Speeches

Mr President, the war in Ukraine and the cyber-attacks that preceded and accompanied it show the need for Europe to increase its capacity to protect critical infrastructure and respond to such attacks. Russia has shown the ability to carry out highly disruptive attacks and genuine disinformation campaigns, causing problems not only for the Ukrainian population, but also for the Member States of the European Union and our democracies. As in the military field, also in cybersecurity the European Union needs to establish common mechanisms for defence and response to cyber-attacks and to deepen dialogue with our allies. Only together, mobilising states, public administration, companies, experts, will we be able to protect our infrastructure and our model of society. We need to do more and invest more. We can't put it off.

Mr President, Putin has imposed on the Russian Federation a policy of persecution and extermination of political opponents, silencing of journalists and repression of all those who oppose him. The closure of organisations such as Memorial is a regrettable example of this. We call in this resolution for the release of the thousands of detainees following the peaceful protests against the war in Ukraine, many of whom have been subjected to ill-treatment and other violations of their fundamental rights. We condemn the information blockade put in place after the start of the criminal and unjustified invasion of Ukraine, reinforcing the pressures on the independent media that had already led to the closure and relocation outside Russia of many of these media, such as Novaya Gazeta or Echo of Moscow. We call on the European Union to support all journalists and activists who have been forced to flee Putin's Russia.

Mr President, is dialogue and the search for understanding between the European Union and China important in building responses to global challenges? Yes, but unfortunately, with regard to last week's summit on sanctions following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is a crucial issue, we only had a kind of two-voice monologue. To date, we have only received one declaration in favour of peace from China. We've been cleared up. However, the announcement of the relaunch of the human rights dialogue came out of that summit. I therefore hope that the European Union will be clear and firm about China’s violation of human rights, the persecution of exiled activists, Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Macao, the breach of the ‘one country, two systems’ principle and Taiwan. And I would like to hear from the High Representative what is expected of this dialogue.

High Representative, the mission determines the force, quite rightly so, and we have seen, within the framework of our security and defence policy, that our missions in scenarios, such as, for example, in Africa, Mali, the Central African Republic, are facing serious challenges that are posed by a Russian intervention, namely using a private company, Wagner. And I would like to know how this scenario that we are experiencing, of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, could influence our presence in those territories and the redesign of our missions in those territories.

Mr President, the strategic compass is not a closed and completely detailed document. It would be impossible in view of its period of validity and at the time when we are being seriously questioned about what our future will be in terms of security and defence. However, there is a proposal that has raised some questioning in the military and even among public opinion, and it relates to the rapid deployment force that is foreseen in this strategic compass. I would like to ask you, Mr High Representative, what mechanisms you envisage to make this Rapid Deployment Force an instrument that is engaged by all Member States and not just a few. This is an issue that has been made public to our constituents and I would like to see it clarified here.

Mr President, refugees have suddenly become our Ukrainian neighbours, and we are led to take swift action in the face of the brutality of the Russian aggression which, in a few days, has forced close to two million people to flee. A population on the move made up overwhelmingly of women and children, people in particular vulnerability, and which calls on us to meet the particular needs of protection and not to allow the establishment of trafficking networks. Unlike other times, we are being able to react, fast, united. All right, we're capable, it proves we're capable. So let us use the moment and the lessons learned to put in place a mandatory mechanism for joint and several sharing of responsibility for international protection. Let us not forget those who, fleeing from the Middle East, Africa and other parts of the world, are currently victims of violations of their fundamental rights on European soil. Today for them, tomorrow for us. Let us end the hells for migrants and refugees within the European Union.

Madam President, over the years we have seen database piracy and disinformation and manipulation campaigns that threaten the competitiveness of our electoral processes and the legitimacy of our institutions. We have also seen radical political movements, some of them sitting in this chamber, financed through corruption schemes, money laundering, cryptocurrency and digital assets used in the service of Putin and Xi Jinping and other dictators and autocrats. It's time to say enough! A resilient EU involves 27 strong democracies and an active foreign policy in strengthening democracy in the world. It is imperative that the Commission draw up a list of guidelines with a view to putting an end to the remnants of opacity in the financing of political parties and that, in dialogue with the OSCE, the Council of Europe and other relevant organisations in this field, we focus on strengthening and adapting election observation in the face of new challenges. The last few weeks have shown us that the defence of democracy is a fight that does not admit naivety, oblivion or postponement.

Madam President, the signs seem to announce a de-escalation of tension on the borders between Russia and Ukraine, but we cannot let our guard down. Let us have no illusions: Peace is not a given, it is a permanent construction that we have to take definitively into our hands. We do not turn our backs on the Atlantic Alliance, but we cannot have our security defined between Washington and Moscow. Let's be bold if we want to be relevant. As long as the word is on the side of diplomacy nothing is lost. But we must not lose sight of the fact that we will only be peacemakers if we are prepared to respond in solidarity to the threat of war. For now, it is recommended to contain rhetoric on all sides, nerves of steel and not give in to solidarity with Ukraine. We must not give in to defending the values enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris.

Mr President, corruption is a clear source of human rights violations and attacks on democracy that undermine the rule of law and institutions. As a global phenomenon, it must be tackled across all EU policies. Many cases of corruption have already been mentioned here, spread across a number of countries with which the European Union has ties. I would like here to recall the case of Azerbaijan, where the Aliyev family maintains a corrupt and kleptocratic regime with the benefit of the European Union, through some of its commissioners, such as two who recently visited Azerbaijan. I would ask the Commissioner to clarify what kind of dialogues have been held between these two Commissioners and Mr Aliyev. I call for this to be clarified and for the sanctions mechanism on corruption to be adopted swiftly.

Madam President, following the presentation by the rapporteur, who I very much support and welcome for her excellent work, it is now appropriate that, at a time of great challenge to multilateralism, international law and democracy, we focus on what needs to be done so that these annual reports are not just a set of recommendations and that the European Union plays its full role in the promotion and protection of human rights at global level. This requires that our foreign policy action is anchored in the coherence of our values and that we are able to speak with one voice, without ambiguity or subterfuge, using all the foreign policy tools at our disposal, from the different funds to support programmes, to trade agreements, whose human rights clauses we want and must demand to be implemented. Speaking with one voice also means establishing an unwavering line of coherence in action between the Commission, the Council and Parliament. The persistent perception that Parliament, the only body directly elected by European citizens, lives in a monologue on these matters must end. European Union delegations, advanced elements of our foreign policy, must take an active role in defending human rights and democratic values where this is most needed. Acting carries the risk of inconvenience, but not only ensures irrelevance. The victims of impunity - journalists, activists, human rights defenders, migrants and refugees, indigenous peoples, victims of persecution on ethnic, religious, political and other grounds, of which we speak in this report year after year - more than words expect action and this implies an effective and convergent political line and an efficient use of the sanctions mechanism for human rights violations. Yes, we need to adopt the qualified majority rule in the Council. We can't wait any longer.

Mr President, in a country like Kazakhstan, which has been gagged for three decades, with its freedoms cut off, dominated by a kleptocratic and corrupt regime that is perpetuated and marked by profound inequality, it was inevitable that the popular revolt would end up taking to the streets, as it had already done in 2011. Let's be clear, this is not new and was predictable. The disproportionate use of force against peaceful protesters and the real motivations for the development of events cannot pass, once again, without an independent international investigation, which should be led by the OECE under the Moscow Mechanism. This is what the families of the victims of these incidents are asking of us, not pious statements and condolences. They are asking us for a clear investigation into what has happened and they are asking us to ensure that those who have been detained do not get what happened to Vladimir Kozlov in 2011, who was detained for several years in prison and for several years under torture and inhuman and degrading treatment.

Mr President, with the enforcement of the National Security Law in Hong Kong, Beijing has definitively broken with the concept of 'one country, two systems' and started a cycle of violence and repression which has so far resulted in more than 150 arrests. In his need to show strength before the crown princes of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping does not look to means. The mere exercise of freedom of expression has led to the arbitrary detention of numerous activists, including Kok Tsz Lun, a young Luso-Chinese man sentenced to seven months’ imprisonment in China and now facing a new trial session in Hong Kong, scheduled precisely tomorrow, 20 January. The crushing of press freedom has advanced at an overwhelming speed over the past year and a half. Apple Daily, Stand News, did not resist the arrest of its leading figures, and now Citizen News has also ended up shutting down to safeguard its reputation. staff, in the face of the pressures of a brutal regime that moves in a logic of extermination of any pro-democratic thought. A move that extends to Macau, where 15 pro-democracy candidates were barred from running in the 2021 parliamentary elections. Six TDM journalists, faced with the so-called Parenthood Love Directive to China, resigned in defense of the freedom to report, and the 20-year Tiananmen victims' memorial vigil in Macao was declared illegal with retroactive effect in 2021. Pasmese yourself! More than words, solidarity not only with Hong Kong, but also with Macao, Xinjiang and Tibet, requires practical actions, the refusal of extradition to China and Hong Kong, and action regarding the Olympic Games that honors the defense of human rights.

Mr President, Memorial has a long history of defending human rights and also, unfortunately, of persecution by the Russian authorities. From extortionate fines, arbitrary arrests and charges, to intrusions by the police, Memorial, and those who work with her, has been the victim of numerous attempts at silencing and intimidation also under the infamous Foreign Agents Act with the ultimate goal of ending this organization. Created with the aim of investigating and documenting Russia's past repression, Memorial is now yet another victim of the actions of Putin's government to rewrite the history of that country and, above all, silence and repress all those who oppose it. This is the time, ladies and gentlemen, to say that we will not let the memory be erased, that we will support Memorial activists, that we will call for stronger sanctions against those who persecute Memorial and that we will help preserve Memorial's archives because that represents preserving part of Europe's history.

Commissioner Schinas, this is truly one of those speeches that I would not like to have to make, but the reality obliges me to do so. Dictator Lukashenko instrumentalises migrants and refugees, and how does the European Commission respond? It aligns with the same tuning fork, responds with the closure of borders, suspends the asylum directive and tramples on the powers of the European Parliament enshrined in the treaties. A fine example of democracy, respect for international law, respect for human rights! This is not really my Europe. We protect those who criminalize non-governmental organizations that seek to help people who are hungry, cold and who only ask for a chance to live, an opportunity to survive in safety and with the minimum of dignity, and we unprotect the victims of this political game, we strip them of their right to international protection, we expose them to arbitrary detention, we do not guarantee them minimum conditions for the protection of human rights, we do not guarantee a humanized response. This is not my Europe, Commissioner. My Europe would be a Europe capable of mobilising an emergency response for those who are dying of cold and hunger at our borders. This is not acceptable, this does not respect the values that underlie the formation of the European Union.

Mr President, I would like to begin by congratulating the rapporteur on this important report on organised crime and the fight against organised crime in the Western Balkans, which must be seen by all of us with great responsibility and a strong sense of cooperation. The problem of organised crime and corruption does not only pose a threat to the Western Balkans: It also affects our countries, the quality of life of our people and security in our countries. But I want to make it clear that, if we must clearly discuss the need to strengthen intervention mechanisms and cooperation in the fight against this type of crime, we cannot use it to launch anathema on the Western Balkans either. That is something that cannot at all be accepted by anyone here in this Chamber as a way of combating the issue of the European integration of these countries, and sometimes even with some speeches that end up confining xenophobic and racist speeches that can in no way be tolerated in this House. The Western Balkans have made a serious effort in the fight against organised crime and should see this effort recognised precisely through progress in the accession processes. Examples such as the opening of the Europol Liaison Office in Tirana, or the cooperation agreements between Eurojust and Frontex with several countries in the region, are important to highlight. The safety and well-being of populations depends greatly on this work, to which we must devote continued attention and effort in improving results.

Madam President, the increasing pressure brought about by the increase in the Russian military presence on the border with Ukraine at the gates of the European Union defies all limits. Respect for territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders are principles enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act which Russia clamored to violate when annexing Crimea. We can't admit any more provocations. Ukraine has the sovereign right to take its decisions on defence and foreign relations without fearing that its choices could undermine its autonomy. For there to be dialogue, two are always needed, and Mr Putin has been destroying all chances of dialogue. The time has come to consider tougher sanctions, together with the United States and the United Kingdom, and to reflect in depth on the establishment of an effective common defence policy.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, I cannot at all share your words on the Western Balkans Summit. I'd very much like to share from your perspective, but I can't. From this summit came more financial envelopes, more beautiful words about the Western Balkans, but no real expectations, no real plan for the integration of these countries into the European Union. And this leads to tremendous fatigue among the populations. People are getting tired of promises, people want to be full members of the European Union. And this cannot remain in this limbo with regard to countries that have been asked for all the changes and some more, all the reforms and some more, in very difficult circumstances, and then we come to the end, we all recognise that Macedonia and Albania have met the targets set for the first intergovernmental conference to be scheduled, and the first intergovernmental conference is being postponed, postponed, postponed. I know that there are problems, that there are problems created by the relationship between Macedonia and Bulgaria, but we need to find a solution to those problems. We must set goals for this solution and we must also not delay this whole process too much, because this process cannot be postponed forever. And what I ask of the Minister, with all good sense, because I know that his role is not easy either, that concertation is concertation at 27, and what I ask of you, Minister, is very clearly this: is a date for the first intergovernmental conference, point! And a clear, rigorous, precise date. That is all I ask of you, Minister, and I ask you to make the effort that is necessary because we take serious risks. We have a frankly pro-European population, we run the risk of losing that will, of losing that identity and of having other geostrategic actors, such as Russia, China and Turkey, occupying the political space that we are not being able to occupy.

Mr President, strengthening political relations and cooperation between the European Union and Taiwan is of the utmost importance. Beyond the example of Tibet, Hong Kong and Macao, we have recently seen more demonstrations of the Chinese government's arrogance, with recent incursions by Chinese military aircraft into Taiwanese airspace. More than an intimidation, this is a tremendous provocation, a clear violation of Taiwan's air defense identification zone. The near doubling of the number of incursions into the air defense zone in the space of a year and the increasing military presence in the South China Sea underscore Beijing's growing aggressiveness. We cannot tolerate such actions on a territory that shares with us the values of respect for democracy, human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. We must be clear if we want to play a role in maintaining stability and peace in the Indo-Pacific. Taiwan is a key partner for a rules-based order in the region. China's disruptive and provocative actions cannot go unanswered.

Madam President, what we are debating here today is not just the abortion law in Texas. It is the civilizational regression that strikes the model of our societies, and that strikes it in what is most sacred: the protection of human rights. Women's rights are human rights, dear Colleague Gahler. The decision to restrict the period for voluntary termination of pregnancy to six weeks, including in the event of rape, when we all know that it is clearly difficult to identify this state and to take a decision within that period, only serves to put women's lives at risk, penalising women in the most vulnerable population groups in particular. But this law doesn't stop there. It encourages something absolutely deplorable and disgusting in our societies: Encourages the denunciation of the prize. We cannot remain silent when it comes to women's right to sexual and reproductive health and dignity, whether in Texas, Poland or anywhere in the world. The decision to suspend the application of this law stems from the most basic defence of human rights. We cannot slow down in solidarity with women in Texas and other parts of the world affected by this kind of fundamentalism.

Mr President, the moment we are marking here today is of special significance and is the first visible sign of the much-needed reform of the Common European Asylum and Migration System, for which we have been fighting for a long time. My first words are therefore to be appreciated, not only for the excellent work done by the rapporteur, our colleague Elena Yoncheva, but also, let me say, for the negotiating capacity presented by the Portuguese Presidency in unblocking a stalemate that has lasted for several years. In the face of the numerous and enormous challenges facing Europe today in this area, only an Agency with a strengthened mandate and broad technical – operational capacity will be able, on the ground, to provide adequate assistance to the Member States and to enforce the right to asylum and the undeniable respect for human rights. I hope that this is the missing step so that we can now safely start moving in the right direction also in the remaining legislative proposals that make up the Pact on Migration and Asylum. While I should express my scepticism about this Pact, as it is not based on the mandatory, solidarity-based sharing of responsibility – the only solution to have a Pact that actually delivers a clear response to our needs – let it be clear that the need to progress in the Common European Asylum and Migration System cannot lead to progress at any cost. We will not give in and we will not give up fighting in the uncompromising defence of a system with a human face, respectful of human rights and based on the joint and several sharing of responsibility between Member States. As President Jorge Sampaio, recently deceased, said in his last public intervention: “Solidarity is not optional”.

Mr President, one year on from the day the Belarusians took to the streets in protest there has been an endless series of arbitrary arrests, human rights violations, people subjected to torture and forced into exile abroad. To all this we add the hijacking of a plane to detain a journalist, the outlawing of the Helsinki Committee, the last human rights organisation operating inside Belarus, and an endless number of immigrant refugees who are being exploited and whose rights are being violated at our borders. Commissioner, we need a rapid response to these migrants and refugees that respects international law in its entirety. Sanctions against Belarus must be strengthened, but sanctions, Commissioner, are directed at political actions, and what we are talking about is also crimes, crimes committed by Mr Lukashenko, and Mr Lukashenko must be brought before the International Criminal Court.

Mr President, let us get to the point: the Euro-Atlantic alliance remains irreplaceable in defending the rules-based world order and defending the values of democracy and human rights in the face of the rise and increase in assertiveness of powers and liberals. On the other hand, the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan without proper coordination with the European Union, and the AUKUS agreement without the involvement of the old partners, cannot go without adaptation in the face of change and serious reflection on our part. We should not be naive and even be very assertive and pragmatic. Only a European security and defence policy and greater foreign policy decision-making capacity will allow us to have effective strategic autonomy and greater effectiveness in action, capable of making us assert ourselves as a partner with global influence. The stronger and more assertive Europe is, the more relevant it will be to its partners. The diagnosis is made, dear colleagues. We need decisions.

Madam President, I repudiate the detention of numerous protesters, including activists, oppositionists and journalists, following the protests in Cuba and call for their immediate and unconditional release. Violations of human rights, freedom of expression, the right of association and demonstration must be combated in Cuba, as in any other part of the world. Having said that, we need to clarify whether we believe that the European Union should have a role as a global actor in defending and promoting the values of democracy and human rights or whether it should be reduced to irrelevance in this matter. If we want to make a difference, it is essential to create spaces for dialogue with a view to change and, within this framework, the agreement established with Cuba is a tool that we must use in a demanding way as a way to modernize and democratize the country. There are no good and bad human rights violations, they are all deplorable. It is therefore appropriate to reflect on the fact that, since 2018, we have adopted nine resolutions on Venezuela and that this is the fourth debate on Cuba without having been able to discuss serious events in Colombia, Chile, Guatemala and Honduras, without having said anything about the attacks on the rule of law perpetrated by Bolsonaro and the terrible humanitarian situation to which he has condemned the Brazilian population with his denialism. And all because there is a majority in this House that does not accept these debates.

Madam President, the imposition of sanctions by the US administration on former Bulgarian civil servants and oligarchs for their involvement in the commission of acts of corruption is a meaningful position, reflecting the problems we face in the fight against corruption between Member States of the European Union, and therefore requires careful political reading by Parliament and the Commission. It arises as a result of the continuous deterioration of the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights to which this country, like others, has been subject and which affects, inter alia, the independence of the judiciary, the separation of powers, the fight against corruption, freedom of the press, and undermines citizens’ trust in institutions and democracy. We have been vocal and will continue to actively denounce this situation and uncompromisingly defend European values and the interests of the Bulgarian people. There is no justification for the Commission's complacency in the face of abuses of the rule of law by some governments and Member States, no excuse for the complacency of certain political groups with regard to the real assault on European democracies that we have been witnessing. That said, it is important to think about what to do. The Union has several mechanisms through which it can address the backsliding of the rule of law and corruption in the Member States. It is therefore important to understand how the Commission interprets the message of our transatlantic partner. It is important to understand what concrete actions President von der Leyen referred to yesterday in the State of the Union address on the protection of the rule of law. It is important to understand the real role envisaged for the European Public Prosecutor's Office in this matter and, above all, to have the political courage to move forward in this fight.

Mr President, the success of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance is undeniable. This has been one of the main foreign policy levers for our neighbourhood and has contributed very positively to the accession countries, from the construction and rehabilitation of infrastructure to aid in cases of natural disasters, such as the reconstruction of the school park in Albania after the earthquake tragedy of 2019, through the EU4Schools programme. The funds from this instrument have been used to modernise and prepare these countries. I welcome the excellent work done by our fellow co-rapporteurs Tonino Picula and Željana Zovko to reach agreement on IPA III in June, especially after all the improvements made after the negotiations with the European Parliament. I hope that it can be implemented as soon as possible and that improvements, especially in the areas of the rule of law of human rights and environmental protection, can also continue to improve living conditions in these candidate countries.