Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, the notion of human rights is rooted in the Judeo-Christian belief that every human being is created in the image of God with inherent dignity and worth. While other cultures have recognised duties and hierarchies, the idea of equal, universal and inalienable individual rights grew from this Judeo-Christian moral foundation. Human rights, therefore, are not privileges granted by the state, nor can they be withdrawn at the impulse of those in power. When states forget this truth, rights are seen as privileges vulnerable to ideologies and abuse. This report rightly warns that human rights and democracies are under increased pressure worldwide. Authoritarian regimes deny freedom of conscience and religion, repress speech, persecute believers and devalue human life. Europe cannot respond to these challenges by weakening the moral foundation on which human rights were built, nor by denying biological realities – claiming, for example, that a man can give birth. We must defend human rights, not as a political intervention, but as a sacred obligation to uphold the dignity and worth of every human being.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Russia represents the greatest threat to Europe today, as the common security and defence policy report states in its first paragraph. Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine is not an isolated or local conflict: it is Russia's deliberate attempt to undermine international law, redraw borders by force and weaken Europe – an effort that began in 2008 with the war against Georgia. Cyber-attacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage of critical infrastructure across Europe and the instrumentalisation of religion demonstrate that Russia's hostile actions go far beyond the military battleground. Europe is no longer living in a time of peace by default. Deterrence, preparedness, and resilience must now guide our actions. This requires serious and sustained investment in defence – not to wage war, but to prevent it. We must strengthen our military capabilities, reinforce Europe's defence industry, improve cooperation among Member States, and ensure that Europe will act fast and tough when its security is at stake. Investing in defence is investing in peace, freedom and the protection of our citizens. Our security, sovereignty and future depend on how united, committed and strong we are.

Mr President, 40 years ago, on 8 May 1985, speaking in this plenary in Strasbourg, President Ronald Reagan reminded Europe and the United States that their partnership was not built merely on treaties or convenience, but on shared Judeo-Christian values, a common culture and history, and a deep commitment to life, liberty, prosperity and the pursuit of happiness. Those words remain profoundly relevant today. The relationship between the United States and the European Union is not only strategic, it is moral. It is rooted in shared beliefs that make the governments accountable to their people and place the dignity and freedom of the individual at the centre of public life. When the US and Europe work together, our economies flourish, our societies grow more secure and freedom prevails. In times of uncertainty, the wisest response is to learn not only from mistakes but from successes as well. NATO and the Strategic Partnership, the Transatlantic Partnership are proven successes that need renewing today. I therefore call on the European and American leaders to rediscover the words spoken by President Reagan in this plenary forty years ago.

Mr President, dear colleagues, there are only two ways of approaching truth. First, through revelation from top down. This requires faith and belongs to religion. Second, through reason from the bottom up. This requires doubt, debate and confrontation of ideas. This is the task of science and the very foundation of a pluralistic democratic society. In the 17th century, Descartes expressed this shift with cogito ergo sum. By placing doubt and individual reason at the centre of knowledge, he laid the philosophical foundations of modern Western democracy: open debate, free inquiry and access to information. Today, we hear repeated claims that online debates and elections are threatened by controversial speeches on large platform, claims that are currently used to justify tighter control under the Digital Services Act. This is an undemocratic and profoundly un‑European approach. Democracy is not endangered by too much debate, but by censorship. The European Commission must not become an inquisition policing thoughts. Its role is to keep the EU an area of freedom, not to decide what citizens are allowed to think, hear or say. Merry Christmas.

Madam President, I voted against the European citizens' initiative 'My voice, my choice: for safe and accessible abortion' because it pushes to define abortion as a fundamental human right, an approach that raises profound legal, moral and human rights concerns. Induced abortion is a deliberate action to end the life of an unborn human being. That unborn child is a human person whose fundamental right to life is protected by existing international human rights instruments. The Western legal system has long recognised the right to life as a foundation upon which all the other rights depend. Without life, no other rights can exist. To declare abortion a fundamental right means, in effect, to claim that the right to take the life of an unborn child supersedes the child's right to life. Such a legal redefinition does not strengthen the protection of women or humankind. Once such a premise is accepted, the life of no human being can be considered fully safe or guaranteed. Women need meaningful support, solidarity and protection. The European Union should uphold the protection of life and ...

Mr President, colleagues, the European Union must stop treating partnering countries, including Georgia, as instruments of political convenience or as arenas for exporting internal EU policy disputes. Every pioneering country deserves respect and good faith engagement, aimed at resolving challenges – not disengagement when the government does not comply with the absurd EU policies. Georgia was the first country attacked by Russia in the 21st century and still has parts of its territory illegally occupied by Russia to this day. At the NATO summit in Bucharest in 2008, Georgia clearly expressed its ambition to join the alliance, yet key NATO and EU Member States blocked that path. Despite this, Georgia has continued to engage constructively with the European Union. This year, though, in 2025, it accepted the EU Human Rights Dialogue in good faith, only to see it abruptly and unjustifiably postponed by the EU. Abandoning Georgia now would be unjust, strategically shortsighted and a moral failure for the European Union. Dear Commissioner, if you really care about the Georgian people, start a dialogue with Georgia now.

Madam President, dear colleagues, in Ukraine there is not only a conflict between an aggressor and an aggressor country, but also a confrontation between the current world order, built after the Second World War, based on the UN Charter, and the imposition of a new world order desired by Russia and other authoritarian regimes, an order based on spheres of influence and disregard for the sovereignty of states. According to the UN Charter, the borders of a state cannot be altered by military force. Ukraine therefore defends its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, as recognised and should be guaranteed by international law. Russia, however, contests this order, citing neo-imperial claims, similar to those once used by Hitler and others who devastated the European continent. A so-called peace traded for Ukrainian territories would dangerously undermine the current world order and set the precedent for future conflicts that will devastate the world. I voted in favour of the resolution in support of Ukraine, not only because I was a consort on the part of the conservative group, but also because Ukraine must be supported, both for its just cause and to protect the current international order, which has guaranteed peace and stability for decades.

Madam President, dear colleagues, in 2008, when a few Western countries blocked the clear path to NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia, the Russian leadership interpreted it as weakness – and weakness always invites aggression. Only months later, Russia invaded Georgia, demonstrating that the Kremlin was fully prepared to wage war in the 21st century to subjugate European free and sovereign nations. The world's weak response opened the door for further escalation. In 2014, Russia struck again, annexing Crimea and invading eastern Ukraine. The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine launched in 2022 is the direct consequence of years of appeasement in which the West ignored Moscow's repeated aggressions and convinced itself that rewarding aggression or doing business with the aggressor somehow would keep the peace. It did the opposite. Supporting Ukraine, defending sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity is not charity; it's an investment in Europe's security and lasting peace on our continent.