What Tom spoke about.

Mr Oliveira, thank you for this question, but I do not think you have listened to me well enough. We disagree on many points, but on one point I think we agree: There is no reason why the European Union should be surprised by the noises coming from the United States. Our mission is to ensure our own independence.

Mr President, the value of the concept of wake-up call greatly diminishes every time we use it but then refuse to wake up afterwards. How is it possible that we are still surprised when the United States says for the umpteenth time that we will have to figure it out for ourselves when it comes to our security? Just as we were surprised when our reliance on Russian gas was used as a weapon by Putin against us and when China put pressure on us by blocking the export of raw materials. We need to move forward, and we need to move faster. 27 Member States have one major task within the European Union: Working together to protect and strengthen our position in the world. And that is only possible if we make choices, because if everything is a priority, nothing is a priority at all. That is why we must choose to strengthen our security, to accelerate the energy transition, to strengthen the economy of the future and to control migration. If we choose to do that, it also means that we choose not to do a lot of other things in the coming years. Reducing dependence, self-awareness and building a strong Europe in a turbulent world. That is our mission and now is the time.

Mr President, the answer to how we should arm ourselves against export restrictions from China is, in my opinion, simple. The position on the battlefield determines your position at the negotiating table, and on the battlefield of the global economy, Europe's position is weak. We have been naive and have become dependent on raw materials and technology from China. We have allowed Chinese operational control in our ports, Chinese inverters in our energy system and Chinese technology in our communications networks. The way out of this dependency crisis is not an easy one, but requires courage, a clear choice and large investments. We must finally make the decision and focus on innovation and a future-proof economy: more Made in Europe, developing own technology, generating clean energy, reusing or replacing more critical raw materials, and protecting European businesses, knowledge and critical infrastructure. Only then will we strengthen our position in the world and at the negotiating table, and that is desperately needed.

I believe that we are indeed in agreement on the strength that the region can offer, including in solving European problems, and in particular the strength of those industrial clusters in the regions, which means that money will indeed have to go there, precisely to meet those European challenges. But I think it is very important, as I said in my speech, that we can force countries if they do not adhere to the rule of law or economic reforms, and to be able to shorten that. I believe more that we really need to focus those funds on the big challenges now and we need to stop building unnecessary cycle paths or building wooden bridges through forests, like in Hungary. We really need to focus on the strength of the regions, which is where we can find each other.

Mr President, the CDA believes that the European Commission's work programme should focus on three key issues. First, the basis must be put in order. This means prioritising sufficient affordable and clean energy, controlling migration and strengthening our defence and security. These are core tasks of the government that are really under-performing and that need to be tackled with urgency and through European cooperation. Secondly, we need to invest in our future-proof economy. That means strengthening our competitiveness, becoming less dependent on raw materials and products from China, giving this country less influence in our critical infrastructure, investing in the economy of tomorrow, in innovation, in green industrial policy. And we must demand much-needed economic reforms from countries as a precondition for receiving European funds. Thirdly, there must be room for society and for entrepreneurs. This means reducing regulatory burdens, simplifying them, stopping wanting to regulate everything in detail through European legislation without paying attention to implementation. When I look through my eyes at the work programme, I see these elements again, but it is allowed of us more powerful and more purposeful, with more focus on what is really important, because the rest of the world does not wait for us.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Russia is systematically testing the protection of our critical infrastructure, but there is also a threat from within. Last week I was welcomed in the ports of Gdynia and Gdańsk in Poland. Both ports are located within a radius of one hundred kilometers from the Russian border at Kaliningrad. Every day there are concerns about the disruption of GPS signals, the Russian shadow fleet, security in the Baltic Sea and unknown drones. But there's more. A large part of the port of Gdynia, which is crucial for the supply of military equipment to the eastern flank of Europe, is owned by Hutchison, a company controlled by China. This port is not an isolated case, because the Chinese influence is great in many important European ports. That is why the announced European port strategy is of great importance. It must ensure that we recover the keys to our ports, the gates to Europe, so that we can protect our critical infrastructure again.

Madam President, dear colleagues, inland waterways have a great potential, connecting ports, cities and industries in 13 Member States. But the sector is facing challenges. The many family‑owned businesses in the sector are committed to decarbonising, but they need our support in the business case for clean vessels and they need sufficient availability of new technologies, alternative fuels and related infrastructure. They can be reliable, but they need our support to drastically improve waterway maintenance, to work on the impact of climate change on water levels, and to guarantee sufficient mooring places to improve family life on board. And thirdly, the sector can be efficient, but they need our help in simplifying procedures and reducing bureaucracy. Colleagues, today we take a step towards more efficiency and safety for inland waterway transport. With the revision of the River Information Services Directive, we decrease the bureaucratic burden, simplify procedures, increase digitalisation and improve the quality of information and navigation efficiency. I want to thank all shadow rapporteurs, and I want to thank the Commission and the Council for the excellent cooperation, and I count on your support in the vote.

Mr President, we are experiencing a geopolitical tipping point. The law of the fittest seems to apply more and more at the expense of the international legal order. Europe's vulnerabilities are becoming visible and are being used as a weapon against us. Mrs von der Leyen, the great challenges of our time indeed call for a strong Europe. A strong Europe regulates a number of basic issues: sufficient clean energy, strong defence, increased competitiveness and greater control of migration. A strong Europe invests in the economy of tomorrow, in technology, research and innovation. A strong Europe gives oxygen to society and business by reducing unnecessary regulatory burdens. The European Commission can show even more decisiveness in these three tasks. The rest of the world is not waiting for us. Colleagues, that also requires commitment from us. Despite all our differences, we must not let ourselves be separated. Let's deal with each other decently, find the compromise and keep the unity.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dependence is a risk. We have seen that in our reliance on the US for defence, on Russia for gas, and on China for goods and natural resources. And now we are at risk of becoming dependent on others for our basic industries, the backbone of our economy. Steel, chemicals, fertilisers: they're not just products, they are the foundation of today's economy and of tomorrow's prosperity. But industrial companies leaving Europe is no longer a threat, it's a reality. Across our continent, businesses are shutting down, are relocating or are cutting investment. Right now, many decarbonisation projects are being paused or cancelled, companies that want to invest in clean production cannot justify it financially, and multinational firms choose to expand production outside Europe instead, because it simply does not make economic sense to invest here under current conditions. Energy prices in Europe are two to three times higher than in the US and China, and even higher in some Member States, like my own, the Netherlands. But it's not just the cost of energy: overloaded grids, sluggish permitting, excessive bureaucracy – all are damaging our industrial competitiveness. This must change, because if our industries leave, we lose the jobs, the innovation, and we lose the basis on which our social market economy is built. And the emissions: they are continued elsewhere, under lower standards, harming our climate. As a Christian Democrat, I believe in rentmeesterschap – stewardship – in passing on a better world to the next generation. Let me be very clear: the future of European industry is clean, not only because we want to keep our promise to our children, but also because a clean industry makes us more competitive, more resilient and less dependent on energy from abroad. And that is why, as the EPP Group has said for years, climate policy must go hand in hand with industry policy. We cannot expect a green transition without enabling our industries to make it happen and to remain competitive while doing so. We need to adapt our approach. The Clean Industrial Deal is a critical, long-overdue first step. It must be implemented faster, more effectively and with a constant eye on real world conditions. Our industry does not need more fine words. Our industry needs action, now. A reliable government is not only one that keeps its promises; it's also one that listens, adapts and is willing to sit down with industry to adjust legislation when needed to make the transition actually work. Colleagues, I am hopeful. Europe has the knowledge, the technology and the capital to build a clean and competitive industrial base. If we work together, we can achieve it. And yes, there are different views among the political groups here in Parliament, but we managed to overcome those differences and found broad support for this resolution, a resolution that sends a clear message: we want our industry to stay in Europe, we want it to be competitive and we want it to decarbonise, and we are ready to take our part. Commissioner, the message from this Parliament is clear: act now, deliver on what industry needs, deliver on what our economy needs, deliver on what a competitive Europe needs, because Europe cannot afford to be just a museum of industrial history. It must be the workshop of a clean future. Now, Mr President, I have in front of me the oral question, but I have full trust in the fact that I think the Commissioner has this question as well, so I would like to use my time to give it to the Commissioner to have more time to answer the questions.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, over three years ago Russia invaded Ukraine. More than three years ago, we were right here: Stop baiting Putin's war greenhouse. Stop importing Russian oil and gas. Not an easy task, because our dependence was high, but we lowered imports. It is painful to see that we are still getting 13% of our gas imports from Russia. It is even more painful to see that these are for two-thirds long-term contracts, which we apparently feel, despite the war, that we cannot get rid of. But the most painful thing to see is that one third of the imports are purchased on the spot market. Every day, therefore, a new decision is taken by European parties: Let's buy it in Russia. As far as I am concerned, this is morally unacceptable. I therefore welcome the European Commission's proposals to put a definitive end to this. In order not to end up in another dependency on Russia, there really needs to be more European cooperation and coordination. It is time for us in the EU to deal with stamp policy and stop importing from Russia.

Mr President, factories throughout the European Union are shutting down, production is being scaled down and investments are not being made because Europe has become too expensive to produce. This is when we desperately need the basic industry. Steel, chemicals and cleaner fuels are essential for our economy and our security. We must not become dependent on others for this. We have the knowledge, the technology and the infrastructure in Europe. Clean industry is the future. We can do this, but we need to shape the way to it much more wisely. As rapporteur in the European Parliament for the first response to the Clean Industrial Deal, I support the Commissioner in translating this deal into concrete action as soon as possible. However, the solution is not only in Europe; Member States must also get to work. In the Netherlands, for example, industry is further lagging behind due to national choices. This has to stop.

Mr President, if I had told someone ten years ago, on this day, that we would have war on our continent today, that the United States would abandon us and that European industry would be in severe weather, that person would have looked at the calendar and judged it as a bad one-april joke. However, it is the harsh reality. European countries have been extremely naive. We have looked from our lazy chair at how the United States has started to ensure our security, how Russia has started to provide us with energy and how China has started to make our stuff and supply our raw materials. It is precisely these countries that are working towards a world where democracy and the rule of law are not paramount, but the idea of power blocks and spheres of influence. In short, a world where these dependencies are used as a weapon against us. This is the world they are working on. Mr Costa, there is a great responsibility on your shoulders, on the shoulders of national governments, on all our shoulders, to make sure that we get out of this stronger. There is no need for a national accounting mentality, but for leadership and decisiveness. We can do this, with clear choices: if we choose security, energy and innovation as clear priorities, for a European budget where these priorities also have room. And if we clearly opt for European cooperation, so that with 27 countries, and some 450 million people, we can protect our position in the world.

Mr President, the problems facing our economy are obvious. Affordable energy is a problem. Unfair competition from China in particular is a problem. Dependence on raw materials and semi-finished products from other parts of the world is a problem. As Europe, we are lagging behind on important technology and many companies are facing a wall of laws and regulations. It is therefore excellent that the Commission now intends to take action in this regard. Strategic industrial policy is needed. We need to work with companies to shape the future. For that, we have to work on our competitiveness, but – and I hope that the middle parties can find each other there – competitiveness is of course not an end in itself. A strong economy is a prerequisite for building a decent society, for building an economy where people are central, where the long term applies, where economic growth, livelihood security and sustainability can go hand in hand. You need a strong economy. That European model, based on our values, is under pressure because there has been too much eye for a paper reality, but too little eye for being able to actually achieve our ambitious goals, because our dependencies are being used against us, because major power blocks want to separate the EU. Right now we have to stand strong together, and that also means making choices. We are very good at setting new priorities, but very bad at letting go of old priorities. Make choices now. That's what matters.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot accept the sabotage of our own important infrastructure a few kilometres off our coast. Our cables for data and electricity at the bottom of the sea are invisible highways for our energy and communication. Many Europeans may not see the importance of this infrastructure. Russia and China clearly do. The Russian shadow fleet sails daily over our infrastructure at sea. They don't do that for nothing. In China, a patent has been approved for technology to cut these cables faster. We need to work better together to protect our infrastructure. This means more presence of the Navy at sea, more use of technology, such as drones, sensors and data, and more capacity to repair any damage very quickly. And no, Commissioner, that is not all required in detailed European laws. Give support to the countries at sea that are now a leading group. They work together for the benefit of all of us.

Mr President, the European Union is the second largest economic power in the world. Now that we are being strongly challenged by other major power blocs, there is a huge task ahead of us: preserving our competitiveness, making our economy sustainable, protecting our way of life. And all of that at the same time. This is far from simple. We have a war on our continent, major dependencies on energy, defence, and raw materials, and innovation lags behind the US and China. Colleagues, I understand that the concerns are great. That means leadership is needed now. To the parties on our right I say: Don't wipe the Green Deal off the table, because we need to deliver on the promise to our children of a clean, competitive economy. To the parties to our left, I say: Do not continue on the same path with blinkers, because we are losing our industry and are only becoming more dependent on others. I am here today advocating sensible politics from the middle. Address the availability and affordability of clean energy at European level. Protect our industry from unfair competition from other parts of the world and work to simplify legislation. Focus on innovation, energy, infrastructure and clean technology. In short, provide certainty by linking ambitious and realistic climate policy to strategic and green industrial policy.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the year 2024: war on our continent, while we depend on the United States for our security; high European energy prices and, at the same time, increasing dependence on China for our raw materials; our industry, our competitiveness and our jobs, which were under pressure. For families, prices and bills are rising. At the kitchen table one wonders: Is there going to be a war? Do I have a job later? What does my children's future look like? Our position as a European Union in a rapidly changing world is rightly the theme of this week's Council meeting. I say to the Council and the Member States: Dare to choose. Energy, defence, innovation – this is a priority in Europe. Put the manpower and budget on top of that, be reluctant to deal with many other issues and help simplify legislation. Christmas is a great time for reflection and a glimpse into the future. Looking back on 2024 may not immediately be hopeful, but there is enough to be hopeful about. If Europe works together, if we join forces, if we put the common interest and the long term first in politics, we can catch up. Let 2025 be the year of cooperation. Let's bridge differences, because we desperately need each other. Right now.

Mr President, what happened last week in Amsterdam is reprehensible and appalling. People who are hunted and beaten up for being Jewish, or who are forced by thugs to show their passports: These are images that we never wanted to see again in the Netherlands and in Europe, but that are now on our retina again. The fact that the Jewish community does not feel safe in Amsterdam is a disgrace. The poison of anti-Semitism has not disappeared from our society. On the contrary, it is growing. The vast majority of Dutch people with a migrant background participate and contribute to our society. But we also see that there are young people with a migrant background who oppose our values, our rule of law and authority. And we can't accept that. Action is needed. All people of good will who want to build a decent society together must now join forces.

Mr President, imagine yourself: A stormy day, big waves and thick fog. An old and poorly maintained ship sails across the North Sea. 100 million litres of oil on board. The ship is not or hardly insured and sails under the flag of a country such as Liberia or Sierra Leone, where safety checks are inadequate. The crew is poorly trained and does not speak English. This is not a scene from an action movie, this is the daily practice. These floating scrap heaps are part of the Russian shadow fleet, a fleet with which Russia circumvents our sanctions. Dozens of these ships sail through European waters every week. Coast Guard notices this, authorities report it, but no one intervenes. Because who is responsible? The owner of the ship is located via a shadowy construction in Dubai or in the Seychelles. The client is unknown and the ship changes owner, flag, cargo or destination along the way. Shipping in this area sometimes resembles the Wild West and if we want to impose sanctions effectively, we must also enforce them effectively. That's got to be better. But there's more. Investigative journalists from the Netherlands found out that tankers from the shadow fleet refuel, bunker near our Dutch coast. I think it is unacceptable for companies to participate in this. An excuse like "I don't know exactly who the owner is" is really unacceptable. When in doubt, ring the bell and do not go for the quick money on the back of Ukrainian civilian victims. If we really want to hurt the Russian war chest, we all have to take our responsibility: politics, institutions and the companies that still cooperate.

Mr President, one of the most important contributions that we as politicians can make to competitiveness and entrepreneurship is to tackle the regulatory burden. I would like to hold up a mirror to this House. Because despite all our good intentions to make the world a better place, we as a parliament regularly miss the mark. Not every challenge requires a detailed European law as a solution. Yet that is what often happens here. Finding a compromise is really not only possible by putting all the wishes of the parties sitting at the table in a row in a law. Yet that is often the solution chosen here. Reality really does not shape itself according to what we lay down in a law to six decimal places. Yet here too often people believe in the manufacturability of society. This really needs to change. And you can. Not thinking in terms of detailed rules and reporting obligations, but placing responsibility where it belongs: in society. So that we can also make much better use of the strength of that society. And yes, if you as a government lay down that responsibility in society, and give it confidence, then sometimes something goes wrong. You have to deal with abuse, but we have to be able to accept mistakes. A real effort to reduce regulatory burden requires not only a reduction of existing rules, but also a reduction of new rules. So let's look in the mirror as a parliament. Yes, set clear ambitions and goals, but then also give confidence and space to entrepreneurs, industry, farmers, civil society – in short: society – to achieve those goals.

Mr President, steel is of great importance to our economy, but our European steel industry is being outcompeted, mainly for three reasons. First of all, China has a huge overproduction. This surplus of steel is now being dumped cheaply on the world market, and European industry cannot compete with that. Second, energy prices in Europe are two to three times higher than in the US and China. It is therefore more expensive to make steel in Europe. Thirdly, we demand that the European steel industry be clean, and rightly so. However, this requires significant investment in the sector. In short, our industry must be clean and competitive, but is in the process of being tied with one hand on its back. That is why we must now show courage and pursue genuine industrial policy, protect our industry from unfair competition and fully commit to energy infrastructure, affordable hydrogen and electricity, CO2‐capture and storage and new production processes so that our industry can also become more sustainable. We also need to encourage the purchase of the more expensive clean steel "made in Europe". Only then will we avoid becoming more and more dependent on other parts of the world that also produce more polluting products.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, a great deal is coming together in this dossier, and it presents us with a very difficult assessment in which one side of this house chooses to sweep all the rules off the table and the other side of the house chooses to continue with blinders on. I can tell you: Neither is the solution. First of all, we have promised our children to work towards a climate-neutral Europe. That promise stands. This requires clean cars and, unlike in many other sectors, the technology is also there, namely batteries. At the same time, we see unfair competition from China, which, thanks to massive state aid and easy access to raw materials, produces much cheaper. The fair story is also that we want to become climate neutral, but at the same time we also have to ensure that our economy survives. We have been advocating strategic industrial policy for years and that must now be accelerated. In the short term, we must ensure that the European car industry survives this, through investment, protection against unfair competition from China and a critical look at the possible fines. In the medium term, innovation and automation are important and we need to ensure that European consumers, with leasing companies and car rental companies at the forefront, are incentivised to buy European cars. In the long run, one thing is perfectly clear: We are now talking about the car sector, but this is also awaiting us in other sectors. This is China's strategy: choosing a sector, producing with a lot of state aid and flooding the European market. Now it's cars and electric buses, but we're going to see the same thing in chemistry, in mechanical engineering, in airplanes and steel, in everything. So stop pointing at each other and let's join hands.

Mr President, the analysis in Mr Draghi's report is crystal clear: Europe has been naive for too long and as a result has become dependent on the United States for its security, for its energy from Russia and for its stuff from China. This needs to change. In the debate on the proposals, let us focus on the content and let us keep our eyes on future generations. On the one hand, we should not dwell on the old idea that Europe is the solution to everything, but on the other hand, we should not think that all this should cost nothing. Decent politics means making balanced choices about what is needed. We must invest in the generations of the future and at the same time avoid burdening these generations with irresponsible debt. We need to look in the mirror. Mr Draghi's report also makes it clear that the regulatory burden is too high and the use of subsidiarity too great. The European Commission and parts of Parliament should move away from the idea that detailed European lawThe solution is to every problem. Above all, however, let us be hopeful. The report shows that we can meet the challenge if we this Entering into it together. We need to improve our cooperation on defence, energy and innovation.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today to discuss the Council conclusions. And I have to admit that I am here with a double feeling. I read conclusions from our Heads of Government on strengthening our competitiveness. That sounds very nice and recognizable, because we as EVP under the leadership of Manfred Weber have been advocating for that for years. But there is plenty of reason to be critical of our heads of government: The Council concludes that we want abundant and affordable energy. But in the meantime, there are countries in the European Union that decide to close their nuclear power plants in the biggest energy crisis of recent decades. The Council concludes that we want to reduce strategic dependencies, but meanwhile we see countries in the European Union allowing growing Chinese influence in our ports, in our critical infrastructure. The Council concludes that we want to strengthen our defence industry, but in the meantime it is not delivering enough to effectively bring the production of, for example, ammunition to the level of a war economy. So instead of writing down all those beautiful texts, let's really make it work. The European Union is the second largest economic power in the world. Now that we are being strongly challenged by other major power blocs, we need to strengthen our position. And we can, if we join forces, if we make the choice to stand strong together in the major topics and to really work on them, deliver solutions as we have done in recent years in Europe in difficult times. Working together where that makes us stronger and giving each other space where necessary.