What Witold Jan spoke about.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Señor Borrell and all the useful idiots! We are once again debating Russian imperialism, and the conflict lasts eight years. We respond to every Russian escalation with an appeal for dialogue, while forgetting that it is Russia that creates problems, not solutions. Russia is creating these problems and is looking forward to dialogue in order to obtain further concessions from us and not to reach a compromise situation between us. It is blocking all of Ukraine's peace initiatives. When will we start holding Russia accountable, not remunerating it? I would like to address our German colleagues and the new government in Berlin: Will only Russian interests continue to be taken into account, as Mr Heugen, adviser to Mrs Merkel, once mentioned? Will there still be an embargo on the supply of weapons, even defensive ones, to Ukraine? Will the process of rapid rapprochement of the Union's relations with Ukraine continue to be blocked until the Union's membership? Will Germany take a tough stance in the Normandy and Minsk formats and when? Will France, which is about to take over the presidency, also use the presidency to make the Normandy and Minsk formats work? Will this continue to be a reset policy? There is no definition of penalties and sanctions. The whole list of these penalties and sanctions has been listed here in this room today. We have a deficit of will to apply these penalties and sanctions, so let's act, I appeal that we don't meet in a month or two for another helpless debate. I would like to wish above all the Ukrainians living in the occupied and annexed territories: Merry Christmas and Happy New Year!.

Madam President, I'm sorry. I'm sorry I'm late because of my disability. We have been warning against Russian imperialism for years. Russia wants to change the security architecture of the Cold War. He does this by using, among others, the military, as in Chechnya, Georgia and Ukraine, by the cyber interference of various trolls, by the disinformation campaign, for example in Russia Today, but also by proxy forces, as in Belarus, or the Wagner group currently under discussion. These are hybrid campaigns. The Wagner Group is a private military institution that has already intervened in Ukraine, Libya and Africa. Is it only the threat of intervention by this group in Mali, in the Sahel, that causes some sobering that we are wondering how to stop it? We must appeal, put pressure on Russia, to stop logistical, financial and political support. We must also support Ukraine in its efforts to bring the Wagner Group to justice.

Mr President, I would like to thank Mr Weimers for his report, a good job, Charlie. The European Union needs to search for friends worldwide. A prime candidate for our friendship is democratic Taiwan. Let me repeat Taiwan, not Texas. Taiwan, which is already an important economic partner, manufacturer of leading technology, Taiwan is a reliable partner in a time of pandemic. It is not China. Taiwan is our guide in how to deal with China. First, as a country warning about COVID, we should continue this cooperation. It is giving direction on how to deal with China policy and the Far East. It is helping us to fight China’s disinformation. What can we do for our friends in Taiwan? We have to recognise them by giving them more and more access to international institutions, first and foremost to European institutions.

Mr President, I would like to thank Madam Commissioner for her efforts to solve the problem and for her support for the Polish achievements. Please disregard the lies of the Polish opposition about the problem. Lukashenko started the hybrid action against the European Union states. It’s hostile activity, which needs a serious united response. We need to implement a non—recognition policy. No—fly zone for officials or limited sanctions are not enough. We have to implement, not the recognition policy of Lukashenko, and recognise instead Ms Tsikhanouskaya, grant her special status and maybe a special office here. We need tougher sanctions which affect potash and fertiliser transit transport to Russia. We have to expel Belarus from SWIFT transactions and expel and suspend activities in different institutions, in culture and in sports. We need a serious debate in the Security Council of the United Nations and finally, we need investigation conducted by the International Criminal Court.

Mr President, once again today, I would like to appeal for realism in our policy, not to be naive. Russia is not part of the solution, it’s in most cases part of the problem. The Russian Federation creates problems and plays the role of honest mediator, honest broker. It’s also an illusion to think that we can change and democratise Russian society. This nation was built in the last three centuries, towards imperialistic direction and goals. One generation is not enough to reverse the process. We have to try, and I thank Mr Kubilius for trying. However, the more pending question is to slow down and stop Russian imperialists, to press Russia to cease its illegal action against Georgia and Ukraine, influence Russia to stop supporting Lukashenko’s hybrid action against our part of Europe. It is not an appeal to solve the abovementioned problems together with Russia, it is to force Russia to stop harming these countries.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The High Representative! I would like to call for realism and realistic goals of our policy. For twenty years we were there so that they wouldn't be here, so that 9/11 wouldn't happen again on such a scale in our part of the world. That's why we fought the Taliban and we fought ISIS. Security should be a priority. This requires an alliance with the US and NATO, not strategic autonomy, at least in this area of action. This requires cooperation with a coalition of willing and able, willing, interested states, it requires a policy of containment of the Taliban. We should also defend the achievements of civilisation, social and civil human rights. We have limited instruments. We're not there. Humanitarian aid should be highly conditional. We should try to hold states that support the Taliban accountable for their behaviour. Migration is not the solution. We should encourage the return of those who can also stand up to the Taliban.

Madam President, Turkey is a candidate for European Union membership. It’s a strategic ally which, together with us, defends us from the challenges from east and south. For this reason, we have a right to monitor the domestic situation and how it influences Turkey’s international commitments. Turkey is a candidate, but still not a member of the European Union so let’s monitor its behaviour as a candidate country. Do not use the domestic problems – who doesn’t have a problem? – as an excuse to freeze our cooperation. This is not a black and white cliché, and let’s remember the extremely hostile geopolitical situation in the neighbourhood of Turkey. So let’s talk with Ankara in a friendly manner and give them advice, not threats. In this way, we, the ECR Group, have created our own resolution. We point to some domestic issues, inter alia of opposition parties and minorities. However, we limit our suggestion to a friendly piece of advice to solve the problems with the opposition in a cooperative manner and in a spirit of tolerance and pluralism. Turkey is important to our security in many aspects. So let’s keep Ankara as close as possible to us, and treat it in a friendly manner to overcome its domestic problems in a sovereign way.