Speeches

Mr President, thank you very much. These are historic and dramatic days. Putin is trying to intimidate Moldova, but the Moldovans will not be intimidated and will not be afraid. Moldova will be an independent country and counts on close cooperation with us. That is why the resolution, which stands on the side of independent Moldova, is so important. The Moldovans, even the Russian-speaking ones, do not want Russian help. They are a proud nation in a beautiful country. They want to live in peace and therefore a very close cooperation with us is needed. Words aren't enough. A resolution today. In two weeks, President Maia Sandu will be a guest of our parliament. We must not only help financially and expertly very actively, but also contribute to this fundamental expectation of Moldovans to live together in one safe Europe. We will adopt the report in June. We have worked across divisions with Dragoş Tudorache, the leader in building a very good cooperation project between us and the Moldovan government, which is a reliable, good partner for this cooperation. We must seize this moment, because it is the most important moment in the history of this country and this society, which has welcomed over 400,000 Ukrainians fleeing death. It is indeed a huge help of this society and an expression that they are in Europe today.

Mr President, Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen, Today we are faced with a great, enormous task, as a parliament and as a committee of inquiry. Because I'm glad she's risen above the divide. Because it is our common task – the task of the whole Parliament, but also in close cooperation with the Commission – to clarify these scandals that have taken place, but to guarantee security. Security for all of us: Europe, our citizens, politicians, journalists, lawyers or those who have become inconvenient for the authorities. For different governments, different authorities. Because no government can act outside the law, above the law and with impunity. And I wanted to say here, hoping for this cooperation, that it seems to me that there is no left-wing or right-wing security. There is simply the safety of all of us. I wanted to tell Mr. Tarczyński because he said a sweaty few stupid words and ran away: For Law and Justice, for your representatives, it is not a problem that you have the Pegasus system, which, incidentally, was created recently, not 8 years ago or 20. The problem is that such tools can be used illegally, against democracy, against free elections, against the opposition or against the Commission, which takes important decisions. If the Commissioners are making decisions on sanctions, which are so important and crucial for security today, then we need to explain, Commissioner, to the end who was spying. Because Commissioner Reynders – after all, we know his calendar of visits, his activities last year. We know exactly which dates are sensitive and when his phone was hacked. Cooperation between Parliament, the Committee of Inquiry and the Commission is the first and most important task, but also between the Commission and national prosecutors. Because it is the task of our national parliaments – also to scrutinise the special services. And I call on all parliaments, your national delegations, but through you national parliaments, to set up committees of inquiry in each country. Today we have representatives of the Polish Senate Committee of Inquiry. They're in the gallery. They're listening to the deliberations to work together. Yes, we must have strict supervision over the work of the services. Not to prohibit the use of Pegasus and similar systems, but to ensure that they are used for their intended purpose. To fight terrorism, to guarantee our security, not to destroy it, by introducing a tool for illegal surveillance of opponents, opposition, journalists or lawyers. I call for close cooperation across divisions and also for cooperation with the Commission, Commissioner.

Madam President, I'm sorry. There is war and the need for a strong Community response and truly full cooperation. And what do we have? And again we have an attack, on whom? On themselves. All those who attack partners in Europe are Putin's sidekicks. They are exactly what Putin is counting on. And I wanted to say that it is very simple to resolve the conflict that this debate is about today. No one can steal with impunity – it is simply not enough to steal. No one can break the law – it is enough not to break the law. I will appeal and appeal to Prime Minister Morawiecki from this rostrum, because from this rostrum in the autumn he declared that the Disciplinary Chamber will be dissolved, judges will be restored. A few months and where is the implementation of these words, Prime Minister Morawiecki? Today I appeal for an immediate quick return to negotiations and an end to this dispute, because Poles will indeed be a model democracy. We will fix it ourselves in Poland, but this dispute is contrary to the interests of Poland, it is contrary to the interests of the nation and the expectations of Poles. Eighty percent demand and expect good cooperation with the European institutions and our place in Europe. One-and-a-half percent is the voice we just heard. Prime Minister Morawiecki, throw out these blackmailers because they are not acting in the national interest. Don’t be afraid – we will help put an end to this dispute.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, There are no words to describe this drama of Ukrainians, these crimes that we see every day and we have these images in front of our eyes. The bombed Ukraine. The woman killed in front of her house, the ruined house, and those apartment keys that fell out: with a keychain with the flag of the European Union. Yes, today it is not only Ukraine that is bombed and Ukrainians are being killed. It is also Putin's attack on our European home, on our order and security. And that is why the Ukrainians are fighting for us, and we must not waste time and we must be united, resolute, very determined in helping the Ukrainians, but also in restoring peace and order. Ukrainians today need weapons, heavy weapons: tanks, rockets, ammunition. But we also have economic weapons in our hands. And I call you all above divisions, from left to right, above national selfishness, because today being selfish is not patriotic. There is no time for economic calculations. We need a full embargo on coal, oil and gas. And there is an amendment that allows us to speak firmly and decisively as a chamber and to organise pressure on our governments. This is needed now, not ‘as soon as possible’. What does that mean? Where are the technical and analytical, some economic divagations? Today, Parliament needs to be clear: Cut Putin off from the euro. Every euro is a euro for the army and criminals. And there's blood flowing through the pipeline. And we have to be clear: Stop it, let's stop it! Full embargo, embargo today, now, now, immediately. I call you to be united, united. Let us improve this resolution. There is an amendment that can make this resolution a clear, strong signal for the whole of Europe.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. 150 million euros, including 30 million grants, is an important sum, but it is a drop in the sea of needs. And I want to say that in the face of what Siegfried Mureşan emphasized, this enormous openness of Moldovan society, which actually received the most refugees per capita, more even than the Polish society, although we accepted as many as 2.5 million, this help is too small. We need to increase both our investment and our activity. Moldova's European expectations require our permanent work, a permanent support group in the European Commission, a presence on the ground – I am thinking of the mission of the European Parliament. These are our tasks that we are obliged to do in the face of this test that Moldovan society has passed today. Yes, Moldovan society is already in Europe, is already with us and is providing this first aid, even though it is poor and does not have enough resources to do so. And our job is to help him.

Dear President, Dear Prime Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen, Yes, this is a time of historical trial for us, because this war concerns us, the future and security of Europe will be decided in Ukraine, and therefore we cannot be just a little bit on the side of Ukraine, and at the same time pay Putin a little bit to continue arming this terrorist army, which today murders Ukrainians, innocent children, innocent civilians. We must have full solidarity and full consistency in action. A full embargo on gas, coal, oil, because we cannot give even one euro to Putin, who is a terrorist today. His place is in The Hague. He must be judged, and we must stand in solidarity and united, because in this room there are Putin's helpers who want to weaken sanctions and dismantle a common Europe. Future Europe must be secure, therefore it must be united and united. And just as Ukrainians today need weapons and a safe heaven above them, so do those fleeing mothers and children need support. I call for the direct mobilisation of funds for local authorities and local governments to help them, because they need our help.

Mr President, thank you very much. Civil society plays a key role in defence, in the protection of democracy. And even when the rule of law is threatened, it shows its strength, because today we live in a time of nationalism, populism, attack on EU values. We are living in the days of aggression, state terror, Russian terror against Ukraine, against our brothers beyond our eastern border. And see what we have in Poland in conditions that are definitely endangered by the rule of law: a strong civil society, non-governmental organizations and, above all, citizens are helping over a million refugees, refugees who are protecting themselves in Poland from death because they are at risk of death. This assistance comes from organizations, local organizations, social organizations, associations, non-governmental organizations. It is possible because people organize themselves and we need, we need, we are obliged to help these people. That is why I also call, as shadow rapporteur for the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values programme, for a direct aid strategy, because we have included direct funding in this programme. Citizens must be able to receive this assistance directly from us. I call for it from this place.

Killed children, women, destroyed cities are a gloomy price to pay for the opening of Europe. And they fight for us, for their freedom, but also for the values, for the values they believe in: democracy, for European values, for our values. The Poles are fighting for us, for the Lithuanians, but you are fighting for us, too, in the western countries of Europe. For Europe to be safe. They need weapons today, of course, but we in this House can give them much more. We can give them a guarantee that once they have won this freedom and security for themselves, they will live together in peace with us. And we must give it to them as soon as possible: as soon as possible, without even looking at the procedures, giving a fast pace to the possibility of realizing these dreams, but we also have to be consistent, not make mistakes. If we freeze Nord Stream 2, why does this not include Nord Stream 1? We must cut off Putin's mafia from all possible sources of income. Its place is indeed before the Court of The Hague. He must answer for war crimes, but we must also reach out to all those who dream of living in peace. That's our job. This is the new, strong, united Europe! Everyone who opposes this is Putin's sidekick. A strong, united Europe for all who want it! This war did not start yesterday in Ukraine. 2008 – attack on Georgia. What about Moldova? Is there blood to be spilled there? We must remember the democratic opposition in Belarus and the democrats in Russia. Freedom for Alexei Navalny, solidarity with Ukraine! Long live a united, strong Europe and a free, democratic Ukraine!

Madam President, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, This debate is not only a debate about the security of Ukraine, it is essentially a debate about our future, about the security of Europe, including my country, Poland. What is Putin most afraid of? Putin is afraid of a good example, a good example that comes from our societies, from our countries. He is afraid that Ukrainians will choose the way of life that we, Poles, or other neighbors, Slovaks, Hungarians or Romanians have chosen, i.e. democracy, civil rights, rapid development and security, security also guaranteed by NATO. It is our duty in this House, here in Strasbourg and in Brussels, to make it clear to Putin that Ukraine has the right to choose its future, it has the right to count on full membership of the European Union, it has the right to count on security, and we must help Ukrainians to do so. Solidarity with Ukraine is our duty in the name of security in Europe, in the name of our future. And one more remark, Putin is afraid of this because he is afraid of a good example that is also contagious in Russia. Democrats in Russia are getting stronger, not weaker. They also see how you can live. And that is why we must not forget about the democrats in Russia. Freedom for Alexei Navalny and solidarity with Ukraine is our duty today.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, Commissioner! Mr. Minister, I'm sorry. According to the Regulation on the European Recovery Fund, there is a requirement to consult local governments, regional authorities and local authorities. The European Commission also stresses that it will cooperate with regional authorities when it comes to exchanging information. This is because transparency and monitoring are essential. It is difficult to expect effective reforms to modernise the economy, environmental or digitisation without the involvement of local authorities. But a situation in which the Polish government in this case does not meet the requirement of the European Semester cannot stop the implementation of these reforms, because, firstly, the public is waiting for them, and secondly, they are our common goal. That's why I wanted to ask two questions in this example. First of all, is this not a good time to think about revising the legal bases and, in the future, not to introduce an element of the possibility of direct cooperation with regional authorities in a situation where a government is slow in implementing the requirements, conditions? And secondly, is the Polish situation, today special, because really Polish society is waiting for these measures - they are necessary and needed, and expected... Could the agreement between the Commission and the Polish Government not include such a mechanism?

Ladies and Gentlemen, The High House! Putin has attacked Ukraine twice in the last two years. He's preparing for a third attack, and it's a real threat. This is blackmail against Ukraine, but also blackmail against Europe. He wants to be important, he wants to be called, he wants to talk. This is not the way, Mr. Putin. Europe must be strong and solidarity-based, must act together and proactively react immediately with sanctions, a package of sanctions that will be economically painful. We must also actively help Ukraine, because Ukraine requires economic assistance, as well as a modern army. We should guarantee her that. The Eastern Partnership, Moldova and Georgia also require our immediate support. We must stand in solidarity and all those who deny and counteract this are Putin's helpers. And to such lies, as we have just heard, we must react decisively. All Putin's friends are Kremlin agents. This must be made clear to each other and we must marginalise them when it comes to our community. You have no right to call yourself a patriot. You are acting against the national interest of your societies because your societies want to be safe, they want energy security, they want financial security. Finally, listen to: If you are a friend of Putin, you are an opponent of Europe, an opponent of your citizens as well.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, As a former Minister for Digital Affairs in Poland, I wanted to stress very strongly that this is a very important moment and a very important step towards building a European Digital Single Market. And I'm glad that we're dealing with these two complementary files, the DMA and the DCA, in such agreement. This specific act, this regulation, targets the biggest players and the biggest digital players. It seems to me that the economic thresholds have been set appropriately. A closed catalogue of services is important, a very strong fine tool is important, which we can use in the case of unfair practices and circumvention of obligations. The DMA is also an act that allows European entities, including smaller and medium-sized companies, to grow. I think we need to support this process. And as shadow rapporteur, as the person who worked on this document, I wanted to thank all the other rapporteurs for their joint work, as well as the rapporteur for the final talks.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Lukashenko's dictators and his ally Putin attacked Europe, they wanted to divide us, they wanted to quarrel us. That is why this swift, decisive and united response and our solidarity, including in this House, are so important. We must speak with one strong voice and resolutely resist this provocation. But this situation at the border cannot overshadow what is happening in Belarus. Almost a thousand people – political prisoners – are tortured in prisons by Lukashenko. They must be free, just like the entire Belarusian people. Also the Poles: Andrzej Poczobut, Andżelika Borys or my young friend Siarhei Korshun. They have to be free and we have to help them. We can't turn our backs on them. The man who hijacks planes is a terrorist. The one who leads to the death of his own citizens or citizens of other countries is a criminal. The place of the terrorist and the criminal is before the Criminal Court in The Hague and we must bring him there in solidarity.

Mr President, thank you very much. I would like to say a few sentences here as a Pole, because it is extremely important. Also to you, Mrs Kempo. We no longer only have a hybrid, we already have a physical attack on the borders of the European Union, the borders of Poland – that is a fact. Lukashenko supported by Putin is an obvious fact, because yesterday they had a debate on a common war doctrine. This is an attack on Europe. Are you surprised - because you speak of naivety - that your right request and demand is not fully supported in the House today? After all, you have been attacking Poland’s partners and friends – the European institutions – for months. This is the last moment to turn back from this path, because only a strong and common Europe is a guarantee of common security. And you have one last chance to come back, to return to the circle that is your partners, and not to seek friendship and flirt with Putin's sympathizers, because they applauded you in Strasbourg. These are not our friends, Polish friends, but precisely those who support the destruction of a common Europe. Think about it, because this is the last moment. If today we have, even with disagreement, the chance to develop a common strategy, support it, because only a common and strong Europe is the answer to this attack by Putin and Lukashenko on our security.

Mr President, thank you very much. I came to sum up this debate, in which the Prime Minister gave only one specific answer. I understand that the Disciplinary Chamber will be abolished. But my question had another part. This means that, as of tomorrow, dismissed judges may return to work and may return to adjudicate in accordance with the Court's ruling. Mr. Prime Minister, I'm sorry. You've told so many lies that you can't fix them in a minute. But Judge Milewski, whom you mentioned, never wrote a ruling. He was thrown out and transferred to another court because he was setting a deadline over the phone. Where are the Court's decisions written? At social gatherings, which Jarosław Kaczyński talks about? Who's adjudicating? Prosecutor of martial law Piotrowicz. These are your friends today. You rely on them. Are you talking to me, a member of the anti-communist structures of Radio Solidarność, NZS? Are you talking to me? Are you accusing us of being on the wrong side? You have communist friends today and you rely on them in this centralization of the state, of power, of the party over everything. We will not be destroyed. Finally, I would like to thank you all, from left to right. I am very proud to have such support from your side. We have different ideas, we are in different parties, but we are together in one common Europe because of values and principles. Thank you for your solidarity. Thank you in the name of the 84% of Poles who are on the streets today to defend a democratic Europe. Thank you for mentioning John Paul II, the Pope, Lech Wałęsa, Solidarność. Thank you all.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Prime Minister, I'm sorry. The language of aggression is not proof of strength. In this House, despite your shouting, everyone knows that your government has a minimal advantage in the Sejm and no advantage in the Senate. This fragile majority today makes you try to attack. But who are you attacking? You are attacking partners and friends, and you are looking for allies not where they need to be, because they are certainly not friends of Poland, attacking us from nationalist positions. Because you yourself said that security lies in the Community, in our common Europe. It is the Poles who have decided that we are in it, and the Poles will decide our place in Europe, because we are – this is one true sentence that you have said – a proud nation that has its place in Europe. ‘In the event of a conflict between Community and national rules, the Polish courts should give priority to the application of the former European rules.’ Who wrote this? That's what you wrote, that's your textbook on European law. And this is obvious, because Article 91(2) of the Polish Constitution clearly states this. Why are you talking about a conflict here? It is the Court of Justice that upholds the Polish Constitution, because your government is violating it. It is your government that wants political judges, it is your government that restricts the freedom of the media and the functioning of freedom of speech. What is more, if you write yesterday, you send a letter to the presidents, prime ministers, that you will apply the rulings of the Court, that you confirm the application of all Community rules and obligations, then a very simple question I wanted to ask today: Will the Disciplinary Chamber be dissolved? Is there a law? Will judges who have been made redundant adjudicate? Judge Paweł Juszczyszyn – 623 days without adjudication. Will he be back to work tomorrow? Where are your commitments? Because today you are playing with the security of Poland and Poles. You do not have a mandate for this. We will defend European Poland because Poland has a different face than just the language of aggression. You saw it last Sunday at the demonstrations. Poles are not indifferent to how our future will be, the common future of Europe and Poland.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. This is a very important debate for us, Poles, for Polish entrepreneurs, Polish local government officials. And today we need to hear the truth and the facts. Because we have already heard from the Polish minister that the plan was accepted, it is complete, in July, that the money was to be in August, at the latest in September. Today is October and we still don't know why. Is it true that this document is simply not complete and does not meet all the criteria and expectations, the principles enshrined in the regulation, for reasons such as transparency, which is mentioned here, or the construction of a monitoring committee or monitoring committees that do not meet expectations? Does the Prime Minister's request to the Constitutional Court, if the plan is accepted and complete, allow these funds to be mobilised as soon as possible, or does it delay them? And is it true and is the advance payment at risk if this consent and full acceptance is not received by the end of the year? What happens to the 13% down payment if the plan is not approved and approved by the end of the year? Poles are waiting for these funds. They're expecting them. They are essential for the Polish economy. This is not money for the government. That is why we want them to reach the final beneficiaries, local governments, entrepreneurs and Poles as soon as possible. But these conditions, of course, must be clear and fulfilled. We expect a clear and true answer.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Freedom for political prisoners! Yes, all those persecuted in Belarus must gain freedom, including the Polish journalist Andrzej Poczobut, the leader of the Polish minority Andżelika Borys, but thousands of Belarusians persecuted must be free people, because they are Europeans, they have the full right to do so. But the European Union must also take legal action. Since Alexander Lukashenko is the head of a mafia criminal group smuggling people, he is breaking European law, terrorizing his people. We need to take legal action. On Monday, a conference of lawyers takes place in Nuremberg, which is preparing a proposal to bring Alexander Lukashenko to the International Court of Justice. We have to join in. Yes, Alexander Lukashenko must be brought before the Court. There must be an information office in the European Parliament for the Belarusian opposition. We must have a high-level conference because we must act effectively and a fifth package of sanctions is needed. But we also need to speak with one voice about the border and its tightness. Regardless of who rules in Poland, who will rule and who will rule in Lithuania, and rules today. The border must be tight, and for this we need our full European cooperation. It's also... (The President took the floor)

Dear President, Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. President Roberta Metsola is right that this debate should simply not take place. It is obvious that freedom of speech is the pillar of democracy, the foundation of democracy. In a democratic world, it doesn't even make sense to talk about it, because that's the obvious thing. It is clear that every citizen has the right to know. He has a right to know who's stealing, who's raping, who's cheating. He has a right to know who is protesting and why. And no power, no government that does not grant concessions, closes the media or buys a newspaper, solves this problem. Societies know this very well. And with such authority they account for themselves in a timely manner. Poles are a proud nation, a free nation, and they never let themselves be gagged. And here, after Mrs Wiśniewska's words, I would like to make an appeal to you. Don't say Poland and Poles, because democracy is being demolished by Law and Justice. This is one party that has a minimum majority in one of the two chambers of the Polish Parliament. Poles did not allow themselves to be gagged during the communist regime and will not be gagged today. Polish society will defend freedom of speech, defend democracy, because that is the character and characteristic of our nation. Poland will be democratic and will be in Europe.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Our future will be what we build Europe. We want a Europe that is active, solidary, efficient and strong. This is the expectation of our citizens. Yes, the EU should be for Europeans and Poles, as Europeans, also expect to be active in climate policy, because this is a great challenge. In education, the young generation expects solutions such as the ALMA programme. We look forward to a very strong cooperation on health issues. Health protection is not just a pandemic and the consequences of a pandemic. In Parliament, on the initiative of our delegation, the Special Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development was set up. Fighting Cancer. This is one of those challenges that really interests citizens and citizens want an effective Europe. There is also the issue of the rule of law. European funds must be spent according to their intended purpose, transparently, they must be protected, they must go to citizens, to entrepreneurs, to local governments, to the final beneficiaries, and no government can put itself above the law, cannot expect impunity. That is why I wanted to say from this place that 88% of the Polish society, Poles, are people who see their future, declare their willingness to be in Europe, because here they see security, their protection and the possibility of development. In the bicameral Polish parliament, in only one chamber, Law and Justice has a minimal advantage, in the Senate it does not. That is why Polish society will defend freedom of speech, will defend tolerance, will defend democratic principles, will defend our place in Europe. I am sure of that and here I would like to declare it, and the attacks by government representatives on the European Union, on the Commission, sometimes shameful, are only proof of weakness and helplessness. Solidarity Europe and a less strong Poland are our future.

Mr President, thank you very much. Yes, Europe has had enough of what Kaczyński and Orbán are doing, it has had enough of politics based on hatred, on intolerance, on discrimination. Europe is tired of destroying what is the basis of a democratic state. Mr Brudziński, please do not refer to the Polish tradition, because Polish tradition is tolerance, it is respect for freedom, it is respect for the other person, our neighbour – it is our Christian tradition. I want to use the words of Donald Tusk, who recently returned to Polish politics, because he said directly "we will not get used to it". Poles will not get used to it and Europe cannot get used to it. And we will deal with it as Poles. But I ask you from this place to use the Article 7 procedure against the government of Law and Justice, not Poland, because it is the government of Law and Justice that makes a brown coalition with the heirs of precisely those worst ideas in Europe that have done so much wrong. You join the clubs of Putin’s friends, the enemy of a democratic Poland and a common Europe. I promise one thing from this place: Poles will solve this problem in Poland. We will delete the word "Poland" from the Article 7 procedure if you do not change your behaviour.