Speeches

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. In Poland, the rule of law is not violated. There's no such problem. In Poland, the opposition itself has a problem, which, unable to reconcile itself with the democratic choice of Poles who in 2015 entrusted the power of Law and Justice, and in 2019 extended this mandate, continues to attack and initiate quarrels, unfortunately using also European institutions. So there is no point in this discussion, but now that we have come together to talk about the rule of law, let's talk about the rule of law in the European Union. Isn't there a violation of treaties and circumvention of them? A month ago, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz presented the German vision of the European Union. Taking away the right of veto on key issues, introducing new, non-treaty methods of managing the European Union. And these were not only theoretical considerations, because it is already happening, and the debate on the migration pact is the best example of this. There is a reconstruction and an attempt to change the structure of the European Union outside the treaty. The European Commission needs a smokescreen to talk about alleged breaches of the rule of law in Poland, for example, instead of explaining why it bypasses the European treaties. As a former Polish prime minister, a Polish MEP who has received the support of over half a million Polish citizens, I want to make it clear to the Commission, Commissioner, that Poland is not and will not be a boy to beat. Poland cannot be terrorized by your attacks and punishments. Today, we are the guardians of the European treaties and we want the European Union to develop in accordance with the treaties. And the Polish opposition, which sits here in this room, I propose a reset.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Commissioner, I'm sorry. First of all, I would like to thank the President, the rapporteur Sandra Kalniete, for preparing this report and for taking a constructive approach to our cooperation. Foreign interference in democratic processes is a fact. Especially after Putin's brutal war in Ukraine and the Qatargate scandal, we have tangible evidence that we cannot be indifferent to the signals that appear about these interferences. It is good that this report has been produced. This is a good starting point to start further work on strengthening our democratic processes. I regret that there are provisions in the report that directly affect some Member States. I am particularly referring to the provisions on disinformation on the rights of LGBTI people. Records that have no reason to be here. But on the other hand, it is good that there were such provisions that concern counteracting the influence of Russia, China and Iran, provisions supporting Ukraine, Taiwan. Attention was also drawn to Russia's political influence in some countries and examples of cooperation between politicians, for example German politicians, for the benefit of Russian companies. Ladies and Gentlemen, it is also worth drawing conclusions from all this. I also call on the Commission to reflect that it is not always necessary to take such a schematic approach to what is happening and what is happening in individual Member States simply because the opposition from that country is currently attacking the government in question. Yesterday, we debated the creation of a similar committee in Poland as our INGE committee, which wants to examine Russian influence in the social, political and economic life of Poland. A completely incomprehensible debate, a completely incomprehensible attack. And I hope that the Commission will understand that this is precisely the point of eliminating Russian influence from the political life of individual Member States. In our case, the point here is to examine what influence Putin had on what was happening in Poland.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear Commissioner, Listening to my previous speakers, who were elected as Polish MEPs, I begin to wonder if they should apologize to Poles that here in the European Parliament they are calling for a rebellion in Poland and talking directly about taking people to the streets. And I also wonder, Mr President, whether it will already be a practice to allow you to run an election campaign in the European Parliament during your speeches. How can you pick up these speeches? A hysterical statement by Mr. Halicki. Why don't you tell me, Mr. Halicki, what Tusk was talking about with Putin at the pier in Sopot? Oh, please, please. Ladies and Gentlemen, let's move on to the substance. This debate raises three questions, three simple questions. The first: Do all of you who voted for this debate to take place today know the Polish Constitution? Do you know the law you are discussing? And, above all, why do you oppose the creation of committees that are already operating in other countries, which, among other things, are operating here, in this Parliament? Tomorrow we will debate the report of this committee. Why do you defend Russian influence, and why do you not defend the interests of the Polish citizens you represent? Shame on Sikorski that you used to be a foreign minister. It is a shame that there are former Polish prime ministers in this room, who once also represented the party that took out loans in Moscow. Don't you remember that? But that is not the point, ladies and gentlemen. This Parliament is to uphold the democratic rights of European citizens. The Polish Constitution is not violated, Polish law is not violated. And, Commissioner, I would like to remind you that, as far as matters relating to the administration of justice are concerned, according to the Treaties, they are the responsibility of sovereign states. And it is good that this commission was established in Poland, because if we talk about how strong the Russian influence is, then this debate shows that they are very strong.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, The mass abduction of Ukrainian children by Russians is an illusion reminiscent of what happened during World War II in Poland. Thousands of Polish children were deported by the Germans, by the occupier, and returned to German families for Germanization. Now the Russians are trying to erect Ukrainian children. And it is good that the International Criminal Court has resisted this and has indicted Putin and issued an international warrant for his arrest. But we all have to be consistent. On the one hand, we must help and save these Ukrainian children and do everything to get them back to their families. And here I join what Minister Witold Waszczykowski said: All international organizations that can help these children return whole and healthy to their families must be strongly involved. But on the other hand, Ladies and Gentlemen, it cannot be that attempts are beginning to whitewash Putin or to move away from him in order to recognize him as a criminal. What is happening, for example, to Russian athletes admitted to international competitions is a scandal and we should also oppose it.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear Commissioner, Europeans have been given a very expensive energy transition. And I think that we are all aware that, especially at this moment, when there is a serious crisis caused by the war in Ukraine, it is a mistake to speed up and create stories about the fact that faster is better for Europeans. Because, above all, it is more expensive. The costs of this transition will be borne by Europeans. Therefore, it was necessary to create a social fund to help, to support businesses, to support households. But who will pay for this fund? Europeans will pay. This is because, while it is possible to agree with the very idea of its creation, since it is indeed necessary, the rules of its financing raise doubts. This is because this fund is to be created primarily from the European Union's new own financial resources. It is also to be created from new own resources, created on the basis of the ETS. What does this mean? This means that those Europeans who are to be supported by this fund will actually contribute to it. And now we can ask the question: Is this proposal presented here a good one? As I say, the very idea of financial support, once the decision to accelerate the transition has been made, is needed, but certainly not on the terms proposed here.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Commissioner, I call on the European Commission to take immediate action to support Poland and other countries bordering Ukraine on the transport of Ukrainian grain. Today, Polish farmers and farmers from those countries that are neighbouring Ukraine are facing an incredible problem because they need support. It turns out that the grain that was to be transported in transit stays in our countries. Immediate financial and systemic action is needed. The European Commission must use all legal, procedural and systemic tools to provide such assistance in solidarity with Polish farmers. Poland is one of the countries most involved in helping Ukraine and we do not have to prove it to anyone. Since the first days of this terrible war, Poland has engaged in humanitarian, military and economic assistance. We stand in solidarity with Ukraine, we stand in solidarity with the countries of the European Union that provide this assistance, but today we need solidarity for Polish farmers. I call once again on the European Commission to take action as soon as possible to support Polish agriculture by allocating appropriate financial and systemic assistance.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, The question is simple: Will accelerating the green transition, the European Green Deal improve the situation and fate of Europeans? Because that's what we're all talking about here, and we're thinking about it. I dare doubt, because at the moment the crisis caused by the war in Ukraine should first of all give us reason to think about what we can do, on the one hand, to secure help for Ukraine, but on the other hand, not to allow Europe to stop being competitive and for Europeans to have, colloquially speaking, what to live for - because this is an increasing problem with galloping inflation as well. And here very often there are questions: Why won't we be allowed to drive diesel cars? Who can afford electric cars? And at the same time, modern panels will be produced, modern windmills that will produce energy. And people ask, will they be zero-emission produced? Oh, no, no, no, no. Therefore, why should this accelerated transformation take place at the expense of our budgets at the moment? That's one thing. The second point, ladies and gentlemen – more importantly, it seems to me, at this point – we must first of all make it clear once again that Ukraine needs our support and that this support must first and foremost be military – they need military equipment. And if so, individual states must also arm themselves, they must produce and buy military equipment. The Polish government has proposed to exclude these defence expenditures from the deficit, so that they do not fall under the budgetary rules in the European Union. For many countries, it will be an extraordinary help to support Ukraine on the one hand, but on the other hand, to help citizens, residents who are currently struggling with galloping inflation.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, The aggressive war that Russia is waging against Ukraine obviously affects what is happening across Europe, affects economic and social conditions, and we are all aware that it will continue to affect our situation. We must also be aware that we must do everything to stop Russia, so that Ukraine wins. Therefore, we also need to adapt our actions to what is happening in Europe at the moment. We need to be pragmatic and realistic. I have the impression that sometimes only debates and declarations will suffice for some politicians, but this is, of course, about actions, and therefore we must adapt our European policy also to what is happening beyond our eastern border. And in this regard, we must be aware that rational decisions must be made here and we must, above all, protect European citizens, the European economy, keep it competitive. For example, today we have launched projects under the ‘Fit for 55’ programme, or all those projects that are related to policy, climate transition, will unfortunately have the effect of making Europe poorer. So let's be more rational, let's be more pragmatic, because today this is what we all need.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Madam President von der Leyen! Ladies and Gentlemen, Today Ukraine is defending peace in Europe. And it is our duty, as Europeans, to stand by Ukraine, to support it – because it will also be a thank you for what they are doing for us. It is our duty to support Ukraine politically, economically, humanitarianly and militarily. Decisions must be made boldly and must be made quickly. There is no time for political calculations, reflection and doubts. Let us recall the events that preceded last year's invasion of Ukraine by Russia. 2008 – Polish President Lech Kaczyński made it very clear in Georgia when Russia attempted to attack Georgia: Georgia today, Ukraine tomorrow, then maybe my country, Poland. Have any conclusions been drawn from this? No, I don't. There was always cooperation with Russia. Putin was accepted in salons, there was a policy of reset with Russia. Poland's former prime minister Donald Tusk spoke to Putin as an equal. At that time, there were economic projects, such as Nord Stream 2, previously Nord Stream 1. At that time, there was an attempt at the so-called policy reset with Russia. And then there was 2014. Have any conclusions been drawn from this? No, I don't. The former German Chancellor was a member of the Gazprom Council. The policy of economic support for Russia continued. I'm not talking about it to make reproaches, but because we all have to learn from the past. We need to support Ukraine, as European countries do, which understand that Ukraine's victory will be a victory for all of us. I want to thank all those Europeans who have opened their hearts to Ukraine. I want to thank and I must stress the role of Poles, Polish President Andrzej Duda and the Polish government. Ukraine must win, and we must continue to support it and continue to draw conclusions so that such a monstrous aggression in Europe will never happen again in the future.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, The future of Ukraine is in the European Union. Ukraine is determined to end the war as soon as possible, to win the war and to become a member of the European Union. The European Union needs Ukraine, just as Ukraine needs the European Union. We must be more determined, we must be effective, unambiguous and solidarity-based. If we adopt sanctions, then these sanctions must be respected, they must be implemented consistently. But today, Ukraine needs weapons first and foremost. He can't win this war without guns, and we are aware of that. But are all the member states and we here too always determined enough to support Ukraine militarily? Political aid is needed, humanitarian aid is needed. We must thank the European societies who have shown how determined they are to support those who are fleeing Ukraine and taking refuge in our countries. From this place I want to thank Poles, Poles, Poland. I want to say that I am proud of Poland, which shows every day that it understands that the future of the European Union, the security of the European Union, the security of all of us depends on whether Ukraine wins. And we do everything we can to help to support. But once again, I want to emphasize: Today, most of all, Ukraine needs weapons. We all have to remember that.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Mr President, thank you very much. Ladies and Gentlemen, I will start with what has been in recent European Council conclusions and what we see in my political group as very positive decisions. First and foremost, support for Ukraine. Indeed, almost a year has passed of this barbaric war that Putin has declared against Ukraine. And this help, which comes from the European Union, is also extremely important and necessary. Today, Ukraine needs arms first and foremost. I would like to thank President Michel very much for his declaration, which he also made here, that such support should be given to Ukraine. The reflection – very late, but still a reflection – that if Europe wants to be safe, it must be able to defend itself is also good news. It is therefore necessary to work closely with NATO and, finally, to rebuild our defence industry, because what has happened in many Member States practically means disarmament. Today we can see that these were mistakes. I must also say something that is not in these conclusions and that should be included in them. Today, the European Union, all the European institutions, all the bodies of the European Union have faced a huge corruption crisis. And this cannot be overlooked, Ladies and Gentlemen, because if we want to talk about making decisions about the future, if we want to talk about the energy transition, if we want to talk about the fact that decisions taken in European bodies and institutions are to be credible, then we should, first of all, at this moment, do everything to cleanse the European Union of this corruption scandal, clarify all issues and not give any more grounds for the fact that when the rule of law is talked about in the European Union, many of us feel that we are talking only about the rule of law in many European countries that do not violate the rule of law, just to cover up the scandals and violations of the rule of law here in the European Union.

Dear Mr President, Dear Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, A few days ago, this debate would have been very different. We would primarily talk about Russian interference in democratic systems in our Member States, in the European Union. But today it is impossible to get on the agenda about what happened, about the corruption scandal, in which the main protagonist was the vice-president of the European Parliament from the socialist group. And I believe this deeply, and I hope that it will not end only with resolutions and debates, and the fact that we will talk here, but actually the whole matter will be examined in depth. The European Parliament talks a lot and likes to talk about the rule of law, about interference in democracy. He is very willing to deal with the rule of law in the member states, including attacking democratically elected governments, as in Poland, for example. Perhaps if more reflection were devoted here to what is happening in the European institutions, in the European Parliament or in other institutions, we would avoid this situation. Undoubtedly, this debate must end with conclusions that will be effectively respected in the European institutions, because Europeans have trusted us. We owe it to them to explain all this so that no more such events take place.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Madam President of the Commission! Ladies and Gentlemen, Listening to some of you today, I have the impression that we are living in an alternative reality, because everything you are talking about here is put in such a situation as if there were no war in Europe. This war is still there. This war is beyond our borders, directly beyond the borders of the European Union. Ukraine is bravely defending itself, but it needs support. I know that there are politicians in Europe who are already starting to think about a different reality, and like the French president, they are demanding guarantees for Russia. It would be worth asking at the European Council what President Macron meant. It is our duty to support Ukraine, but it is also our duty to think about what we can do to protect the countries of the European Union, Europeans, from the costs of this terrible war and to ensure their security, including energy security. The Chair started her speech with a reflection three years ago, when she praised the Green Deal and said that this is an opportunity for Europe. Today, we can think about the costs of this Green Deal. Complain about entrepreneurs. High energy prices for Europeans. And we are constantly hearing about accelerating transformation. It's time to start thinking pragmatically. Today, Europe is in a serious crisis due to the war in Ukraine. And it is our duty to defend security first and foremost and to protect Europeans from poverty. Yes, it is necessary to carry out the energy transition so as not to make such mistakes as well as the Commission and Parliament years ago. It was, among other things, three years ago, when I started, when the President was talking about the Green Deal. After all, at that time you supported Nordstream 2 and you supported Russia to dominate the fuel and energy market in the European Union. We need to learn from this, but we need to do it wisely, thinking first of all about Europeans. I also join in the wishes for all of you and I want to remind you that we will enjoy Christmas.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, Every decision that we make in this House, and every decision that the European Commission makes, must be conditioned by awareness of who we work for and on whose behalf we work. We represent the interests of the citizens of Europe, we represent the interests of those who have given us the mandate to take care of their affairs in the European Parliament and the European Commission, to safeguard the interests of Europeans. Therefore, any decision that is taken at the moment in the context of energy security must first and foremost take into account the interests of the citizens of the Member States. We need to think about infrastructure, about the supply of energy sources, we need to think about the future. But today we have to think about what is most important, about gas prices, about energy prices. This is a top priority and therefore, Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, these decisions must take into account the specificities of each Member State.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear President von der Leyen, Dear Mr President, There is nothing more important today than supporting the security of Europeans and it is good that the European Council is raising this issue. We need to be effective and we need to act quickly. Gas and energy prices are crucial for households, industry and entrepreneurs. What can be done quickly and effectively? The ETS, which leads to speculation and to speculative overvaluation of prices, can be suspended. This can be done very quickly and in this way make these prices stop going crazy. There is also the second issue, which the President has raised here, concerning solidarity and the same opportunities for individual Member States in carrying out the transition in the energy market. Renewable energy sources – yes, of course, but energy security, this energy mix, are renewable sources, but we will also need fossil and atomic sources for some time to come. However, as a Polish woman, I cannot but say this, Madam President. In order to carry out this transformation, the European Commission must take into account national circumstances. We need time and we need money. So, Madam President, this is the time when I say "check". Please suspend this unnecessary, almost open fight with the Polish government. We want to talk, the Polish government has made compromises. This is the moment when we can lead to the fact that Poland will receive funds under the RRP. There is a Polish Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs here in Brussels at the moment, who is conducting talks. There's time. I say "check" again. Not words, but deeds, Madam President.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Commissioner, Madam President of the Commission! Ladies and Gentlemen, President von der Leyen spoke a moment ago of the solidarity and unity that we need at the moment to overcome this great crisis that we are all facing and have been talking about for so long. Weeks, months go by, and we're still in the same place. There are still plans and we are constantly hearing words about solidarity and unity. We need solidarity and unity, but, ladies and gentlemen, the question is this: what is she supposed to be about? Will there be solidarity and unity in Europe, in the European Union, if the democratic choices and decisions that citizens make in their European countries are undermined? Both electoral decisions and then the decisions of democratically elected governments? Contested only because they do not like the majority who sit here today, he talks about the need to change policies, energy policy, among other things, to protect European citizens from the crisis. And very often both the left and the middle side of this room forgets that this policy and this life in Europe at the moment looks like this, among other things, because such and no other decisions were made here, in this room. Once again, it is necessary to recall Nord Stream 2, for example, this project. Important, courageous decisions often have to be taken and we have to be able to oppose the majority when it is needed and when it is to serve the citizens of Europe. Sometimes it is necessary to be able to say a veto in order to inspire reflection among the majority. I hope that the European Council will finally take courageous decisions at this next summit, because that is what Europeans need. This is what we all need to survive, to defeat Putin and finally solve this crisis. Europeans need support today. Climate policy cannot be carried out at the expense of any social group. Finally, we need to start taking a rational approach to climate and energy issues. There is one thing we can do very quickly, and that will help the whole of Europe. Finally, the pathological ETS system must be suspended. This is what the Polish government is talking about, among other things, and I think that enough courage will finally be enough for European leaders at the next summit.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, There is no denying that a revision of the conditions, employment guidelines is necessary, as the post-pandemic realities have changed and, above all, the war in Ukraine is verifying our economic and social reality. We have to ask ourselves: What should be our goal? What are the Europeans most afraid of right now? Rising energy and fuel prices, inflation, the fear that they will not be able to afford to survive the coming winter, the fear of losing jobs, entrepreneurs who worry that they will have to close their businesses – this is the reality we are facing, and we should above all do everything to be able to help Europeans in a realistic and rational way. First of all, we need to think about what causes these problems. It is necessary to draw conclusions and verify also those plans that are currently being implemented in the European Union, e.g. regarding climate policy, ETS. Problems related to these programs and projects need to be addressed. Fit for 55. This is raising the costs of the European economy and creating a reality when it becomes uncompetitive and the lives of Europeans become very expensive. So, first of all, we should move away from the plans that are causing many, many problems for Europeans today.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, This is a very important debate, as has already been said here, and I hope that it is sincere and that we really want to fight effectively against Putin's propaganda and the destruction of what is most valuable: unity and solidarity of the European Union. Because today, in the face of the war in Ukraine, we should be united and we should be in solidarity. One element of this is precisely the fight against disinformation and propaganda. But, ladies and gentlemen, if we are to be able to do this effectively and truly sincerely, we need to answer a few questions, also here in this House, because Putin has been destabilising the situation in the European Union for a long time and has been willing to do so. And there were decisions that also took place here, which allowed him to take such actions regarding, for example, energy policy, allowing the construction of Nord Stream 1, then Nord Stream 2, allowing the destabilisation of the entire energy system and the economy of the European Union. These decisions were also made here and it was the countries of the European Union, the governments of the European Union that supported such actions. I'm not saying this in order to throw it away, but I'm saying this so that we can finally reflect and talk honestly with each other. Because what is the meaning of the words of a prominent politician of the Civic Platform, a member of the EPP who was also a former foreign minister in the Polish government – it was also mentioned here a moment ago – if he tweets such things, which are just an element working for Putin and there is no reaction from his political group? How to understand the phones of the President of France, who, at the time when Ukraine was bleeding and bleeding, kept up the dialogue with Putin all the time? How can we understand the many other decisions of politicians who did not want to support Ukraine very decisively and strongly, despite the appeals of, for example, the Polish government, to send weapons to Ukraine? So if we are talking about the fact that it is time to end this policy supporting Putin, then let's be really honest and effective.

Madam President, I'm sorry. I will once again quote and recall the words of President von der Leyen, which have already been said here today: "it was necessary to listen to Poland and other countries". And I wish you, Madam President, and all of you the courage to change your approach to what is happening in the European Union and to have the courage to listen to each other. I also wish President von der Leyen courage and recollection of the building of unity and the lessons learnt from the mistakes made by the German governments in which you have worked.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Madam President of the Commission! Ladies and Gentlemen, The most important part of today's speech by President von der Leyen is the one in which she admitted that it was a mistake not to listen to Poland and other countries that warned against the policy pursued by the European Union towards Putin's Russia. It's good that those words came out. But the question is: Is this a real reflection and does it want to build a different, better, solidarity-based European Union on this sentence, on this reflection, because that is what Europeans need today? Or is it just a sentence that we will all move on to and continue with, as we have done so far? There were many important opinions here, but there were also opinions about the need to defend democracy and the rule of law in various European member states. Yes, the European Union must uphold democracy and the rule of law. But it is significant that these words are spoken primarily by politicians from liberal and socialist factions, primarily from Germany and France. And they refer to alleged violations of the law, the rule of law and democracy in Poland or Hungary. So what is this democracy supposed to be? Is this democracy the way Germany wants it to be? Because how am I supposed to take the words of President Weber, who talks about supporting Donald Tusk, so he joins the internal political struggle, the election campaign in Poland? Should it also be a democracy that respects the political choices of citizens in the Member States? What rule of law are we talking about? Is it about this rule of law that respects the constitutions of individual Member States and our principles, our treaties? Is it one that is good for Germany, for France, or for the bigger, richer ones who want to impose their vision of the world and Europe on others? We need unity and solidarity. There is war beyond our borders. This war could affect us all. Today we must unite and build unity to oppose Putin, to learn from the past. I also do not want to remind you of your support for Putin and for Russia here in this Chamber. I do not want to remind you that it was the former German Chancellors, the former German Chancellor who supported Putin and the country's energy policy. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, let us respect each other. And really more reflection on the unity and solidarity of all of us.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. The future of Europe and the future of the European Union is now decided beyond our eastern border, in Ukraine. Undoubtedly, the European Council's decision to make Ukraine an EU candidate is one of the most important decisions that the European Council has recently taken. And it's a good thing it happened. We hope that this process will progress quickly and that Ukraine will have the support of the European Union at all times, because this is what both the Union and Ukraine need. We also hope that very soon this opportunity will be given to the other countries that are applying for membership of the European Union, especially the countries of the Western Balkans. And the second point, which I would like to draw attention to and which has also been mentioned here, is that it seems that, from our perspective, the most important for Europeans at the moment, beyond security, beyond the war in Ukraine, is the energy crisis, which may affect all European families, associated with high energy prices, lack of energy sources, high inflation. And perhaps, Mr President, it is worthwhile for the European Council to meet in the near future, even in an extraordinary session, and to address these two important topics for Europeans.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear Commissioners, Mr. Minister, I'm sorry. Tomorrow, the European Council must give a clear and very clear signal that Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are candidates for the European Union. Ukraine needs the European Union, but the European Union needs Ukraine and all these countries, including the Western Balkan countries, to become members of our Community. If they are in the European Union, they will not be in Putin's sphere of influence. And the war in Ukraine and the heroic struggle of the Ukrainians is also taking place on our behalf, on behalf of all of us Europeans. We must be aware that Ukrainians are fighting today for our freedom and sovereignty, and they must have a clear and solidary message. We must all stand in solidarity, we must support them militarily, humanitarianly and economically. This is our duty to the future of Europe, to the future of our peoples, to all of us. I would also like to talk about the issues that you have also mentioned earlier – the crises that plague and plague Europe. The food crisis that is knocking at the gates of Europe right now. Ukraine needs to be supported in its grain transport capacity. Finally, the energy crisis must be resolved. Decisions such as those taken here today are driving Europeans into poverty. We need to protect the climate, but we need to be aware that we must first of all think about the possibilities of Europeans and their safety.

Mr President, thank you very much. Madam President, I'm sorry. Before I turn to the conclusions of the European Council, I must refer in a few sentences to the words that have been spoken here about my homeland, Poland. And I will answer to one of you as a Polish citizen. Today, Poland is the country that has received nearly 3 million refugees from Ukraine. Poland is the country where our families host in their homes our friends from Ukraine, Ukrainian families. We help humanitarianly and we help militarily. We have never doubted that Ukraine should be supported, because they are fighting for the freedom of us all, for the sovereignty of us all. Poland has never tried to introduce, among other things in this House, solutions that de facto supported Putin. If you are addressing today, dear Colleague, Poland, these remarks concerning the fact that funds for my country should be withheld, please rather call President Macron or Chancellor Scholz, because they are calling Putin non-stop, and after these calls, among other things, there have been attacks on food warehouses in Ukraine. If there is still an attempt here in Parliament to disavow and undermine the role of countries such as Poland, which today defend sovereignty, solidarity and European unity, then even the greatest declarations, even the greatest decisions that will be adopted, resolutions, plans, will not be effective. We all need European solidarity today. What is most important and I am pleased that the European Council has spoken about it, that is, food security, that is, energy security. Today, we are facing these challenges, which, alongside the war in Ukraine and the defeat of Putin, are the most important for Europeans.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. The European Commission and a large part of the European Parliament are funding a very expensive and dangerous experiment for Europeans. The program is a huge social and economic cost. And most of you are aware of this, but we are still preparing solutions that will only exacerbate energy poverty and poverty in Europe in general and push the competitiveness of the European economy to the sidelines. The European Commission is also aware of this, which is why a proposal for a social fund has been prepared to mitigate these effects. But not only does it not alleviate, but I also have the impression that this is such a reassurance to the conscience of the Commission, the European bureaucracy, that here we have prepared a fund that will secure Europeans, and this will not happen. We need to take care of the climate, we need to make changes in European energy, but, ladies and gentlemen, this is not the moment, this is not the time, and we must first of all adapt the tools to what Europeans can do. Now there is first and foremost a war in Ukraine and we must take care of Europe's security, including its energy.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, The gas storage agreement that the Commissioner spoke about a moment ago is very good news. This is good information, and let us all hope that it will be completed and that we will not be disappointed for some time, that although it was included, it was another declaration that for various reasons different parties do not keep. Why am I talking about this? That is why, Ladies and Gentlemen, we have already adopted several packages of sanctions against Russia, and we are constantly meeting and saying that it does not work. We therefore need efficiency and solidarity in the first place. Solidarity is now a key word and action. It cannot be that some leaders of European countries act as if they care more about supporting Putin than Ukraine and fulfilling those commitments that we are making here in the European Union. It cannot be that further steps are being taken, further sanctions are being drafted and they are being missed. Above all, we need this solidarity. And it is also the work of all of us to implement these projects and the ideas that are being prepared consistently and quickly, because time is very important here.