Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, on 6 October, 44 sovereign countries gathered in Prague because what unites us is greater than what differentiates us. To dialogue together, to do together, is the project of the European Political Community. On 9 May, Emmanuel Macron initiated this architecture to meet the challenges of an increasingly complex world across our continent. And the presence of these 44 states demonstrates the urgent need for this area of cooperation, which is complementary to the action of the European Union. This dialogue brings out, and must bring out even more, European unity. From the unanimous condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine to the willingness to act concretely and effectively for the peoples of Europe, this is a successful first step – thank you to the Czech Presidency. Security, energy independence, cybercrime or even youth policy, we need to make political, economic and cultural projects even more concrete. So, more than ever, let us build these bridges between us; more than ever, let us meet the expectations of the peoples of Europe; More than ever, support the European Political Community.

Dear colleague, as you know, in our position, which we notably sent to President von der Leyen before her State of the Union speech, we – our group – defended a taxation on superprofits, and even – and I repeat what I said, I think – a contribution, because we know it well, these are the internal mechanisms of the European Union. First of all, we think it is important to focus on those who benefit from the current situation. For us, this is a top priority: focus on all companies that benefit from the context of the war, i.e. energy companies in particular. Then we will have to see how we will evolve according to the context.

Mr President, Commissioners, Minister, since the beginning of the conflict, European citizens have shown solidarity with the Ukrainian people. And that is our duty, our responsibility, our honour. At a time when Vladimir Putin is using food and energy as weapons of war, our citizens are facing unprecedented economic repercussions that affect everyone, all sectors. Faced with this, the European Union will notably set up the contribution on superprofits. For example, almost €140 billion will enable Member States to support those who need it most. But let's not stop at that. Let's set up a European energy shield, limit electricity and gas prices, make EU-wide joint purchases. Commissioners, ladies and gentlemen, Europeans are watching us. Let us maintain our course, that of the Green Deal and that of our independence. Yes, let us continue to work together for a more cohesive, sovereign and ecological Europe. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue card intervention)

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, finally, with the reform of the sustainable development chapters, the European Union will make use of the potential of trade agreements. At least three years since the European Parliament has consistently defended this reform, an essential step towards a fairer, fairer trade based on rules, but above all on mutual commitment. These are neither principles in the air nor a nice formula. With this reform, a violation of the Paris Agreement or our social standards can be sanctioned. It is a step forward to shape new agreements, but above all to promote profound changes. But we have heard a lot and we continue to hear that sanctions would have undermined the European Union's ability to conclude new agreements. On the contrary, I believe that this gives weight to a rules-based trade. On the contrary, I believe that this reform is an issue of credibility for us and outside the European Union. Thus, the agreement with New Zealand is a beginning since it would include these chapters, this new model. But it is now necessary that this part on sustainable development chapters becomes a reference. As for existing agreements or those concluded, we need to engage in discussions with our partners to modernize them. Commissioner, we all welcome this reform. But we know it, it is in the implementation that we will be at the rendezvous.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, in the European Parliament, the heart of European democracy, we reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukrainians. We strongly condemn the escalation, as we have condemned all of Vladimir Putin's actions. That of bringing war back to Europe, that of organising puppet elections, that of oppressing millions of Ukrainians who are not only fighting for their freedom, but who are also fighting well for democracy, European democracy. After all these months, Ukraine remains strong and determined. Today, we must continue to live up to the courage of the Ukrainian people. Let us not give in to the sirens of populists who spread Kremlin propaganda. The eighth package of sanctions is a necessity, a fundamental lever to asphyxiate the Russian economy. The courage of Ukrainians, their thirst for freedom, reminds us of the extent of the challenges that lie ahead. It is necessary to continue, together with other democracies, to work to consolidate our strategic autonomy, to consolidate our supplies. And for that, we must be united and strong.

Madam President, High Representative, unprecedented military exercises around the island of Taiwan; publication of a white paper on the fate of Taiwan; Intimidation and false information spread in Europe about the myth of the one China. We then have two choices: silence us and, de facto, support the Chinese dictatorship, or affirm our solidarity with Taiwanese democracy. This is self-evident for us Europeans, the European Union, to make the deliberate and assertive choice to support the threatened democracy. For the past seven years, we have been calling for the start of negotiations for a bilateral investment agreement with Taiwan. It is time to move forward, to give meaning to European strategic autonomy and this means that we have to decide for ourselves with whom and how we want to deepen our economic relations, with certain partners. We are all aware of the pressure exerted by China and we know that the Chinese regime will impose sanctions on us in retaliation, as it did recently in Lithuania. Let us therefore be strong, united, determined to strengthen our commercial arsenal, in particular with the anti-coercion instrument.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, like my colleagues, I would like to remind you of the urgency in which we are. We need to ratify the new agreement between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. We are going through a period of tension that is affecting all continents: wars, pandemics, climate emergency, and today the increased risk of famine and food shortages. We have had an agreement for more than a year. An agreement commensurate with the environmental, social and digital challenges of our century. An agreement that strengthens a win-win partnership with Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. It is time to give this new impetus to our relations and to build stronger, deeper and more sustainable cooperation. Here in the European Parliament, we are ready. Commissioner, as you said, you are ready. In the European Parliament, we have already, and on several occasions, reiterated the urgency of finalising the post-Cotonou agreement, as was the case last April in Strasbourg, in particular during the 41st session of the ACP-EU Parliamentary Assembly. So how can we explain that this agreement is still blocked in the Council? How can we explain that the Hungarian veto has still not been overcome? Viktor Orbán's Hungary cannot, on its own and under false pretexts, take our relations with those who shape the future of the European Union hostage. This situation has gone on for too long, and the European Union must send a strong signal. Our partners are counting on us and we need to be worthy of that trust – for us, for them, for everyone.

Madam President, Vice-President, Prime Minister, as you said, the French Presidency of the Council of the European Union has made historic progress in building a powerful Europe. Climate power, with the adoption of our positions on the climate package. Social and educational power, including agreement on a minimum wage in each Member State. Commercial power, which asserts itself and finally emerges from naivety. Digital power, which sets global standards for platform regulation. And above all a geopolitical power, alongside Ukraine and neighbouring democracies in their fight for freedom and against Vladimir Putin’s Russia. It is on this excellent record that you can build, and your presidency comes at a decisive moment when the challenge is to maintain the course set and unity – ‘unity’, not ‘unanimity’. Finalise negotiations on the climate package, get out of our energy dependency or adopt the instrument to combat economic coercion: Parliament is working hard on this. We need this same commitment on your side to build a Europe-power at the service of all Europeans. Prime Minister, success in your presidency.

Madam President, Mr Executive Vice-President, finally, we are there. Ten years to finally have an instrument for reciprocity in public procurement. Ten years to finally ensure fair and equitable competition for our companies in the public procurement markets of our partners. This historic vote owes a great deal to our rapporteur and the European Parliament team for their perseverance, and to two presidencies: the Portuguese Presidency, which has unblocked this file, and, of course, the French Presidency of the Council of the European Union, which has put all its weight behind a reactive, effective and credible instrument. This text, a trade priority for Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande, was adopted by the French presidency of Emmanuel Macron. This is another giant step forward for our strategic autonomy and to bring about the end of naive Europe. The initial finding is more than alarming: while the European Union is an extremely open market, only a quarter of the world’s public procurement markets are open to international competition. From now on, a non-European company participating in a public contract in the European Union may be excluded if that company originates in a country closed to European companies. This is a message of firmness, especially vis-à-vis China and its policy clearly hostile to European investors. It is also a reminder that rules exist and must be respected. So let's continue to strengthen our toolkit: fight against foreign subsidies, fight against economic coercion. This must be our course, that of a sovereign Europe, which takes its destiny into its own hands.

Madam President, Mr Executive Vice-President, the images do not lie, and despite the propaganda of the Chinese regime and the total denial by some dignitaries, the evidence is accumulating, and no one can deny it. We Europeans cannot, we can no longer look away, abandon our values, our ethics, our ideals. Let us no longer condone inhumane practices towards the Uyghur minority. Let us no longer be complicit in the industrialised exploitation of Uighur labour for our clothes. It is high time for Europe to have a trade instrument to ban the import of products made with forced labour – a promise from President von der Leyen. We are now waiting for a concrete proposal. Do we really need this trade lever based on the origin of products and complementary to corporate due diligence? Let us make full use of our instruments of firmness and sanctions vis-à-vis China. Let's make full use of our trade policy as a lever to respect our values.

Madam President, Executive Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, there is no ecological transition without social justice. It's our compass. And this Social Climate Fund is proof of that. From the revision of the European carbon market to the introduction of the carbon border adjustment mechanism, the adoption of this climate package will not be without consequences, and there can be no strong climate ambition, as we are proposing today, without standing alongside the most vulnerable and the most modest. And this fund will be an instrument to simultaneously fight against precariousness and against greenhouse gas emissions. Our objective must be twofold. On the one hand, financially support those most exposed to the energy crisis today and, on the other hand, accompany them in the next decade to invest and finance this transition. It is a lever for investments with a human dimension, to insulate our buildings, whether we are owners or tenants, to change our boilers, to promote access to soft mobility. Energy check, renovation bonus, help with the purchase of electric vehicles, financial support for public transit. This is exactly what this fund will fund. And from 2024. And the rules must be clear. European money must go to those who really need it. The most modest households, very small businesses, our craftsmen and small traders. While some, and specifically at the national level, declare themselves the champions of purchasing power, they will vote tomorrow against a European fund that combines climate ambition and social justice. While we, our promise to leave no one behind, will carry it to the end and move Europe forward on all fronts.

Mr President, Mr Executive Vice-President, Mr Minister – dear Clement – would we accept for a moment that Gazprom could attack Member States for the suspension of the Nord Stream 2 project? This is indeed a reality that can happen with the current Energy Charter Treaty. Coherence, pragmatism and sovereignty must guide us to exclude fossil fuels from the scope of the Treaty, to abandon the old investor-state dispute settlement mechanism, to replace it with a fairer public system, to strengthen the protection of the right of states to regulate by themselves and to work towards a coordinated exit of the European Union and the Member States in order to remove all the harmful effects of the sunset clause. It was said: we can no longer pursue the same trade and investment policies as we did a decade ago. The current Energy Charter Treaty is not only inadequate, it is incompatible with the Paris Agreement and the implementation of our commitments as set out in the Green Deal and the Climate Law. With the fateful date of June 2022 approaching, the reality of the negotiations may mean that none of the States signatories to the Treaty share our willingness to adapt. The Court of Justice of the European Union has repeatedly recalled that this outdated treaty should no longer apply to disputes between EU countries. So, it is time to draw the conclusions from the failure of these negotiations and get out of this treaty.

Madam President, Commissioner, ensuring socially just and environmentally responsible supply chains cannot remain an exception, and many voluntary initiatives have been pioneering: Fairtrade Standards, Sustainability Pact, OECD Guidelines, UN Guiding Principles. Decisive, welcome but insufficient actions to implement lasting and far-reaching changes in global textile production chains. The European Union remains primarily a normative power. It has a duty to set high environmental and social standards to shape the globalization of tomorrow. After two postponements and more than a year and a half of preparation, the Commission presents its proposal on corporate due diligence. This is a real step towards changing globalisation. We must no longer compromise. We must ensure that all companies – large, medium-sized and small – fulfil their part of the contract in the service of respect for fundamental rights, social progress and environmental protection. The textile sector deserves special attention. We need a clean strategy to ensure that the clothes we import, wear, are not the result of forced labour, child labour or environmental destruction. And this strategy must go hand in hand with the creation of an instrument prohibiting the import of goods, particularly textiles, produced by forced labour. It is a question of the credibility of defending our values and it is the only way to stop endorsing Chinese practices with the Uyghur minority.

Madam President, Commissioners, Minister, for the past two and a half years, we, the European Parliament, have been calling for the European Semester process to be reformed as an instrument for coordinating our policies in the service of social progress and the environmental and digital transitions. For two and a half years, crises have followed one another and they have proved us right. First of all, the pandemic crisis. The current Semester has shown its flexibility, with the triggering of the general exception clause, to allow our ‘whatever it costs’ policies, and keeping it until 2023 is fundamental. The war in Ukraine, now: go faster and further to build our European sovereignty, especially energy. This must mean massive investments for a transition to a climate-neutral and energy-independent economy. This sovereignty must go hand in hand with our promise to leave no one behind. And for that, we need to review our rules. Tomorrow, the Versailles summit, also initiated by President Macron, must be this new beginning.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, you will have to vote on my report on strengthening citizen participation in our decision-making process, and it is in a context of war at our borders that you will have to vote tomorrow. Yes, the war is well within our borders; women and men are fighting to preserve democracy in Ukraine and the European Union must be worthy of their fight. Our bulwark is democracy. These are the values that unite us and the rights that citizens share, and there is no democracy without citizens. The courage of Ukrainians, their thirst for freedom and their love of democracy are a strong reminder that the European Union, as a symbol of peace, unity and freedom, must uphold a democratic model that is ever more open to citizen participation, ever more intransigent in respect for the rule of law and ever more favourable to transparency. Because there is no democracy without the active participation of citizens, and the Conference on the Future of Europe shows that citizens want to make their voices heard, beyond elections. Their recommendations must be taken into account. Without concrete results, citizens will move even further away from our institutions. And their trust, already eroded, is up to us, elected in the European Parliament, to regain. There is an urgent need to rethink participatory instruments and we need to work to remove all barriers to participation: language barriers, technological barriers... By refusing to cooperate on the part of our institutions, we can no longer accept. The European Union must be ambitious to give everyone a voice, to listen and to give the necessary means to get involved. We will strengthen our democracy in this way. No democracy without respect for the rule of law. We will not be able to compromise. The European Union is a community of values and there is no place for autocrats who do not respect the rule of law. Thus, we must ensure close monitoring of European funds in our Member States. Every citizen must be able to be assured that European values are respected in the context of the recovery plan and in this the role of the Ombudsman is essential. The European Parliament has already shown its full support for ensuring respect for the rule of law. Finally, there is no democracy without transparency. European democracy cannot be taken for granted. Without access to information, without transparency, citizens cannot fully participate. The European Union must maintain high standards of transparency. More transparency in trade agreement negotiations, for example. The Ombudsman pointed to the shortcomings of the European Commission, in particular the agreement with Mercosur. More transparency to avoid conflicts of interest, with stronger rules for former Members and Commissioners. Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, a courageous democracy is willing to face its weaknesses. A courageous democracy accepts that it will always be perfectible. A courageous democracy, we owe it to Europeans, we owe it to those who, like Ukrainians, cherish it at the risk of their lives.

Madam President, Mr High Representative, Africa is our topic. Continuation of vaccine dose donations through the COVAX mechanism, deployment of Global Gateway in Senegal last week, ratification of the post-Cotonou agreement, EU-Africa Summit: the European Union finally seems to be aware of the importance of our partnership with Africa. The organisation of this summit by the French Presidency must thus give concrete expression to a strong and balanced relationship between our two continents. In particular, the need for a win-win partnership between Europeans and Africans must mean the achievement of our sustainability objectives. It must also enable economic and social development for the benefit of all. Finally, it must be based on respect for universal human rights values. We, Europeans, must promote and encourage investments in Africa, investments that respect social and environmental requirements: this will be one of the key issues at stake at the summit.

Madam President, Commissioner, Ombudsman, more than ever the European Ombudsman must continue his struggles. European democracy must never be taken for granted, and the European Ombudsman is one of its guarantors. There is no democracy without transparency. Citizens must be able to participate in democratic life. Access to all information and in all languages must be guaranteed. The right to information cannot be compromised, and Europeans must know what is being done on their behalf. There is also no democracy without the rule of law. Close monitoring of EU funds in each Member State and compliance with ethical rules are pillars of European democracy. It is up to us, together with you, Madam Ombudsman, to ensure that democracy is linked to the rule of law. A courageous democracy accepts to face its weaknesses, and you oblige us to do so. Madam Ombudsman, as you know and as you see again tonight, the European Parliament is on your side.

Mr President, Commissioner, once again, China is showing that it is not fulfilling any of its commitments, ready to do anything to destroy any opposition or even any ounce of freedom in Hong Kong. Once again, our solidarity and unconditional support with the Hong Kong Democrats must be heard and China cannot silence us. So let’s use our European human rights regime, as we did to condemn the massacre of the Uyghurs. Let's use our trade relations as leverage to put pressure on the Beijing authorities. Unfortunately, and this has been said, Hong Kong is not alone: Taiwan and even one EU Member State, Lithuania, are the victims of Chinese policy. The anti-coercion instrument is a cornerstone of our action to defend our interests and uphold our values. We must strengthen our credibility, work with all our weapons of deterrence to move forward. Commissioner, we are waiting for you.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President, reinforced by the COVID-19 shock, the debate on the future of world trade is rightly growing, and in view of the Twelfth Ministerial Conference, our objectives must be clear: defend a renewed multilateral system, restore trust in the institution and cooperate with our partners. First, to defend a renewed multilateral system. The role of the WTO must be to support fair and sustainable trade, to ensure fair competition between Member States. And blocked in its operation for far too long, each WTO member must play its full part in revitalising this institution. The European Union and you, Mr Vice-President, have always been there, and we must continue to be there, demandingly and without naivety. Second, to restore trust in the institution. More than ever, we need rules and stability. This is important to build trust among all actors. In addition, our citizens are waiting for coherent action, particularly on the issue of health. And without concrete results, without a strong WTO, international trade risks falling into anarchy. Finally, make all states responsible for reaching agreements on fisheries, agriculture and health. The United States returns to the negotiating table, but offers too little. China or India are turning a deaf ear to the need for reform, while multilateralism must regain its full meaning and effectiveness. So we Europeans continue to redouble our efforts for a regulated, fair and sustainable globalisation.

Mr President, Commissioner, reinforced by the pandemic crisis, our common objective is to build our strategic autonomy. Concretely, this means that we have to decide for ourselves who we want to discuss with and how we want to deepen our economic relations with our partners. For the past six years, our Parliament’s relentless demands to launch negotiations for a bilateral investment agreement with Taiwan have remained a dead letter. Taiwan shares our values: defence of democracy, fight against climate change, high social standards, protection of fundamental freedoms. At a time of tension in the Indo-Pacific region, strengthening our relations with like-minded partners no longer seems an option. And let's not be naive. We are all aware of the pressure from China, but it is not up to China to dictate our own trade agenda. Let us be strong and determined in building alliances based on common values and goals. But it will also require strengthening our commercial arsenal to respond to any possible retaliation.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, here we are again in this Chamber to debate the European Semester. What a name not very evocative when this instrument must have the ambition to build a recovery that is innovative economically, socially just and environmentally responsible. Unlike those who shout at the diktat of Brussels, the Semester is and must be even more the instrument of coordination of recovery, but a recovery in the service of social progress. Let's prove it! Two issues: First, to renew the Semester. The current Semester has shown its flexibility with the triggering of the general exception clause. Maintaining it until at least 2022 is fundamental. While we have an obligation to ensure sound fiscal policies for future generations, a social and green Semester has become a stark necessity. How? With increased investment and the inclusion of climate indicators to ensure transitions that leave no one behind. Second, to turn words into deeds. As you said, Commissioner, the Action Plan for the implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights or the Porto Summit are commitments that go in the right direction. But these statements must become a reality: fight against poverty, upward social convergence, access to housing, fair mobility, decent working conditions for all workers. It is with ambitious and concrete texts for our citizens, such as the Minimum Wage Directive, the reform of the coordination of our social security systems or the legislation on platform workers, that we will address the challenges that matter to our citizens and our youth.

Mr President, Commissioner, provisional agreement on the Airbus-Boeing dispute, return to the WTO negotiating table, meeting of the Trade and Technology Council: this would correspond to the American return of cooperation. Admittedly, the arrival of Joe Biden remains good news for the climate, for the social, for global challenges; But transatlantic dialogue requires building and maintaining trust for an ambitious and long-term partnership. Nevertheless, let us not be fooled, the United States remains the United States. Let us take a very clear example, extraterritorial laws. The effect of US sanctions on our companies dates back to the 1990s, long before Donald Trump, and the Democratic administration may not change that. Our objective, then, as Europeans, must be to equip ourselves with a powerful trade legislative arsenal in order to defend our interests, particularly by countering the unilateral illegal measures of our partners. Let's be clear: our strategic autonomy does not mean confrontation, but cooperation on an equal footing with the same weapons in the service of our interests.

Madam President, Commissioner, while dialogue with Beijing may be necessary to combat climate change, on other fronts we must be firm. In particular, China must commit to full compliance with WTO rules and work towards reform. On the investment agreement, our message remains clear: It is unthinkable that we will carry out any vote or study as long as China maintains its sanctions against our institutions. And even if this agreement is frozen, China must honour its commitments to ratify and implement the ILO conventions on forced labour. We will not condone inhumane practices against the Uighur minority or Hong Kongers. Commissioner, it is high time for Europe to have the right instruments, such as a mechanism to ban the import of products made with forced labour or the instrument to counter coercive measures. It is high time to ensure respect for our values, the promotion of our ambitions and consistency in our action.

Madam President, Commissioner, first of all, I warmly thank the rapporteur, Sylvie Brunet, for the work she has done. The European Parliament, with her, with all of you, ladies and gentlemen, sends a clear message: platform workers must not be left behind by labour law. Whether they are self-employed or employed, it is time to live up to the European social model and ensure decent working conditions, fair and equitable remuneration and access to social protection for all these workers. Almost three years ago, Member States adopted a recommendation in the Council to ensure that all workers, whether employed or not, have access to social protection. Unfortunately, despite the commitments made, this recommendation has remained a dead letter. What do we see? The precariousness of many platform workers. As you said, Commissioner: It is up to us to act, to change this state of affairs. But let us not reproach platforms that can allow the entry into the labour market of Europeans who could be removed from it. It is up to us legislators to frame this new form of work so that working for Uber or Deliveroo is synonymous with access to social rights, social protection and decent pay. This future directive will have to offer not only a set of rights, such as sick leave, but also think of platform work as a possible stepping stone to other jobs. This means that workers must have a training account that will enable them to acquire new skills and evolve into new jobs. We have said and repeated that the transition to a digital world must leave no one behind. It's up to us to prove it. Decent working conditions, labour law, trade union rights, access to social protection, access to training: These are rights that we must guarantee to all, regardless of the contractual relationship between these women and men and their employer. Let us live up to our promises and demonstrate to our fellow citizens that we are fighting for our social model, for a social model that is not reserved for only a part of European workers. All must be protected. This is a social imperative. Moreover, what would we have done without these frontline workers during the COVID crisis? So, Commissioner, I know from our side, let us honour our values and our commitment to social progress. The ball is now in your court. Sylvie Brunet's report is an excellent basis, let's use it.

Mr President, Commissioner, once again, China is not fulfilling any of its commitments – including the ‘one state, two systems’ principle. Once again, China remains ready to do anything to silence opposition, criticism or even an ounce of freedom in Hong Kong. We, the European Parliament, are carrying a message of solidarity and unconditional support with the Hong Kong Democrats. China will not silence us. Freedom of the press is not negotiable. Let us use our European human rights regime to punish those responsible for this despicable repression; Let us use our trade relations with China as leverage and be clear about the future. Today, the investment agreement with China is frozen. Tomorrow, if the Chinese sanctions against our institution and our colleagues are lifted, we will have to be and will be firm, and we will position ourselves in the light of China’s respect for human rights, not only in Xinjiang, but also in Hong Kong. Solidarity with Hong Kong, firmness with China, that is our course of action.