What Stéphane spoke about.

Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, Minister, for the latter of the French Presidency, the European Council of tomorrow promises to be once again historic. My group welcomes the spirit of responsibility shown by all Member States and the Commission's work to achieve this. Madam President, Ukraine’s candidate status is a fair recognition of the sacrifice of the Ukrainian people for our European values. We could not have been unaware – as I have said many times in this Chamber – of the blood shed in the name of the ideal of peace, democracy and sovereignty in this unjust war. I hope that this same spirit of responsibility will also prevail among the members of the Council on the issue of the Western Balkans. We also have a duty to build the European path of these nations. This is the position of my group, which is also in favour of Moldova's candidate status. The Council will also finally decide on the follow-up to the Conference on the Future of Europe. I know that some people think that these institutional issues are secondary and, by comparison, surely, are not among the emergencies of our time. I think they are wrong. What is our near future? We Europeans? Probably a combination of crises that will force Europe to decide in a coherent, ambitious, rapid way: inflation settles in a sustainable way, with the possibility of passing on sovereign debt; food crises, humanitarian and migration crises, probably; Climate change will continue if we do not act... And in the face of these challenges, are we ready today, together with our institutions, to act? Perhaps we can repeat once again the miracle of the COVID crisis, which, together with the recovery plan, created a massive, rapid and urgent response from the European institutions, a real impetus for European solidarity, with a speed we had never seen before. But some states will likely use our institutional architecture, including the veto, to block the efforts needed to deal with these new crises. And that is exactly why, Madam President, Mr Minister, we will not leave the institutional project behind. This project is important. Some Member States - and, forgive me, still the same - are blocking the necessary reforms. Vetos are not vetoes of peoples, but are vetoes and blackmails of struggling governments. The blockage on the global minimum tax is as much a symptom as a warning for us, and we are obviously paying attention to all these points. We have so much to do and we must not disappoint. Mr Minister, Madam President, you know that our political family is carrying this institutional reform in Europe. We have a majority of Council members who are ulcerated by the behaviour of certain States. You know that citizens will not accept the spectacle of inaction on these issues. So my watchword, and the watchword of my group, will be to open this reform and follow it up in the European Parliament, which has paved the way for this procedure.

Madam President, just one word to say that I share the concern of the Chairman of the Green Group to work together on this text and to build something in majority format with the pro-Europeans. But I'm in a different situation than yours. We shared the ambition, but we made the tactical choice to vote for this text and not to mingle with the voices of the far right for the rejection of this text. But we shared the ambition. Madam President, we will have a text back in committee, we will work on it. We want there to be a pro-European majority. Ambition is important. The legislation affects 450 million citizens over a period of 30 years, with important objectives. So we will work together with all the pro-European groups that are able to find a compromise.

Madam President, dear Taoiseach, dear Micheál, thank you for your speech. Let me assure you, from a very pro-European political family in this Parliament, that we are proud of the resolutely European agenda of the Irish Government. As we can count on Ireland to defend European unity, I wanted to reiterate, dear Taoiseach, that the Irish can count on Renew Europe and their Members, Barry Andrews and Billy Kelleher, to defend their interests, because for some time now the interests of the Irish have been the interests of Europe. Indeed, in spite of ourselves, we are once again confronted with the consequences of Brexit. At Renew Europe, we know the concerns of Irish and Northern Irish citizens. Worried, I would also be if my market, my food or pharmaceutical safety depended on the constancy of Boris Johnson. But, I will tell you very clearly, we are defending the Northern Irish protocol. The Irish are not mistaken, including the Northern Irish, who voted 56% for parties in favour of this agreement. Perhaps accommodation is possible, but it is not unilaterally at Westminster – in breach of international law, for that matter – to define what suits or does not suit the Irish and Europe. Europe has only one word. She has only one word with the Irish and the British. Dear Taoiseach, I take the opportunity of our exchange to ask you about an important subject for our political group: Citizens’ proposals following the Conference on the Future of Europe. We call for a convention to change our treaties if necessary. This seems essential to us in order to finally establish a legislative initiative in Parliament and, above all, to put an end to a number of elements of decision-making, including unanimity on certain points in the Council. A state can no longer block decisions that affect 450 million Europeans. Then a question: What is the Irish Government's position on these points and on the launch of this conference? You have answered a little, but we would like to hear a little more from you – my political group, at least – on this issue. Thank you very much and indeed long live Europe and long live Ireland!

Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, thank you for being here with this institution to talk about an important subject. The rule of law is the cornerstone of our democracy, the cement of our society. The European Commission is the guardian of the Treaties and Parliament is its watchdog. That is why we are making it clear, including to the members of the Council, that it is a political mistake to approve the Polish recovery plan as it stands and at this stage. Giving in to the blackmail of the Polish government is a political mistake. For my group and many others, with whom we have signed several letters, sent several resolutions, organized several debates, the conditions that have been set are clear, clear preconditions and not vague milestones. These milestones that rest a few times and that we consider today as insufficient not to say cosmetics. For my political group, the Court's judgments must be fully and fully implemented, including the primacy of European law. Otherwise, we will have no choice but to make further appeals here in the European Parliament. For my group, it is out of the question that only one euro is spent before the Polish judiciary is independent. This has always been clear from this parliamentary majority in Parliament and also in your own Commission, Madam President. If only one euro is spent before the rule of law is restored, we can legitimately use a number of political, legal and institutional components and levers at our disposal. This debate will inevitably take place, since this debate on the rule of law is fundamental for our Parliament. Finally, for our group, we have repeatedly said that direct management of European funds is the best solution and I would really like it to be studied seriously by your services, Madam President, to see if there are possibilities if these conditions are not respected. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, my political group and my entire political family will always stand against the abuses of the Polish Government, but above all and certainly alongside the Polish people.

Madam President, Vice-President Timmermans, Minister – I am very pleased to see you on these benches, dear Chrysoula – the eight Green Deal laws that we are about to vote on this week show that there are still many reasons to hope. Hope for democracy first, because by proposing these laws, we are responding to the wishes of the millions of voters who, in 2019, chose MEPs committed to climate and political projects committed mainly to climate. Thus, twenty-year-old projects will be able to see the light of day. Finally the carbon tax at the borders! Think that I have been hearing about this project since I was 15 years old, and I am proud to be able to participate in this historic debate and vote. It is also a reason to hope for Europe and its expertise, as it has been able to set carbon neutrality targets for 2050 to music. From air transport to maritime transport, from heavy industries to forests, we are pushing each sector one by one to go in the right direction, and it is also the role of this Parliament to work with all sectors. Finally, it is simply a reason to hope for politics, ladies and gentlemen. With the law on the end of thermal cars, we are seeing a societal and organisational change as fundamental as the emergence of the railway or the telephone, and, for the first time, we are not managing a technological revolution: We're planning it. For my group, Renew Europe, there is no doubt. There is no doubt that the international context obliges us to reduce our dependence on hydrocarbons even faster. There is also no doubt that our industry is able to be the first in the world to trigger decarbonisation and thus also become more competitive at global level. There is also no doubt that we need to accompany the most fragile – and they will be accompanied – with an ecological revolution and the Social Fund for the Transition. So there is a path by listening to scientists and engineers, by knowingly assuming the responsibilities of the transition, by responding to social risks, by showing the true face of ecology, capable of combining transition and growth. With these laws, we allow everyone to drive without polluting, we will make polluters pay – including outside the European Union, with this carbon tax at the EU’s borders – we will prevent households from disproportionately bearing the burden of this transformation. Ecology is doing well in this Chamber, not in easy outrages, but in the complex detail of the law, amendment by amendment, we are building this desirable future.

– Madam President, as you know, this Chamber has the rule of law at heart, and after the Commission’s decision, before the vote in the Council, it seems to my important group that the European Parliament can reaffirm its positions on the Polish question now, by means of a resolution. We are therefore proposing one at this plenary session in order to be able to have more impact, including on the institutions that will have to deal with this case later.

Madam President, Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, allow me first of all to welcome your speech, to welcome the European commitment of your government and your contribution to the European debate. Your action has come to some extent to end a far too long period in which some European politicians have, wrongly, looked at Italy with a hint of condescension, of indifference sometimes. This may have been one of the reasons for the delay in European aid to Italy at the time of the pandemic. Fortunately, this House and so many others reacted in time, forcefully, so that Europe would live up to the expectations of the Italian people. The vaccine and the recovery plan, of which Italy is the first beneficiary, are in a way the realisation of this, Prime Minister. I had the opportunity to say this in Rome not long ago: yes, Italy still needs Europe, but Europe still needs Italy, its ideas and talents. Italy is no stranger to the constitution of the new European consensus that is being created among the Heads of State and Government and our institutions, to which the European Parliament fully subscribes. Yes, we do not all agree on everything, especially on tools, but we do in any case agree on objectives, such as carbon neutrality, strategic autonomy and the fight against inequalities. In this new consensus, my political group would like to have your vision. Everyone agrees on the need to renovate our fiscal and economic convergence framework. As we know, we need to invest more – more for green planning, more for innovation, more for the strategic autonomy of our continent. What do you think is the best way to reach this European solution on the reforms of the Stability Pact? You have mentioned a number of avenues, but the method will be essential in the coming months and weeks. A new consensus has also emerged on European solidarity. Since the war in Ukraine, the best interests of Europe and peace have been at the heart of the work of most of our European governments. We realise, Prime Minister, the political courage it took for your government to question decades-old national positions. On these issues, you have not only made statements, but you have also taken action, and despite attempts at manipulation in the Italian media on the part of Russia, you have held and on the part of my group, in any case, you have all our congratulations. Finally, we would like to know whether, as part of the sixth package of sanctions, you will support the embargo on all Russian hydrocarbons and whether you believe that an agreement is possible in the coming days or weeks in the Council. A final word, perhaps, on the Conference on the Future of Europe, Mr President, which is very close to our heart in this plenary, which is devoted in particular to important institutional discussions and which will shape all of our European integration in the coming years. I heard in your speech and understood that we can count on Italy to defend the institutional reforms expected by citizens. I am thinking in particular of the end of unanimity on foreign policy, and you have been very clear on this - a number of your colleagues should be too. But perhaps go further in a number of proposals, I am thinking in particular of Parliament’s right of initiative on transnational lists, these will also be important elements for our Chamber and our institution, Mr Prime Minister. Finally, Mr President, last week's elections in France and Slovenia showed that we are in a European moment. Populists no longer even dare to say that they assume to leave the European Union, which is a good thing, it is a victory, including ideological victory, in the period. The Europhobes are disqualified at the moment to find solutions, but their simplistic ideas continue and may continue, in any case, to thrive on economic and social despair. We therefore need reforms, concrete solutions and a new green, more prosperous, social and democratic European era, and we hope to be able to count on you and Italy to support this momentum. In any case, you will have the Renew group at your side in these objectives.

Madam President, I understand that we cannot speak in favour. Nevertheless, I would also like to express, on behalf of my group, support for this resolution, which was also presented to the Conference of Presidents and which hopes that this resolution will succeed.

Madam President, Mr President, dear representatives, Bucha and Irpine have confirmed the criminal, deeply immoral and inhuman nature of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Failure to act on these crimes would have been an insult to our values and a disavowal of our humanity. Yesterday, Europe demonstrated once again that it can decide, in the name of its fight in Ukraine, in the name of our freedoms, in the name of democracy. Since the beginning of the war we have been calling in Renew Europe for an embargo on coal: You've come halfway. I hope that Member States will follow these recommendations. We also very much welcome the proposals on banning access to ports, banning transactions for new targeted institutions and embargoes. But we already know that it will not be enough. We know that other images will quickly flood social media and haunt our consciences. In Kharkiv, in Mariupol, we will discover brutality, barbarism – with unbearable proportions – as we know. That is why my group proposes that you go already further, to prepare the next steps and, thus, prepare the minds in the capitals for the inevitable. But unavoidable is also our duty to launch new levers in the near future, including the effective exclusion of Swift from all Russian banks and financial institutions, a temporary embargo on oil – we have been calling for it since the beginning of the invasion – and also on gas. We know that it is difficult, that there could be, sometimes, technically, insurmountable topics, but at this stage of horror we have to prepare for it. Another often forgotten aspect of our discussions is the need to convince third countries to follow European sanctions. Given our trade links and sometimes the money we invest in them, I am quite surprised that some countries are not more supportive of Europe. Diplomatic efforts must continue and European diplomacy must continue to convince. Only by weakening Putin’s regime economically, financially, commercially will we force him into real peace negotiations for Ukraine. The message is to go a step further, ladies and gentlemen.

One of the important pillars, as we have seen, is in particular the pillar of the rule of law. As you know, we did not talk about it, but it was one of the fundamental priorities of this mandate. It is clear that it is being challenged, and we remain convinced that we will be strong outside the European Union if we are strong, including on our values, internally, in the European Union. My question was also simple, as a complement: What do you plan to do with Hungary and Poland?

Madam President, I thank the two Presidents: first you, Madam, have allowed this exercise, and then you, Madam President, have given in to this democratic exercise, which my group has been very supportive of. I think it's necessary. To begin with, we made the long-term observation that our continent does not yet have the tools to guarantee its autonomy. We did this here in this European Parliament as early as 2019, in particular with the Commission. My political group supported the Commission's guidelines at that time, which we thought were good. The war in Ukraine also validates the need to work on our internal reforms, on our transition objectives, on strategic autonomy and on our reforms, including institutional ones. My question is therefore quite simple, Madam President: Does the Commission intend to review its priorities at the beginning of its mandate in 2019? And my second question is also quite simple: Will the Commission present a comprehensive plan to strengthen our strategic autonomy? Will you present some additional reforms or review a number of priorities in light of the COVID crisis and the war in Ukraine?

Madam President, Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, our unprecedented response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine has created a sense of unity across Europe. The images of suffering and desolation from Ukraine must push us to go further in sanctions, in helping Ukraine and in strategic autonomy. The senseless brutality of Russian attacks on civilians must not go unanswered. Tougher sanctions are needed to cut funding for the regime and coordinate the reception of refugees in order to avoid a humanitarian catastrophe. However, let’s be honest, and I also say this to the groups that are campaigning today to go further: why do the next steps seem more difficult for Europe? Why is the cost of our engagement with the Ukrainian people so heavy today for Europe? This is because Europe does not yet have all the tools of its power, and this is not a new finding. This Parliament – my group in particular – has consistently supported the European Commission’s geopolitical ambition since 2019; But it would be naive to believe that we will achieve this without a profound revolution in our internal organisations, our economy and our Community strategy. Indeed, Europe as a power requires energy independence. Yes, there is an urgent need to diversify our supplies, but in the long run we cannot replace one dependency with another. This Green Deal programme also needs to be reviewed and, surely, accelerated. Europe as a power is demanding food sovereignty, as we have seen, and today we also have a resolution to vote on this in the European Parliament. We must continue our transition while ensuring massive production, to meet protein needs and also avoid famine in the world. Europe as a power also requires strategic autonomy from an industrial point of view. We need to invest heavily in the sectors of the future and secure our supplies of raw materials: It is also an opportunity to create millions of jobs and revitalise our economy. Europe-Power is finally a demand on European defence, in close connection with NATO and with our own ambition. As the Socialist Group has pointed out, in order to operationalise our Strategic Compass, we know that 5,000 soldiers in a rapid reaction force will not be enough. Madam President, Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen: we need to confirm our common objectives of sovereignty, to quantify financial needs; We are ready to work on a fund for European strategic autonomy, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, to pool the costs and consequences of this war and keep the course of reforms, if not prolong and amplify them. It is at this price, but without the status quo, that we will be able to fulfil our sole duty: protect our European citizens and defend our allies, regardless of the world's clashes.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Mrs Zaboujko, as you have said, this International Women’s Day is taking place in a particularly dark context. The images of Ukraine remind us of two realities about the fight for women’s rights. The first is that women experience specific and structural violence. The first accusations of rape as a war crime were recorded a few days ago. The second reality is the absolutely fundamental place of women on the front lines during this crisis, in hospitals, maternity wards, schools, under the bombs. So many women are in their posts, including today in combat – as you recalled. These realities tragically illustrate the absolute moral necessity of fighting for equality between women and men. That is why my political group fully supports the Commission's initiatives in this area. But we must and we can go further, perhaps. Equality between women and men must become a constituent part of the political identity of the European Union, such as peace. When we say: ‘I am pro-European’ must mean that you are a feminist, that you believe in it and that it is the DNA of the European Union. The Simone Veil Pact pursues this objective by continuously calling on Member States to put in place the most advantageous legislative provisions in five areas: the right to abortion and contraception, family life, combating violence against women, professional equality and political participation. We need to keep up the political pressure for states to apply the new, more protective legislation as early as 2022. So, Mrs Zaboujko, I hope that we can welcome your Ukrainian compatriots into an even more protective European Union, even more feminist than the one they are still fighting for today.

Madam President, Mr President, Madam President, Mr High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by saluting the courage of Ukrainian women and men who are fighting not only for their homeland, but also for their right to choose their destiny. President Zelenskyy, President of the Ukrainian Parliament, you are the honour of the Democrats today. In recent days, Europe has shown that it is the best ally of the Ukrainian people. Europe has also demonstrated that it is the shield that protects democracy and our freedoms for every people in the EU. On all the decisions taken this week, Madam President, Mr President, I assure you of the full support of my political group. We measure the enormous work that has been done by the European institutions to take and operationalise sanctions and measures in support of Ukraine. If we had been alone or divided, I dare not imagine what Putin would have done with our continent. You have somehow lived up to history. Let me call for a step further, including on the support measure for Ukraine. Granting candidate status is important. Ukraine will not join the European Union for a few years with a rigorous process, but it is time for us to recognise that Ukrainians, by the blood shed in the name of freedom and democracy, are already members of our community of destiny. Candidate status is, in this sense, a fair recognition. We also expect strong sanctions with a goal: dry up the Putin clan's war funding, to end his regime and the war. Trade embargo on technology, oil and gas, seizure of oligarchs’ properties and golden passports, end of residence rights – as you mentioned, Madam President – all these sanctions must be activated as soon as possible. We hope that these measures will allow the start of the Russian people, the majority of whom, it must be remembered, are opposed to war. The courage of the demonstrators, especially those of the opposition in Russia, must also be commended in this Chamber. These measures have a cost to our economies. We therefore call on Europe to pool these costs at European level for the countries and companies most at risk. Perhaps I will end with something, Mr President, Madam President, to remind you that this crisis shows that Europe still has a long way to go to guarantee its sovereignty. This long-term work towards our strategic autonomy must be concluded and include a review of defence budgets, both at national and European level, as well as an energy autonomy strategy. Colleagues, the protection of our European model certainly comes at a price. My political group, for which freedom is a cardinal and founding value, responds without trembling: We are prepared to bear the cost, both in terms of consequences and sanctions and in terms of massive investments in the tools of European sovereignty. We will live up to the sacrifice of the European people, but also to the sacrifice of millions of Europeans before us, who have made the European people the freest in the world.

Madam President, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by expressing, on behalf of my group, Renew, deep solidarity with the people of Ukraine. For the third time in less than 20 years, the Ukrainian people are facing unacceptable external pressure. The resilience and calm of Ukrainian citizens force our admiration. This house remembers the courage of this people, who paid with their blood for the choice of their European destiny. This Parliament will always stand with Ukrainians in defending their country’s sovereign choices, territorial integrity and independence. I would also like to commend the work of President Zelensky and his government, which ignore provocations and maintain their reformist course. If we are not responsible for the situation, we have a moral duty to act. First, we must act alongside Ukrainians. We must strongly condemn the Russian government's destabilizing measures. We need to remind Russia of its international commitments, both at the OSCE and in compliance with UN international law, including maritime law (which is currently not respected). We call on the Commission to make a strong gesture to the Ukrainian people, opening the door to gradual integration into the single market, and to go beyond the Association Agreement. Secondly, we must act for the maintenance of peace. Our Union was born from the promise of peace, which must remain our only compass. This is what European citizens are asking us to do; this is what Ukrainian citizens want; it also seems to be the majority opinion of the Russian population, which, despite constant propaganda, remains today opposed to military intervention – it must also be borne in mind. Moreover, the French, German and Polish initiatives, which everyone has welcomed, also remain an element of reopening the channel of dialogue, which must now be welcomed in this Chamber. Thirdly, we must act to be ready for all eventualities. I would like to thank the President of the Council and the President of the Commission for these two speeches. Our visceral attachment to peace does not mean being naive. All our institutions must already work to define the collective response of the European Union, whatever the scenario. I therefore call on the Commission and the Council to prepare sanctions of an unprecedented scale and aid to the States most affected by such a decision. We must be ready to act immediately. This time, Europe must demonstrate that its economic power is at the service of its geopolitical interests. Finally, we must also act to ensure the long-term security of our continent. Let us be clear-headed, it is the attractiveness of our model that is a problem for Putin. It is Ukraine’s European aspiration that is seen as a threat today. Sometimes, when I listen to some Europeans, I feel like we are the only ones who do not see who we are. We are a power in the making, an economic, social and attractive power, but above all a democratic power. Colleagues, European unity is key in this conflict. Neither national elections, nor attempts to destabilise, nor the allegiance of certain political forces in the Kremlin must jeopardise our European unity, for peace, for Ukraine, for our values and for our fellow citizens.

Madam President, this is a reminder to the Rules of Procedure on the same subject as Mrs García Pérez. What a shame to turn this Chamber into a National Assembly! It is not respectful of what parliamentarians are here, nor of our work, nor of the debate. The political groups are totally open and free to organise their speaking time and the content as they wish, of course, but I would like us to be respectful of both this debate and the speaking time and of our speakers from all groups.

Madam President, congratulations once again on your election. Mr President of the Republic, Commissioners, I say this sympathetically, in the introduction, to the EPP: you have been in charge for five years and if now more action and less words are needed, I am glad that you are in that position and we are pretty much all in agreement here. But in the last two years in Europe, thanks to Europe, things have progressed. Thanks to Europe, we are the most vaccinated continent in the world. Thanks to Europe, Mr President, we have carried a historic European recovery plan that has saved millions of Europeans from unemployment and precariousness. Thanks to Europe, we are the ‘green continent’ and we will be carbon neutral by 2050. The European Green Deal will also combine ecology and employment. We owe it to the initiative of this European Parliament, Mr President, we owe it also to the determination of the institutions, but also to your action and that of the Council. So, of course, not everything is perfect. There are delays, delays, imperfections. Of course, there will always be controversy. And Europe will, as we know, remain the convenient scapegoat for those who refuse to take responsibility. Of course, the work is not finished. And with the presidency of the Council that you are opening, we need to accelerate. I believe that this whole Parliament agrees. There is indeed urgency. Urgency to take back our destiny and assume European sovereignty in the face of foreign powers. Urgency for the planet, as we have said. Urgency to uphold the rule of law, now challenged in Europe. Urgency for our youth who expect from us a new breath and a new path. Mr. President of the Republic, you are setting the course. Our group will be there, we will be at your side to impose our rules and values on the digital giants through the DMA and DSA, we will be with you to go even further for the planet and introduce a carbon tax at Europe’s borders. We will also be there for a stronger European defence, as you said, for fairer trade, for minimum wages in Europe, for redesigned budgetary rules, better respected borders, a renewed right to asylum. Mr President, with this ambition, my political group would like to propose two initiatives for Europeans. First, on gender equality. We want this French Presidency to be an opportunity to launch the Simone Veil Pact, which will call on all signatory countries to adopt progressive laws on parity, sexual and reproductive rights, and the fight against sexual and gender-based violence. But we also invite you to dare to join us in a Europe of youth. We have asked our young people so much in recent months, so let's live up to these events and the public policies we will be carrying. We call for the creation of a platform to help young Europeans undertake, engage, find a job, traineeship, training... Not everything will be that easy, we know that. Differences remain in this Chamber, within our own political groups. But we at Renew Europe are committed to this will for consensus that makes the union. And recently, as you know, the German, Dutch and Italian governments – in which, moreover, my political family participates – are ready to go further. The majority of this Parliament has just reached an ambitious agreement on its priorities, an agenda until 2024. We are ready, ladies and gentlemen, and I think the planets are quite aligned with this French Presidency. The will is there. The course is clear. Let us deny the liars, the cynics; They cling to the status quo. My political group wants to fight for the future and speed up the European calendar. Then, law by law, project by project, reform by reform, we will be at the rendezvous. We will fight for a green, free, proud and fully sovereign Europe. The French Presidency is a key moment. We have everything we need to succeed. With perhaps a single watchword – and you mentioned it a bit: audacity, still audacity, always audacity.

Madam President, congratulations on your election. On behalf of the entire Renew Group that I represent, I would first like to thank you for your speech, setting out your priorities. Behind the support of our group, we also have political priorities that we have agreed with a number of political groups here in this Chamber. Behind these political priorities, we want a strong Parliament, rights respected and I obviously hope that one of the first decisions you can take is to support the Simone Veil Pact, Simone Veil that you mentioned and many women in your speech, who preceded you and who carried a number of political rights that today also make up the DNA of the European Union. Behind this support, we want two effective years, two years at the service of Europeans, two years when Europe will build a European model on many topics. Digital - we talked about it -, ecology, security issues... You will have the Renew Group at your side to work in the framework of this institution, thanking you of course for the trust you can place in the political groups as well and for the work you can do with them. I would also like to thank my colleagues who, in the context of this mid-term agreement, have also been able to highlight public policies, the so-called policiesbehind the names and organisation of this Parliament. Thank you and we will obviously be in support in this period, hoping that this Chamber will be effective during the last two years of our mandate.

Mr President, Madam President, Minister, let me first express my regret that this House is not in a position to propose a resolution with proposals on COVID-19. With the exception of the Socialists, the other groups did not support our proposal to provide you with a list of solutions in a resolution. Apparently, some people prefer to debate how Europeans should wish themselves or celebrate Christmas, rather than make sure that we all have a Merry Christmas. For our part, our group has done its homework: our motion for a resolution contains a number of leads that have been sent to you. As you rightly pointed out, Madam President, we are experiencing an epidemic of unvaccinated people, eaten away in particular by the elements of disinformation that we can find all over Europe. Against this virus and disinformation, we need barrier gestures. The Commission's initiative is welcome, but I call for collective responsibility. Politicians, journalists, commentators, religious authorities, social and cultural actors, if you have no scientific knowledge of this virus, do not share false information. We must relentlessly denounce all those who sow doubt in our populations and all those who give a platform to conspiracy. Moreover, I would like to remind the extreme right of this hemicycle, which is mostly vaccino-sceptic, of a sad reality: people are dying, some caregivers are falling apart and others will fall apart with the increase in the number of hospitalised patients who are not vaccinated. Freedoms are restricted and a number of your delegations and parliamentarians continue, for electoral calculations, to refuse to call for vaccination. Frankly, with this crisis, you have really lost the right to call yourself Freedom Party, for some, People’s Party, for others. You sacrifice our freedoms and our rights to health for all and for the people, you sacrifice it too because you reinforce the idea that this vaccine is not effective when all our scientists today believe that this vaccine is effective and that it is the solution to our problem. Apart from the subject of vaccines, the main fear for our group - and we have debated this - is to relive the chaos, Madam President, of the previous crisis. We must anticipate as much as possible the differences between Member States on the response to this crisis. The COVID Certificate is an undeniable success. As a matter of urgency, we find the recommendations that you will discuss in the Council with the Heads of State and Government to be excellent, but we need to get our hands back on the regulation. This Parliament has done an extraordinary job on this project, and European citizens, through parliamentarians, must continue to be involved and have a say in this reform. It is not just a matter of simply defending freedom of expression. I am taking the example today by speaking from Strasbourg European, because I know very well the relief that the certificate was for our cross-border citizens, for our families, for our tourism professionals, the relief of a normality found here, for example, in Strasbourg. We have asked our people so much that we owe them efficiency and coordination. Finally, Madam President, my group expects very concrete answers on the proposals, in particular on the acceleration of measures in support of the economy and the Covax timetable: We urgently need to vaccinate the world. Europe is a driving force in this area and must remain so. It is only by anticipating and organising things that we will be able to convince everyone who is reluctant to vaccinate and that we will be able to cope with this pandemic. I hope that, of course, everyone will have a good holiday and, for some colleagues, a Merry Christmas too.

Mr President, Madam President, Mr President, a new wave of COVID is hitting our continent and let me first perhaps express my deep solidarity with the peoples of Europe who are living through this new tragedy. I do not forget European solidarity when my country and its neighbours in southern Europe were in the middle of this wave and very affected. The European Union has yet to reaffirm this solidarity in the coming weeks and months with the countries most affected. I believe that this is the will of this Chamber as a whole and of our institutions, but it must also be reaffirmed. Vaccination, health pass, recovery plan: Europe has lived up to the challenge. That said, it would perhaps take two weeks of inaction, Madam President, to halt the frank successes achieved over the past few months. For my political group, the subject of vaccination represents four issues. Like my colleague Manfred Weber, I will start with solutions. First, vaccination coverage. Madam President, you published a graph earlier on social media that clearly shows the correlation between vaccination and deaths. Let's launch a communication campaign at the level of the European Commission for vaccination, against fake news. That seems important to me. On the COVID certificate, Mr President, let us harmonise our rules. As regards the third dose and the duration of vaccination, there is a real need to avoid discrepancies between the Member States, which will hinder freedom of movement. On treatments, Madam President, let’s buy together now the new treatments authorised by the European Medicines Agency that have the potential to reduce transmissions, hospitalisations and deaths in addition to vaccination. The joint purchase of vaccines has been a great European success. Let's do the same for treatments. On the stakes, I will end with the economic question. Perhaps we should evaluate the tools we put in place a few months ago. Some funds are mobilised, others need to be implemented more quickly. Some recovery plans are slow to be implemented. Here too, we may have to look at the mechanisms that allow us to move faster and be more efficient. Madam President, Mr President, in any case, I will always find my political group to defend scientific progress, free movement and job creation. But we must continue to act together. Europeans have put their trust in Europe and we must now also be effective in the face of this fifth wave. Renew also asks, Madam President – as you know, I have already told you – that this subject, among other things, be discussed and put on the European Parliament’s agenda at the December plenary, in a new format, a question and answer session with you on the occasion of this mid-term. I believe that MEPs are committed to the renewal of parliamentary democracy, and we are committed to ensuring that this debate, at least in the Chamber, can continue. I will finish very quickly on the rule of law issue. Without denying what has been done by the Commission under Article 7, the infringement procedures before the Court, without forgetting the discussions in the Council, dear Charles, let me still mention that, for my political group, the answer is still insufficient. Madam President, your services have sent a letter stating that corruption is widespread in Hungary and that judicial independence in Poland is not ensured; these are systematic problems that require decisions and explanations. I will stop here, Mr President. I have abused my time, but the Renew Group very clearly calls for the rejection of the recovery plans and the activation of the conditionality mechanism. I think we owe this to the Poles and Hungarians who fight every day for their freedom and against corruption in these countries.

Madam President, we all have the images in mind of a major crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border. An attack of unprecedented brutality and inhumanity, in any case, is taking place. This is an eminently European subject that needs to be debated in our Chamber. That is why, of course, the Renew Group is proposing the title you have just mentioned, hoping – trying to negotiate between the groups – that this title will be able to achieve unanimity in this Chamber. Clearly, the question of humanitarian aid, as well as that of Poland specifically, is a question that must be asked. I call on all our colleagues to vote in favour of this proposal.

Madam President, let me say a few words, which you will inevitably count down from my speaking time, to thank you, to thank my colleagues for choosing me to represent this group and to wish, together with all the political groups in this Chamber, the best cooperation in the coming weeks – with issues that are particularly important to both the Commission and the Council. What time to take the lead of the third pro-European group in this Chamber, at a time when, in two weeks, European citizens have been entitled to a challenge by the Polish government to the foundations of the rule of law and the legal architecture, to taxpayer-funded anti-European campaigns by the Hungarian government and to gross insults – sorry, Minister – by the Slovenian Prime Minister, who nevertheless chairs the Council of the European Union. And we heard yesterday morning from the Polish Prime Minister asking us and asking Europe to solve the real problems. I agree with this statement: The real problems have to be solved. But whose fault is it, if not the members of the Council who use the European institutions for internal policy debates? So yes, Europe is serious. Europe has rules, Europe has political coherence, Europe has above all one objective: to make Europeans live better, freer, more equal in an unstable world. Europe must also – and I uphold the demand of the pro-European political group Renew Europe – make its voice heard, the voice of Europeans, the voice of Europeans who are convinced, committed to values and who want concrete solutions to our problems. Madam President of the Commission, Minister, you will always find the Renew Europe Group in support of finding solutions against rising energy prices. The most fragile will not be able to pay the bills. The Green Deal is not a problem, but a solution, and we will find solutions for autonomy vis-à-vis third countries as well as for a decarbonised Europe – we can reflect on this with Commissioner Kadri Simson as well. The Renew Group will also always be in support when it comes to finding solutions for companies to raw material shortages, such as at the moment, when some are shutting down factories. The industrial strategy must be made a top priority, as Thierry Breton rightly said, in order to reduce our strategic dependencies on rare earths, silicon and semiconductors, which are important for our industry. Always and again by your side when it comes to moving forward on the Pact on Migration and Asylum: Here in this Chamber, in the Council and in the Commission, we can find a balance between solidarity and responsibility. Always, finally, by your side to defend the fourth generation trade agreements that are the only ones capable of reassuring our populations. Nevertheless, the Renew Europe Group will establish an inter-institutional balance of power to defend Parliament's position. We call here on the Council to react strongly to the United Kingdom’s questioning of the agreements signed by the European Union; we must defend the European interest in these agreements. We also ask the European Council for real commitments on Covax, to continue vaccinating the world – this was a demand, a strong demand, from our political group. I have a conviction, which is surely shared in this Chamber: No European lives less well because of the primacy of European law. No European lives less well. That is a certainty. No European lives worse because of the Luxembourg Court. No European lives less well because our colleagues here in this Chamber will monitor compliance with the rules by the members of the Council in the Member States. No European lives less well. None. On the other hand, we have a responsibility. Minister, Madam President, we are counting on you to ensure that the Council delivers concrete progress, putting behind us all the unacceptable attacks on Europe.

Mr President, Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it must be said that the word 'crisis' has entered our everyday language. We all use the terms ‘climate crisis’, ‘health crisis’ and ‘diplomatic crisis’ in our speeches. So we have a double responsibility: show our citizens that Europe is up to the crisis and go further in defending the European model. At the time of the crises, we were. The recovery plan is unprecedented. The vaccination targets for Europeans have been met. The Green Deal we are working on will also lead to carbon neutrality in 2050. We have been able to meet our elements and our committees, we must now go further, faster and more effectively to defend Europe. Madam President, defending Europe means being intransigent about the rule of law. Defending Europe means having the ability to self-finance through own resources and on this subject, Madam President, I have heard your speech and we will not accept any backsliding from the Commission. Defending Europe means lifting the taboo on European defence, as you said. Defending Europe means giving ourselves the means to make the green transition right in the public policies that we will pursue. Defending Europe also means considering a digital, democratic, data-protective European model that creates new opportunities for our businesses. In a nutshell, defending Europe means defending sovereign Europe. Madam President, we expect you, your Commission, to be ambitious and effective. Our group will be by your side, but I am also turning, as a number of my colleagues in the Renew Group have done, to my parliamentary colleagues. I hear a lot of calls to go faster, further. I share them in the ambitions, but let’s be consistent: the nationalists, who are clearly absent today from the speech of the President of the Commission, will certainly organise themselves. Let us also look at each other, pro-Europeans, to be more effective and to be on the offensive. In any case, the Commission will propose, parliamentarians will mobilise and unite for the rest of the mandate. We still have two and a half years left and we have a huge responsibility.

Mr President, Madam President, Prime Minister, if I were to sum up the beginning of this debate in our Chamber with one word, I would say 'damage'. Too bad, because on the one hand, when reading the Slovenian priorities, I can only support a number of elements. The work on economic recovery, which is indispensable for our internal market, on strategic autonomy, which is now a political objective shared by this Chamber and by the European Union, the creation of the European Health Union: the Commission has done a lot of work on these issues and the COVID crisis has mobilised all of us. Accelerating digital and green transitions is history. The Conference on the Future of Europe, Prime Minister, will have to be carried out politically, because we will have to reform ourselves in order to be credible towards our fellow citizens. But I say a pity, because I can perhaps distinguish between the very constructive priorities you have mentioned, Prime Minister, which will make it possible to make progress on all the elements, and the political situation of a country that is increasingly openly claiming to be illiberal. We are worried and that is a pity. It is a pity for this debate, it is a pity for the priorities and for the fact that we parasitize them a little bit with internal stories, but they are just as important for us, since they are European values. We are concerned about the government’s campaign of hatred against journalists, about attempts to control public services, about the signal sent by Slovenia, which has still not appointed judges for the European Public Prosecutor’s Office – this has been mentioned by all political groups. Prime Minister, we may, if not surely, support your priorities, but we will remain vigilant. You have to give evidence, proof of membership of the European Union at the time of your presidency. In any case, we will support you in the success of this presidency for the next six months on substance, and we will be vigilant about European values.