What Katalin spoke about.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, whenever I talk to constituents on the ground, one question tends to come up over and over again, which is: does the European Commission really believe that a new authority and a couple of new laws would change anything in Hungary? Because Hungarian people on the ground know from years of experience that systemic deficiencies with the rule of law have never been about a lack of a new authority, because this is a government that hollows out the institutions and acts in bad faith. They are never going to feel bound by a set of adjustments created by themselves as opposed to a credible, already existing authority like the EU Prosecutor’s Office. And please answer me this: why is the Orbán government so insistent on creating new authorities instead of joining the EPPO? We have said it so many times, this is a real chance. This can be a historic chance, a historic moment to slow down or even reverse Hungary’s rapid slide into authoritarianism. This Parliament worked long and hard to achieve more efficient rules. And we have reiterated our call. Let’s help the people, not the government. Direct EU funds to local governments, to civil society, to schools and hospitals, to those who need it the most. Commissioner, it’s time to make this happen. Not only the EU’s financial interests are at stake, but also the rights of Hungarian citizens.

Mr President, dear colleagues, a nationwide movement is sweeping across Hungary, protesting against the crisis of public education. And we just had a group of teachers and students here in Brussels so they can get a platform and directly talk to EU decision—makers. Let me tell you, it was one of the most gratifying days of work in my mandate. Colleagues from the EU’s side literally teared up as they listened to their testimonies, as they talked about teachers getting fired for striking or the environment of oppression and intimidation, where people are threatened and harassed only for raising their voices. Or the fact that the net salary of a teacher is around EUR 400. Yes, you heard me right. So why am I bringing this up here? Because it is a matter that belongs at Europe’s table. Yes, public education is a national competence, but taking away basic rights is a rule-of-law issue. Access to education is a civil rights issue. State propaganda spreading falsehoods against protesters – it is a matter of media freedom. Hungarian teachers and students are EU citizens, and they deserve Europe’s support as well.

Madam President, dear colleagues, our group, Renew Europe, is once again calling on leaders in the Council to set their differences aside and deliver for our citizens. Putin’s criminal war in Ukraine has unleashed an energy crisis on Europe. The cost of living has been dramatically rising throughout the whole continent. This is not the time for bickering. This is not the time for national selfishness, for kicking the can down the road. But, sadly, this is all that we have been seeing from the Council so far – apart from some agreements on principles: very little actual progress. This is unacceptable, because time is working against us. Families are struggling to make ends meet. Many businesses, even local governments, are on the brink of bankruptcy. It could not be more urgent to help them, especially the most vulnerable. We need European solutions and we need them now. Our group has outlined a set of concrete and bold proposals: a European energy shield with a windfall tax to redirect big firms’ profits to consumers and struggling small businesses, with joint purchases of energy so that we can pool our negotiating power to bring down prices, with a temporary dynamic price cap for an immediate cut in utility bills and an emergency boost to energy investments because we need to expand supply, ease bottlenecks and speed up the transition to renewables. Sadly, there are Member States, just like my own, that are doing the exact opposite. It’s against our interests and it’s against common sense, but this is still happening. The Orban Government has basically put the brakes on the solar energy sector, not to mention wind energy, which is practically banned in our country. So we need, urge and support European solutions here, with regulation from the EU level and direct emergency funds. Finally, colleagues, let me also raise a broader, more strategic point. We now see what a huge and terrible mistake it was for Europe to create such a dependency on Russia, on an authoritarian regime that uses its economic power as a weapon. We cannot make the same mistakes with China. I really hope that German Chancellor Scholz and all heads of government in the Council hear this message from us.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, allow me to jump right into the middle. So the key word is ‘credibility’. What the Commission needs to show in the Western Balkans is the credibility of the accession process. And why is it so important? Because we know that we are talking about a geopolitical buffer zone. And Russia and China understand the strategic importance of the Western Balkans just as well as we do, only that it is right on our doorstep. And the palpable influence of Russia and China is felt throughout the whole region. But Beijing and Moscow’s geopolitical opportunity is our geopolitical risk. In 2022, when Russia is invading Ukraine, when China is eyeing Taiwan, it is really that simple. But neither Putin nor Xi are credible partners. Their alliances are driven by corruption, opportunism and dominance. We have seen this in Montenegro, Bosnia and in other countries across the region. So if you are serious about enlargement, which we should be, we need to highlight the contrast that makes us the only viable ally in the Western Balkans region. We need to show our best face, a Europe that delivers peace, prosperity, robust rule of law an anti-corruption framework and also a strong alliance that is able to protect its members from existential external threats. And also, we have to stick to a clear enlargement agenda without delays, without empty promises, without doublespeak that alienates our partners. Because, colleagues, this is a question of strategic interests, and we only have one shot to get it right. So let’s not waste it.

Mr President, let me give you an example that clearly shows not only how anti-EU disinformation is being spread by far right forces in the EU, but also how passivity from the European institutions is playing a part in the problem. As with many of you right now, there are mass protests in Hungary because people have had enough of the government defunding public education to the brink of collapse. The answer to this from government propaganda is very clear: Brussels is to blame for all this. Viktor Orban said with his own words that it’s because of the European Union that there are no wage increases for teachers. The reason why a Hungarian teacher earns EUR 700 is you, colleagues, not the Prime Minister who has been governing for 12 years with a super—majority. Well, no surprises here, right? My question to you, colleagues, why wasn’t there a single Commission official who bothered to refute these blatant lies. These are the same lies as are spread about the Ukraine war and just about every major policy field in the EU. Did they not learn the lesson from Brexit, another far right anti-EU campaign that was sold on lies? It could work because these lies were met with deafening silence from the EU side. Anti—EU disinformation is corroding our Union from within, so it’s time for the Commission to do something about it.

Mr President, a few days after the war broke out, I went to the Hungarian—Ukrainian border. It was absolutely heart-breaking to see the families – the small children and the women – who needed to pack up their lives and leave their homes because of Putin’s criminal war. However, as we know, the darkest times often inspire a kind of fact. People showed up to cook warm food. Local governments set up hotlines and temporary shelters. They housed the refugees in schools and public buildings. Small town mayors suddenly became international humanitarians. We saw the same things at the Polish border and all across the EU. We rely on these communities, on our local governments and on civil society organisations. They are the face Europe shows in this crisis, and it is a beautiful face. However, right now they also need Europe’s help, because in some Member States, the government sadly does not look at them as partners. On the contrary, many are on the brink of bankruptcy because of the rising energy costs, so it’s time to give them more direct support. I was happy to hear about the increasing rate of direct funds, but we need to do more. We need to be there for them. They are there for us and they need our help. They are on the front lines. We need them more than ever.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, colleagues, let me start with a quote from the Hungarian public broadcaster: ‘the United States trains the pro—Russian government in Ukraine to a pro—American regime, reprogramming Ukrainian politics, driving it further away from Russia, which resulted in the current situation.’ So this is how the Hungarian state media explains geopolitics to its viewers in the centre of the European Union, funded by the tax money of European Union citizens. Ukrainians are repeatedly being compared to Nazi Germany, their right to exist is repeatedly called into question and Putin’s war crimes are regularly whitewashed as self-defence. This is so prevalent in the Hungarian state—sponsored media that the Russian channels often even quote them directly to justify their own position. The results are staggering. Three per cent of Hungarian government sympathisers believe that Russia is responsible for beginning the war. Three per cent, colleagues – think about it. We have to have the tools to fight this. The East StratCom Task Force has to adapt to debunk Russian propaganda, even when it is coming from a Member State. Not every country is a benevolent actor. Putin’s mouthpieces have no business spreading lies as a full—time job in our Union.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear High Representative, please allow me to start my remarks with a message addressed not to this Chamber, but to the women of Iran. Your courage is breathtaking. As you rise up against injustice, as you dare to defy the oppressive regime, you inspire to fight for women’s rights everywhere. And as you honour the memory of Mahsa Amini, who was brutally murdered, you are teaching the world a lesson in solidarity, so that no women is harassed or killed because of a bigoted dress code ever again. We salute and admire your bravery. And colleagues, our support cannot be limited only to words. European diplomacy needs to swing into action now. We need targeted personal sanctions, travel bans, asset freezes against members of the Iranian regime, and also including careful and strict implementation of every single existing sanction. And we also need to help those whose lives are in danger by issuing humanitarian visas. The people of Iran who take the streets, the women who remove or burn their headscarves, they are risking their lives doing so. They deserve help from the European Union and the international community as a whole. Let us show them that we are on their side.

Madam President, the European Commission had a historic chance to slow down Hungary’s slide to autocracy. And the tools are there; this Parliament made sure of that. You also said it in your speech, Commissioner. We worked very hard for this. But frankly, we should be seeing real results by now. Let me remind you, the rule of law mechanism has been EU law since January last year, almost two years – 641 days, to be precise. We should be seeing real credible steps just like my colleague Katarina Barley said. For Hungary to join the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, there is public support for that on the ground, we collected 700 000 signatures with the support of Akos Hadhazy, a member of Parliament who was denied of taking his oath for many, many months by the government, by the way. So what we see now are only promises of minor reform by the Orbán government – a government that has shown over and over again that they are not acting in good faith, that they create institutions just to hollow them out when it is comfortable for them and they go back on their promises in a matter of a few days. And don’t get me wrong, we are, of course, ready to support even small improvements. But to think that they will be sufficient is – I’m sorry – an illusion. So what should be done? Help the people, not the government. Direct EU funds to local governments, to civil society, to schools and hospitals. This Parliament has made multiple calls for it. Commissioner, it is time to make that happen.

Madam President, this summer, as the Parliament went into summer recess, a small delegation of us travelled to Uganda. But however beautiful the country is, we did not go there for holidays. We were there because one of the world’s most biologically diverse regions is in grave danger. The communities whose livelihood depends on this region are facing an existential threat. And those civil society actors and journalists who are courageous enough to point this out are harassed, detained and persecuted. The East African Crude Oil Pipeline might have the potential to bring economic benefits for Ugandans and Tanzanians, but this must not happen at the expense of irreversible damage to natural reserves. This cannot happen to the detriment of human rights and through the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people who are being displaced by this project. So this is why we are calling on the Ugandan and Tanzanian authorities to stop hindering the work of observers and civil society organisations who want to ensure that the construction inflicts no damage on the local population and nature. And, at the same time, we are also asking TotalEnergies to halt the project for one year in order to assess a better alternative pipeline. Just because local authorities turn a blind eye on something does not mean that it is right or moral. And European companies should be aware of that. They should lead by example, by respecting the principles of corporate due diligence, the rights of those impacted by investments, and an obligation to preserve our environment. If this does not happen voluntarily, that it will after we enact a mandatory corporate due diligence framework for all European companies. But until then, we have to stand up for the rights of Ugandans and Tanzanians because it seems their own government will not do it for themselves.

Mr Jaki, I very rarely agree with you, but when I do, it’s usually about the speeches you make about Russia and about the war and about the horrors of Russia’s war that is being waged in Ukraine and targeting innocent civilians. So on that, I think we are on the same page. However, my question would be, do you ever ask your Hungarian friends about the blatant Russian propaganda that is flowing from the Hungarian public televisions? Or do you ask them about the incredibly outrageous vetoes they are facing? Don’t you feel bad to have friends like this if you are having such a principled position on this war?

I am Hungarian. I am a proud citizen of Hungary. I don’t think I know it better than anybody, but this is the feeling that is coming from the bottom of my heart. This is the feeling I am using day by day to fight for the country where I want to raise my kids. There might be different arguments, but I’m 100% sure that Hungary has to be a democracy. It has to be a part of the European Union and me and my generation and my party, Momentum, will continue to fight for this, and I’m thankful for all the support we are feeling here in the European Parliament for a democratic Hungary.

Madam President, dear colleagues, with this report, the European Parliament is about to become the first EU institution to officially declare that Hungary is not a full democracy anymore. And that is incredibly painful to say it out loud. It hurts. Because my generation was the first one to grow up in a democracy. And for now it looks like we are also the last ones. But, you know, this only gives us a little bit more reason to keep on fighting. And I know that the first step in dealing with a problem is recognising there is one. So this is happening now and I’m glad for that, this is a step forward. But there is still a very, very long way to go. And I have to say that I am very worried about the highly untransparent backroom dealings the Commission has been conducting with the Hungarian Government. So I would recommend you Commissioner, and also to your team, to come to Hungary. I know you’ve been before, but also just to go on the ground, visit the people, go to the local governments, see our schools, see our hospitals, talk to the people who use these services or who are being deprived from it. And then maybe it will be very, very clear for everybody that the EU support has to arrive directly to those people who are suffering the consequences of the EU’s first autocratic government. Our Renew Europe Group laid out the roadmap to this smart conditionality proposal. In case of systemic breaches of the rule of law, redirect funds to people who need it the most. Commissioner, it is not too late. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Madam President, dear colleagues, thanks for this debate. And as I said in the beginning, protecting the Union’s financial interests is not an ideological issue. And certainly I hope it should not be a divisive one. Even the Hungarian Government is implicitly agreeing now, as they are back at the negotiating table trying to offer some concessions to the EU. It looks like some colleagues did not get the memo about this, nor do they respect the Parliament enough not to bring their Russian—style disinformation campaign to the plenary chamber or only to wait for the response after they staged such funny allegations. But I have to say, arguing against the strengthening of our anti-fraud framework is not really a smart move politically. If a government has nothing to hide, then why are they running away from monitoring? It is almost an admission of guilt. So I certainly hope that the majority of the Parliament agrees and supports the text as it is, and works together for more ambitious reforms in our anti-fraud architecture and to protect our European money from the fraudsters. This is our common goal in this House, from left to right.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, dear colleagues, we have many debates in this House, but if there is one debate, one thing that should unite us all from left to right, it is the aim of protecting the European Union’s financial interests and strengthening our framework to monitor our EU funds. It is the aim of making sure that European taxpayers’ money actually reaches the ones who need it. And it has never been more important than now, with the cost of living crisis raging through Europe. Protecting the Union’s financial interests is also not an ideological issue, and it should not be a divisive one. This is basic common sense. So I certainly hope that this report can count on your wide support. There have been many good improvements in the course of 2020 and this report welcomes these. The creation of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, the new Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation and the strengthening of OLAF have all been consequential, and it will help better protect our financial interests. But also we need to do more. As we talk to the representatives of these institutions, one common issue they raised was that more staff and more funds are needed for anti-fraud work. And it’s really a fair point. We have a historic new recovery fund. We have a much bigger budget. But our capacities to control this budget are not strengthened in parallel. Protecting our financial interests has costs, but spending more on anti-fraud is actually saving us money in the end, and also beyond that, we need to improve the interoperability of the existing systems to create a better exchange of information and to avoid overlaps. We’re also calling for binding legal obligations for Member States to feed into the EU’s database of beneficiaries, which is called Arachne. It is really absurd that we don’t even have a transparent list of final beneficiaries of EU funds. EDES, a blacklist to exclude fraudulent applicants, is an important tool as well. But up until now it has not covered funds in shared management, and shared management covers 80% of all EU funds. We know it. So we were very, very pleased to hear that the European Commission has just rectified this in the new Financial Regulation. And also, finally, what we desperately need now is credible enforcement from the side of the Commission. We can have the best, the most well-designed legal instruments, but they are all pointless if the Commission refuses to apply them. So just take the Recovery Fund as an example, the conditions are crystal-clear and the tools are there, but what about the enforcement? Non-transparent backroom deals will not get us the results. Why isn’t the public properly informed about the Commission’s negotiations? I hope this can change in the future. So, colleagues, a box of shiny new tools does not make a good mechanic. And similarly, in the case of the protection of the EU’s financial interests, it is not just a toolbox that matters, but also what the Commission makes of it. So I am hoping to work together on this, also in the future.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, the Recovery Fund Regulation forces the EU to finally confront democratic backsliding after one decade of inaction. And in case of the Orbán government in Hungary, the conditions could not be clearer: address the fact that the chief prosecutor is a party loyalist – joining the EPPO could be a good first step for her; reform the public procurement system; let journalists access public information. The conditions are very clear and the tools are there. Now, all we need is credible enforcement, and sadly, it is not the Commission’s strongest suit. Non-transparent backroom deals will not get us results, as the Polish case very clearly shows. So this begs the question, why aren’t the Commission’s negotiations public ? Why aren’t local governments or civil society involved more? More transparency would go a long, long way to actually achieve results. Hungarians suffer under a terrible cost-of-living crisis. Our currency exchange rate is in freefall. Hungarians need these funds, but they also need them to get to struggling schools, hospitals and businesses.

Mr President, this House has been discussing the need to strengthen our foreign policy for decades. And now here we are in the middle of a war next door, and Europe still struggles to have a credible foreign policy stance. We are still very far away from our desire for strategic autonomy, and we still rely on third parties to provide for our own security. And we are still being held hostage by the ability of a single Member State to veto. Colleagues, Europe is home to some of the most developed democracies in the world where human rights and rule of law reign supreme. So tell me, colleagues, why don’t we have the right tools to defend these values if they are threatened by malicious actors? Of course, this is not to say that there have not been improvements. The EU’s immediate reaction after the Russian invasion of Ukraine was impressively quick. The CSDP, PESCO and the debate around the EU army are very much welcome developments. But honestly, tell me colleagues, are they enough ? When Russia is knocking on our door, openly targeting our Member States, the quickest solution is to scrap the unanimity rule in Council. It really is that simple. We wasted an entire month with sanctions. For one month we put our indecisiveness out on full display. And what was the outcome? The perception that one Member State won and the EU as a collective lost. It’s time to get serious about ending unanimity. Furthermore, we as the EU, we also must increase our presence in both the Eastern Neighbourhood and in the Western Balkans. The EU must position itself as the only viable alternative for accession or candidate country’s future, and I refuse to believe that these are impossible goals. We have a window of opportunity now. I hope both the Council and Commission recognise this. And, as always, the Parliament is ready to do what it takes to put the EU at the forefront of global foreign policy.

Mr President, more than four months after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine started, I have to say I am still shaken when I say out loud that there is war in Europe. It sounds surreal. Yet, it’s all too real, and all too close to us. During these four months, there have been not dozens, not hundreds but thousands of war crimes documented in Ukraine, perpetrated by Russia. Every single day civilians die, women are raped, and families are dragged deep into Russia against their will, never to be heard from again. All across the country, mass graves bear witness to the unspeakable human suffering inflicted on an entire nation. So, colleagues, this resolution is long overdue. It is just about time that this House officially calls Putin’s Russia for what it is – a war criminal, and war criminals cannot go unpunished. So that’s why we are calling for an ad hoc tribunal to prosecute Russia’s crime of aggression. And that’s why we will support the ICC in its quest to bring the perpetrators to justice. And this is why we have to seize Russia’s frozen foreign reserves to finance the reconstruction of Ukraine. And once this horrendous war is over, once Ukraine emerges victorious, we will be there to help in any way we can. So let this document be a foundation on which we can build legal precedents, on which the brave people of Ukraine can place hope that there is a world where actions have consequences, a world where impunity is impossible. But let this also be a warning for the Council as well, because without meaningful further sanctions, these atrocities will continue. We have to move quickly with further sanctions, because let’s not forget: Europe might not be fighting this war, but it’s Europe that Ukraine has been defending from the Russian aggressor in the past four months.

Madam President, a woman near Kyiv was repeatedly raped by a Russian soldier, while her young son was crying in the boiler room. A mother and her under—age daughter were raped by three men in Kherson. Day after day, bodies of naked women are found with signs of torture and rape. I know it’s not comfortable to hear, and I also know that some politicians insist that we look away. But this is the reality emerging from Ukraine. It may not be happening right here, but it’s happening right now in 2022 in Europe, in a European country – and we are talking about hundreds of cases. These are not isolated instances. It’s a deliberate war tactic. These are war crimes. So, the European Parliament must send a clear message to the perpetrators that one day you will need to stand in front of an international tribunal and you will need to answer for these unspeakable crimes. This House calls for a special international tribunal. We already need to establish an interim office in The Hague, and the EU should provide financing for that, because every single one of these cases needs to be recorded. Accountability may not happen today or tomorrow, as it should, but it will happen and justice will be served.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Osman Kavala wanted nothing more but a more democratic Turkish society and a more prosperous Turkey. Is this a crime? Well, in Erdoğan’s Turkey, apparently it is. Osman Kavala received a life sentence for speaking up, for refusing to give up his dream of a country where democratic standards and human rights are respected. For us, his sentencing is an extremely painful reminder of the state Turkey’s democracy is in right now, and this is why we have to follow his footsteps in speaking up. This is also why the European Parliament is now calling for his immediate release. No ifs and no buts. It’s high time that Turkey stop using bogus terrorism charges for civil society actors. It’s also time we officially stop calling Turkey a candidate country to join the EU. Obviously, this is simply an extremely unfortunate status for a country with such serious backsliding on fundamental rights and freedoms. Colleagues, I’m sure that many of us in this Chamber would support Turkey’s bid to forge closer relations with the EU. But this will not be possible until rulings such as this one against Mr Kavala exist. So for us, let his bravery be our moral compass. We will not give up fighting for a more democratic Turkey until he and thousands of people in his position are not persecuted. Because this is what Osman Kavala would want and this is what he is fighting for.

Mr President, Russia has become a rogue state and we must approach it as such. Where international law does not apply, we must stretch our limits as well. With the Commission set to continue financing pro-democracy and human rights, civil society actors in Russia, we need to ensure that Russian state actors cannot interfere with these payments. So this is why the Commission must urgently establish alternative channels through which material help can resume for persecuted Russian entities. It is the only way to keep the seeds of democracy open in a country that is quickly regressing into unchecked authoritarianism. It can quite literally mean a difference between life and death, as we have witnessed this so often in Russia. We need to act quickly. The repressive Russia model poses an existential threat to our internal security, and I’m not only talking about Ukraine. There are EU Member States where Russia is considered an example even today. Colleagues, if we do not treat the problem at its core, I fear that in four years we can replace Russia with Hungary in the title of this resolution. So let’s do everything to prevent the escalation of Putinism outside the EU borders today so we do not have to do the same within the EU tomorrow.

Madam President, after Sunday’s election, it’s very hard not to be deeply worried about what comes next in Hungary. Who will the next target be? In the past years, we saw independent media outlets being muzzled, one after the other, NGOs stigmatised, opposition activists put in police detention for Facebook posts, local governments starved out of their finances and we also saw minority groups singled out and attacked, the LGBTQ community being the latest. These attacks escalate after every single victory. We are already at the point where the government hacks into the phones of critics with secret service weapons. But we know it can get worse. And if the history is right here, it will get worse. It is absolutely worrying. The European institutions do not seem to be getting anywhere. Three and a half years of Article 7 proceedings produce absolutely no results. The European Commission waited over a year to trigger the rule of law mechanism – maybe because the Council told them so? So my question to the Council is this: what exactly is your plan to change this? Because minorities, journalists or human rights defenders in Hungary are European citizens as well. What can you say to them beyond empty words?

Madam President, long years of completely misguided policy towards Russia now cripples our ability to stop Putin, and we have to be absolutely furious about this right now. But there is still a way out of this trap and the key here is, once again, European solidarity. We need a new EU fund to help us break free of Russian dependence, to help our households who are suffering from the cost of living crisis. But there is one even more urgent step here. Let’s put an EU price cap on Russian gas. Gazprom jacked up their prices, so now we are handing extra profits to a war criminal. It is already on the Council table, this proposal. So let’s reach an agreement right now. If we speak with one voice, Putin has no chance but to accept our terms – in our currency, in our price. He cannot put his gas elsewhere. He cannot stop extracting it. It is in our hands. If Viktor Orbán disagrees, let’s ask him why. Don’t you want lower prices? Whose interests is he serving now here? It is Moscow driving energy prices to the sky while Orbán is blaming Brussels. So it’s time for the Council to call his bluff. Also, it’s time for Hungarian voters to do the same on 3 April.

Madam President, this morning the European Court of Justice made it crystal clear: the rule of law mechanism is 100% lawful. Shortly after, the Hungarian Minister of Justice held a press conference and she said that the verdict was motivated by Brussels’ desire to discipline Hungary for its so-called child protection law. Their main message is that Brussels and the LGBT lobby want to force sex-change operations on Hungarian kindergarten children. And yes, this is not a joke: this is really the lie they are pushing through their propaganda machine day by day. Never mind that the court case had nothing to do with Orban’s homophobic law. Never mind that the homophobic law has nothing to do with child protection, and also never mind that the court is in Luxembourg. This tells you everything about Orban’s toxic brand of populism and why it is such an existential threat to the EU: because they despise liberal institutions. They wage war on facts and the truth, and their vicious arrogance is poisoning the good-faith cooperation this Union is built on. They know they are lying and they are doing it anyway. This is why the Commission’s dialogues on the rule of law crisis are failing. This is why I am so proud of this European Parliament and of our Renew Europe Group, who are on the forefront of this fight. We created the rule of law mechanism together; we were principled and consistent; we did not let gaslighting and trolling stop us. And today we got confirmation from the Court. So we don’t want to hear any more that President Von der Leyen needs to draft more guidelines or write some more informal letters. Being deeply concerned for the 20th time is just not good enough. The Commission must not waste a single minute more and must apply the mechanism right now.

Madam President, let’s pause for a moment, and let the dark truth sink in. For the first time in decades, there is a very real chance that there will be war in Europe. As we debate in this very House, there are still Russian troops staring down Ukraine on the EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood. We’ve all read the news that they might attack today. Many of us in this Chamber come from countries bordering Ukraine. This is real. This would be our war. We might not be fighting it, but we will feel the consequences. And we should be responsible for preventing it. And yes, we are in the 24th hour, but Europe still has not exhausted all of its opportunities. We need to leave no doubt that a war will have severe repercussions. And this must include suspending the Nord Stream 2 project or closing down Europe’s financial system for Russian state-sponsored actors. And in the longer term, we need to rethink our ties with Russia. If Putin is capable of holding a continent on high alert for months, Europe must have the tools to do the same. This is an existential question. Before achieving this, all the Commission’s talk about the geopolitical Commission remains, unfortunately, empty.