Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, this summer, Luca de Meo made the announcement which tells us everything about where we are. The CEO of Renault – and, in fact, the man who produced the only successful, competitive, small electric automobile – has decided to leave as CEO of Renault to accept an offer from the French luxury industry. That's where we are. No trust. The best manager has no trust in the future of the automotive industry and goes to the domain which is the last competitive one in Europe. We should blame the Commission – and, finally, maybe, you are waking up to the reality. But it's time to act now. This House must be unblocked and be ready to join forces with the Member States to come forward to scrap the 2035 ban and ease the pressure on the industry towards fully fledged technological neutrality. The sooner we do it, the better.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I see two points as critical here. First, instead of just reacting, we must be proactive. Since 2014, we have always been one step behind: too late to provide air defence, too late to allow Ukrainians to hit targets inside Russia. Putin is not a peacemaker but a conqueror, and understands only one language: power. Secondly, it is the national governments that must do their part first, by raising defence budgets, enhancing the industrial base, strengthening civil preparedness. But we cannot overlook the elephant in the room: our economies, our industries, are shrinking under the excessive climate regulations. If we want to succeed, this legislative Moloch must be dramatically cut down.

Mr President, just two years after the most horrific pogrom against Jews since the Second World War, we see the European Jewry once again facing daily abuse, verbal attacks, beatings, even killings. We see activists, including some of our own Members here, sailing alongside those who sponsored Hamas terrorists, supporting their claim to deny Israel's very right to existence in security and peace. I would never have imagined that such a picture could return to our continent. At the very peak of this iceberg of hatred stands Greta Thunberg, a once-celebrated young woman who has already filled this House with her radical green ideology. It is our moral duty to do everything in our power to melt this iceberg of antisemitism down, to eradicate this most ancient and repugnant form of hatred from our societies.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, efforts to draw Vladimir Putin to the negotiation table led nowhere. Our experience proves that Russia understands only one language, and that is power, not the nice talks which we have here. Therefore, we must follow two goals at the same time. Firstly, arming Ukraine and rearming ourselves. With the EU machinery, any project can become a bureaucratic nightmare. We must make the development, production and distribution of weaponry in the EU as simple as possible. Don't forget, our enemy is not environmentally considerate. Secondly, keep the relations with the US. Gigantic fines of Google will not improve our relationship. In this sense, a pragmatic Maroš Šefčovič is doing more sensible work than the ideologue Teresa Ribera.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the European Commission is already globally known as the gravedigger of AI, and I do not mean artificial intelligence: I mean the automotive industry. It is nothing against you, Madam Commissioner, but the proposal was entirely wrong: it set up unrealistic targets, risked higher costs to manufacturers as well as consumers, and threatened basic ownership rights. It is thanks to God and to the European Parliament that, with the effort led by Jens Gieseke and Paulius Saudargas – thank you very much for this – we now have a much more workable outcome. On plastic, instead of the Commission's demand for 25 % in six years, we adopted a phased approach of 20 % within six years which will then be subject to review. Half may come from the pre-consumer waste, with the closed-loop requirement reduced to 15 %. We also defended vehicle owners' rights: Annex 1 was redrafted for this purpose. So yes, some concerns remain – mandatory parts removals, cross-border treatment – but overall this is a clear improvement on the Commission's effort.

Commissioner, your proposal is wrong from start to finish. And I'll say it here in Czech, because almost no one speaks English here anymore. You still bury Europe here in your national languages. Why is he bad? Firstly, the emissions reduction target of 90% for 2040 is unrealistic. It is not defended by any proper impact study, as the Commission’s Regulatory Scrutiny Board has acknowledged. We don't do it technologically, we don't do it financially. Secondly, the legal basis is erroneous. It has a major impact on the energy mixes of the Member States, which are in their exclusive competence, and you cannot change it arbitrarily, violently and by majority. Third, the proposal will definitively wipe out the energy-intensive industry and bury our defenses. What steel will we use to make tanks? Chinese or Turkish? How are we going to keep doing ammo without chemistry? How do we make planes without aluminum? And the gas? Yes, I am glad that we have liberated ourselves from gas from Russia, but your country, the Netherlands, still takes it as one of the largest customers in Europe. And what did you do to stop it? Fourth, the proposals for flexibility are just green colonialism, because it will help rich countries like the Netherlands or Germany, big multinational corporations, and poor countries and small businesses will pay for it. Fifthly, blackouts in Spain and the Czech Republic show where this ideological-dominated policy will one day lead us – poverty, anarchy and chaos. So nothing forces us to accept the law now, just ambitions to lead the world when America and China laugh at us. It's best if you take it and pull it back.

Madam President, dear friends, war is at our door. We all know it, and if we strive for peace – and I certainly do – we won't wish it into existence by nice speeches, but we must work hard for it. Trump's America may not always treat us kindly, but those are the rules of the game now, and we would better learn to play accordingly. NATO remains by far our best chance to defend ourselves. The upcoming NATO summit in The Hague is an excellent opportunity to prove to our transatlantic ally that we mean it seriously. The EU is not a military project. Its fundamental aim has always been the peaceful cooperation of nations, but peace without strength is an illusion. The freedom and prosperity achieved after our forefathers fought so hard will vanish in an instant if we refuse to defend them. Higher defence expenditure will of course cost us something, but in comparison to Ukraine as a wasteland left behind by the Russian aggressive behaviour, the 5 % of GDP is the price we dare to pay. I see two killers of EU defence: the bogeyman of European bureaucracy and the green over-regulation that sucks our limited resources. The former must be thrown away for good. The latter must be radically reworked. This would certainly require a mental shift, which we must undergo. And if we miss this opportunity, then we will lose everything.

Mr President, the debate about cutting ties with Israel is, quite frankly, absurd. Until now, the European Union has had just a little influence on events in the Middle East, if I do not count the money to Hamas misused for terrorist attacks. If we proceed with reviewing the EU-Israel Association Agreement, we risk losing the last remnant of respect we hold with our Israeli partner. Let's not forget the real threat in the region – the Iranian nuclear ambitions. According to the IAEA, Tehran has stockpiled over 400 kg of highly-enriched uranium. Is there anybody in this Chamber who really believes that it's for peaceful purposes? The EU's diplomatic efforts have led nowhere. Israel acted reasonably and the German Chancellor could not have said it better today – that he's doing a dirty job on our behalf.

Mr President, I will start on a positive note: the changes proposed by the Commission remove unnecessary bureaucratic burdens, especially for SMEs. In this regard, the Commission has reacted appropriately and deserves recognition. Now to the concerns. Firstly, the transition period has revealed numerous weaknesses, many of which remain unaddressed. CBAM, a bureaucratic monster, is simply not ready. Access to the emission data – the crucial element for calculating how much importers will have to pay – is often limited and difficult to verify. In many cases, we have no reliable way to confirm whether Indian or Chinese importers are providing accurate information. Secondly, the phase‑out of the ETS free allowances as part of the implementation of CBAM is putting entire industries in serious jeopardy. The transition period clearly demonstrates we don't fully understand the consequences of this regulation. After all, it is the first of this kind. Until CBAM proves it can work without harming our industries, those allowances must stay in place or be replaced with adequate compensation. European producers still lack expert solutions. Burdened with high environmental and social compliance costs, they are increasingly unable to compete in the global markets. I trust the Commission recognises these issues and will present a comprehensive proposal as soon as possible.

Madam President, listening to the debate, one can have the impression that water is a major battleground in the Spanish politics. But seriously now, firstly, I appreciate that the ENVI text on water resilience shifts the emphasis from exclusively nature-based solution to also recognising the technological and grey infrastructure, placing them on the equal footing. To put it bluntly, dams are essential for effective water management, regardless of what some of our green friends may claim. Secondly, PFAS level in the groundwater and surface water are indeed a concern. However, let's pursue a phased-out approach where viable alternative exist. And finally, please bear in mind that the water policy falls under the Member State competence. While coordinating at the Union level can be beneficial, let us not repeat the past mistake in over-regulating also this area.

Mr President, the dynamism, openness and highly skilled workforce of the US economy are some of America's greatest strengths. But President Trump's tariff drive and protectionism risk undermining these very foundations. After the Second World War, free trade helped rebuild Europe, lifting millions into prosperity and ensuring long-term peace and stability. That legacy must be defended. The European Union must champion free trade as a source of growth and resilience. We cannot afford to fall into the trap of rising protectionist sentiment. I am encouraged that the European Commission remains committed to the trade agreements. The path ahead is clear: we need more pragmatism, less green regulation and taxation, and to promote openness as much as we can.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, in my opinion, the proposal we have received is not enough – with all due respect. It spells decarbonization, but it doesn't work globally. China and India are laughing at us. Donald Trump will show us again this afternoon, you know what. We need to cut energy prices immediately, otherwise the industry is finished. There are two ways to do that. Firstly, swiftly with a legislative proposal, the reform of the ETS. We have put forward our proposals, now the point is to approve them. Secondly, true technological neutrality with certainty for investors. We need gas, we need nuclear. To date, Vice-President Riber has not responded to what she wants to do to put nuclear on a par with renewables. So, ladies and gentlemen, we must act, otherwise it is the funeral of European industry, over which Khrushchev's motto will hover: “They meant well, but it turned out as usual.”

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Radio Free Europe is part of our history, but also of my personal life. From his radio waves in the communist regime, the wider Czech public could learn about the activities of opponents of the communist regime and the imprisonment of us dissidents. But not just that. In July 1989, I smuggled a recording of the legendary tragicomic speech of the last leader of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Miloš Jakeš, who not only mistook boilers and broilers for a party meeting, but also admitted ingenuously: ‘Comrades, we are alone as a stake in a fence’. Free Europe then broadcast it every day, fulfilling not only its mission of spreading freedom, but also helping regime change. Today, the circumstances are different, but it still helps spread information in Iran, Russia, Belarus. Let us be open to the possibility of funding from the European Union as well, and let us find a consensus on what this support should look like. It'll be good if we can do it.

Madam President, I will speak Czech because, for my country, the European Commission's policy towards the car industry is a disaster. For five years, I have been criticizing the way that the European Commission has forcefully imposed on us, the way of prohibitions, orders and senseless regulations and subsidies, a way that is contrary to the wishes of customers and to economic reality, is the way to disaster. This catastrophe is happening now. This is the fattening of China and Elon Musk for the money of European taxpayers. The Commission is already aware of this and is beginning to correct what it has forced us to do. Fine, but it's not enough. What's going on now is three things. Firstly, spreading the fines over three years is not enough, we need more. At least five years. Second, the one-sided fixation on electromobility must end. There is a need for truly technological neutrality, including internal combustion engines powered by synthetic fuels and other tools. And thirdly, review 2025 is fine, but you don't deal with trucks at all. We have to do far, far more.

Madam President, European security is under immense strain. Panic and reactionary statements, especially on social media, only make matters worse. We must stay clear-eyed and strategically focused. European nations must recognise reality. The burden of defence now rests mostly on our own shoulders. We see clearly the signs of this shift. Governments are waking up. I am keeping my fingers crossed for Chancellor-elect Merz to find the financial resources for much-needed security enforcement. We must act swiftly. Our defence industries need a framework that enables them to deliver, both through cooperation and national initiatives. That means cutting bureaucracy, simplifying the processes, providing real financial access and bringing energy prices down. We cannot have both an overambitious green transition and a fully capable military. Resources are finite. Europe must decide what it values most.

Madam President, we must be interested in the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement for one reason only: to reflect on our own course. Let me tell you, the one which we take is not the right one. The radical decarbonisation is not a religion we must adhere to at any cost. It makes no economic sense to continue on this path alone. China does not care about our approach, just to its own advantage. India and Türkiye are the same. The US has made a huge U-turn. Argentina and Indonesia will most likely follow. The EU must undergo painful self‑assessment and admit that we are on the wrong track. The Green Deal needs a deep reform. It is not a growth strategy. It is costly, self-inflicted policy resulting in economic poverty and mistrust in politics. Hopefully, with this omnibus the Commission has begun taking steps in the right direction. So let's energise ourselves to use this as an opportunity and to do much more.

Madam President, we are saying nothing new when we call for a more proactive, more assertive approach to European defence. The message from across the Atlantic is crystal clear: take greater responsibility for your own safety. We can set aside the debate about the percentage of the GDP dedicated to defence spending, because it would be the subject of the talks in NATO, but higher spending is inevitable. 2% is not enough. The days of economic prosperity without military power are over. My serious concern is this: are we ready to adjust our economy? The world is changing, and so far, I have not noticed any significant shift in the Europe scores. Member States will need to invest more in European defence, more in cybersecurity, and reform our military for 21st‑century combat. This would send a strong signal to both sides of the Atlantic, to friends as well as adversaries. Europe's wealth has a military dimension.

Mr President, we must take the new administration – our key ally – seriously. The executive orders signed, the policy changes announced. They are not mere formalities. They mark the beginning of the new era. I raised the questions during the hearings, and I will raise it again because no clear answer has been provided. What is our plan B to the Green Deal? How does the Commission intend to ensure the EU, with the stagnating economy, collapsing Industry and insufficient defence policy, will not find itself isolated in this rapidly changing world? What measures will the Commission take to avoid the trade wars with the United States? Where is the Council plan to engage with Donald Trump? We are entering an era where economic might and military power will dictate the terms of the global relevance. Soft power is not enough. Will we rise to the occasion or will we fade into the irrelevance? This is the question of the day.

Mr President, Commissioner Ribera, you should listen to us, not discuss here. Please stop killing the European automotive industry. Please stop killing the nuclear energy here. Stop discriminating against nuclear energy. The chief economist of the EBRD said people tend to think about industrial policy as 'picking winners, but it's equally important to let losers go'. This statement underlines the deeper problem with our current debate about the Green Deal. Winners and losers are a natural part of the industrial life cycle in a market economy. My issue is that the Green Deal is not market-driven. It is a political mandate imposed on industries and it significantly disrupts the free market economy. Commissioners claim they listen to industries. I honestly wonder which ones. Industries plead for more time, more flexibility and less bureaucracy. As a convinced advocate of the free market economy, I fully understand them. Industries are not our enemies. They represent the pillar of our welfare. To speak about winners and losers in this sense is cynical, because it is the Fit for 55 package which created a value set of regulations and conditions, and frankly, some of them are unrealistic, overambitious and ideological. So they need urgently to be reassessed and corrected.

Mr President, let me start by commending the High Representative's statement calling for stability and territorial integrity in Syria. Indeed, it is in our interest to see a stable Syrian Government that brings an end to the civil war and halts the migration wave to Europe. While the EU – I would say rightly – is not engaged militarily in Syria, our diplomacy must work to prevent the new government from forming alliances with the Iranian regime. Iran, along with its proxies, is becoming notably weaker, which is a positive development for the region. And for the Syrian Government to distance itself from any collaboration with terrorist organisations would be a critical test to achieving a stable Middle East. Finally, religious and ethnic minorities in the region, like Yazidis, Kurds and Syriacs, have faced terrible persecution in the past. The EU must therefore ensure that any serious recognition of the new Syrian Government is contingent upon rigorous respect for the rights and protection of those minorities.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it was here that the President was ‘hugged’ for visiting Israel. No, I thank her wholeheartedly for expressing solidarity on behalf of Europe. Nor am I adding to the brutal ‘hoofing’ from the left or from some to the very right, that is not my style. On the other hand, times have changed. Completely different, much harder times await us, elections in America, deglobalization, trade wars, power real politics all over the world. And, of course, thanks for Draghi's report, the analysis where we are is excellent. But I must say that the hearings we've been hearing here have not filled me with much confidence that some people in decision-making positions are, so to speak, up to the job. But what fills me with hope is that there is a slightly different balance of power than it was five years ago. So we're going to have the opportunity to actually fix some things so that we don't lose competitiveness and stand up in the world.

Madam President, the decisive victory of Donald Trump is a reality, and with a majority on the Hill, he will restore the strong leadership in the White House. So, what should we do? Firstly, we must invest much more into our security and defence to gain the respect in Washington to keep NATO alive. Secondly, with Trump's departure from the Paris Treaty, we must prefer realism over the green ideology and correct the Green Deal to get our economies back on track. And thirdly, a real problem is Trump's mercantilism. Therefore, enormous responsibility would be on the new European Commission. It must engage immediately with Washington to avoid escalation into trade wars that would seriously harm our businesses. Here are three keys to a new transatlantic agenda. Let's not screw this up again.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, what we are witnessing now is not a transformation of the automotive industry in Europe. It's his controlled liquidation, liquidation under the banner of Green Deal under the auspices of the European Commission. Producers are fleeing expensive energy and insane regulations to America, China and India. Millions of employees are and will be on the cobblestones. The tariffs will not help here, they will only make everything more expensive, there is no money for social transfers and there will be no money. If something doesn't work, we have to change it. We must revise without delay Green Deal. We need to quickly postpone the fines, which are supposed to start next year and are literally liquidating for the automotive industry. We must lift the ban on internal combustion engines and allow for competitive solutions based on technological neutrality. This is the only way that can enable the car industry here in Europe to survive.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the situation is not escalating now, it escalated a year ago, when Hamas brutally attacked Israel and Hezbollah helped it to do so. Both Hamas and Hezbollah are terrorist organizations with which there is no point in negotiating. We have to stand with Israel in this civilisational conflict. And what I hear here – yes, it is a mixture of naivety, a constant call for a ceasefire that no one listens to, or fear of those who have migrated to Europe in recent decades and are outspoken anti-Semites, or even hatred of Israel. I am glad that my country's government has blocked the defeatist statement that was proposed here by Mr Borrell, and we stand and should stand unequivocally behind Israel in this. And if we are dominated by fear, naivety or even hatred of Israel, then there is an amen with us.