. Such a decision will make our Union more operational and dynamic. Most decisions need to be taken by qualified majority. Russia's military aggression has added new arguments to this need. Unanimity must be maintained only for the admission of new Member States and for possible changes to the basic principles. Only these three things will the Convention achieve - agreement on new common European policies, legislative initiative and abolition of the unanimity requirement - it will justify its convening.

Madam President, the Kremlin regime has perceived the European culture of peace as indecisive. And the aggression began. For a long time our response was inadequate. If Ukraine had been granted candidate status earlier, if NATO had said that this country would become a member of NATO, perhaps Russia would not have started the war. But the most important thing now is victory. Peace always comes after victory, and victory requires weapons and tough sanctions. We need, as Mr McAllister also noted, to strengthen the enlargement strategy of the European Union. But we must be very careful not to rush into the European Union of countries that may turn out to be Moscow's Trojan horses. And an apology. Unfortunately, the Bulgarian government refused to provide weapons to Ukraine.

Mr President, I voted against the report on Macedonia because it is full of contradictory theses and allegations. North Macedonia, for example, is said to have made consistent progress, while recalling the need to open the archives of Yugoslav secret services and address communist crimes. But was 30 years too little for this country to happen? Why have history books not yet been changed in Macedonia? The greatest crime is the very doctrine of Macedonianism, which is a doctrine of anti-Bulgarianism in constant action. This is a war against the Bulgarian identity, history, culture and bright historical personalities. In the report, this doctrine was not condemned and it offends the 8 million Bulgarian people, as well as the Macedonian Bulgarians. North Macedonia must implement the treaty with Bulgaria, but it does not. That's why I voted against it.

Mr President, the report on North Macedonia is internally contradictory. It lacks the most important thing, which is that North Macedonia demonstratively does not fulfill the contract with Bulgaria. Bulgaria insists that Skopje start implementing this treaty. And the most important thing in it is to respect the history and culture of the Bulgarian people, to respect and respect the rights of Bulgarians. Macedonianism itself is anti-Bulgarianism and nationalism in constant action. It is a war against Bulgarian history, culture and bright historical figures. The birthplace of Macedonianism is Moscow, its birthplace is the Communist International. North Macedonia did not decommunize. What do Macedonian politicians tell us today? I will try to explain it to my German colleagues. They tell us the following: “We are Bavarians, so we are not Germans.” I don't agree. I think the Bavarians are Germans and I think a common history is made by a common people. (The President removed the speaker from the floor.)

Mr President, today is a good day for Europe because we are discussing a strategy for our relations with the United States of America. The future of the free world does not presuppose the existence of strategic autonomy within it. We and the United States must continue to be strategically dependent on each other and to expand and deepen this dependence. This is what worries our opponents the most. The strategic unity between the European Union and the United States is for the good of human civilization. We need to increase NATO's role as the foundation of our collective defence. Only with a common strategy and coordinated policy can we defend global democracy and fight against authoritarian and dictatorial regimes.

Member of the Commission. - Mr President, Members, I congratulate my colleague Kobilius on his report. It presents a long-term strategy for our relations with the Russian Federation. It is particularly important that it distinguishes between the Kremlin regime and Russian citizens. The recommendations made in the report to the Commission and the Council are also important. Today, there is no greater threat to European security and values than Putin's regime. My Bulgaria, for example, has long been the target of a Russian hybrid attack. This is why the country is currently in a political crisis, destabilization and chaos. The president and his caretaker government impose methods of government typical of the Kremlin regime. There will be a third general election in just six months. Colleagues, I call on you to support this report in order to prove that we are responsible to our Union, to the present and future generations of Europe and Russia.

Madam President, I support Mr McAllister's arguments, but it is important how the sanctions regime will be implemented. One example: A Bulgarian oligarch who is on the run from justice in Dubai and faces 18 charges, actively supported last year civil protests against the government and the Prosecutor General. The media advertised for a year. Then it became known that he and his affiliated companies were included in the Magnitsky Act sanctions list, and the paradox is that this oligarch registered a political party and is currently a candidate for parliament. That is why it is important to fight corruption, to protect the citizens who lead this fight, but also to have a mechanism that reveals the connection of some civil society organisations, as well as politicians, media and parties, with persons included in the Magnitsky Act, because the medal always has two sides.