Speeches

Madam President, Gaza, Palestine, the Middle East, we have been talking about this here for twenty-one months, again and again. We talked about the evidence of the ongoing genocide, we talked about the logics of apartheid, we talked about all the elements that constitute ethnic cleansing. But what have we done? So, for once, I am not going to talk here about hungry children, hospitals destroyed, civilians killed during the distribution of bread. No, I'm going to talk about us, about Europe. Gaza has become the mirror of our impotence. In the face of Trump's wanderings, we will ditch ourselves; in the face of attacks on the ICC we are not triggering the blocking process; When it flies over Greece, France or Italy, Netanyahu is not stopped. What weakens us is not the absence of allies. We could have the whole global South aligned with us. What weakens us is our inability to act, to enforce international law, to arrest Binyamin Netanyahu and his deadly logic! Wake up – pass this message on to Ms Kallas. I say this to my EPP colleagues: Wake up! A continent that wants its security without its sovereignty will have neither. History will judge you, and it will judge you harshly!

Mr President, this debate should have focused on a single issue, the Association Agreement between the European Union and Israel. It's not a matter of words, it's a matter of courage. For once, Europe can and must act. But instead of acting, you speak, you procrastinate, you reevaluate. So I ask Mrs Kallas: What remains to be reassessed in terms of human rights? Forced displacement of populations: done; massacres of civilians, women and children: done; hospitals destroyed, aid workers deliberately killed: done; targeted journalists: done; destruction of infrastructure: done; Deprivation of access to water: done; Use of famine as a weapon of war: done. Even the Genocide box is ticked. But that, Mrs Kallas, and the Commission, you must know, since a secret 2024 EU report documents all the violations for which Israel is responsible. What is the justification for continuing to evaluate this association agreement? So tell me, on what does this "nothing" rest, on what moral vacuum, on what European renunciation and on what sense of impunity too? Without Europe, Israel would not have all these financial and military means. If you do not suspend this agreement, Mrs Kallas, you will be responsible for a voluntary contribution to the continuation of this genocide. So, please, act!

Madam President, "Real risk of genocide": this warning from the International Court of Justice has been ringing for a year and a half and there is still no action by Member States. Three months ago, Mme Kallas renewed its support for Israel at an Association Council. From silence to complicity, we are now told to re-examine the Association Agreement. Save yourself the exercise, Commissioner, open a newspaper, read reports from the UN, NGOs, or just listen to the Israeli government. We are not facing a humanitarian disaster, but a denial of humanity. Israel claims it loud and clear: This is an ongoing genocide. The time you're going to try to win is complicity. This is the time when Gazans lose their lives. This is a time when the European Union loses credibility, and I am absolutely aware of what I am saying. History will judge. Pronounce sanctions, declare an arms embargo now, otherwise you will find yourself on the bench of the accused.

Madam President, I would like to make a point of order under Rule 40 of the Rules of Procedure. This afternoon, the Chamber will debate the European response to the planned takeover of the Gaza Strip by the Israeli authorities, as well as ways to deliver humanitarian aid and release hostages. It's no longer a project: since last Sunday, this intervention is already a reality, with the effects that we know. Moreover, to link this invasion to the delivery of humanitarian aid and the release of hostages is to mislead our debate. Nothing can justify this attack. Nothing but the extreme right can justify the violation of human rights. The title of our debate is not up to the moment. You should have taken the time, together with the group presidents, to change it.

Madam President, I shall take two lessons from the negotiation of this resolution. The first is that blind ideology: Obsessed with the protection of Christians alone, the right and some far-right groups almost invisibilized hundreds of thousands of civilian victims. The second is that the influence reveals the look: A few weeks after pointing out here the responsibility of Rwanda and its armed extension, the M23, we almost had a text that erased any reference to Rwandan interference in the DRC. Fortunately, progressives and environmentalists have resisted. We were more than an alert: A reminder of truth and justice. Three major achievements have been reintroduced into the text: mention of Rwanda’s support for the M23, recognition of Rwanda’s destabilising role and warning about EU funding for Rwandan troops in Mozambique, without any guarantee that they would indirectly serve the M23. The final text will not be that of renunciation. It will not discredit this Parliament. We must learn the lesson from such alliances and their dangerousness.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the High Representative, the world is collapsing, silently, before our eyes, and Europe is silent. Faced with imperialism and populism, the European Union gives the impression of apologising instead of resisting. We hesitate to denounce Trump for fear of provoking a whim or an unhealthy reaction. On the contrary, the European Union should proudly set itself up as a counter-model, shouting at the world the right to justice, diversity and dignity! But what are you still afraid of? It is already trampling on international law, it is already supporting war criminals, it is already weakening humanitarian aid, health, education... Mrs Kallas, Europe must stop whispering, it must face its project with pride, with determination! It must defend the International Criminal Court, demand the fight against all domination and manage its borders with humanity. Faced with the law of the strongest, be justice!

Madam President, My point of order is based on Article 40 and compliance with Articles 2 and 6 TEU. This week, Viktor Orbán has planned to welcome Benjamin Netanyahu to European soil. I recall that Mr Netanyahu is under investigation and is subject to an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court – the ICC – for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Hungary, as a State Party to the Rome Statute and a member of its Assembly, can only cooperate with the ICC. Failure to do so deliberately tramples on our international commitments. I solemnly ask you, Madam President, to remind Mr Orbán of his obligations: respect international law and the rule of law, and not betray the fundamental values of the Union. I would also ask you to remind the President of the Commission of her duty to activate blocking status to oppose the extraterritoriality of Mr Trump’s sanctions. The ICC is our court. Protecting it means defending our sovereignty.

Madam President, even in the absence of our High Representative, I would like to address her. Ms Kallas, you recently held an Association Council with Israel. But how could you? How could you maintain this agreement unconditionally, without demands, without a word for humanitarian law? How could you close your eyes when the European Union had a lever, a weight, a voice? From this abdication, let's face reality: The ceasefire is dead, buried under the bombs. Humanitarian aid is strangled. Not a bag of flour, not a can of water enter Gaza. Israel plunged Gaza into darkness: 600 000 people have no electricity, no water, no hope. On the West Bank side, 40,000 people have fled, driven from their camps by the Israeli army, and abuses are only increasing. What is Europe doing? She's looking away. Our responsibility is overwhelming. We had a duty: prevent the worst, but we let it happen. We had a principle: the human rights clause. But you trampled her. Madam High Representative, there is a word for what you have just done: the complacency. And history will remember a word: the cowardice.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the world we have known is no more. The one that the European project dreamed of will not be born by magic, even with €800 billion in investment in armaments. Money is essential, but not in any way. It must not come from the structural funds or the agricultural funds. It must finance a European defence industry and ensure the interoperability of our forces, not fuel foreign interests. Money alone is not enough. Without political will and a common defense strategy, these billions will only serve Trump's plans. Our strategy must be based on our emancipation from American defence and on a permanent European force, with its own command and capable of defending our interests and values. It must be based on respect for international law, a right that we must uphold, from Gaza to Ukraine. Our place is with the people who are fighting for justice. We should have stood by South Africa before the International Court of Justice. We should have supported the Arab League in its plan to rebuild Gaza in the face of Trump's diktat. The European Union can no longer remain a spectator. It can no longer remain silent about the great initiatives of our world. She no longer has the right to be afraid. It must emancipate itself and act.

Madam President, never since the Second World War have we needed so much international justice. And yet, with terrible brutality, Trump has just undermined, attacked and perhaps even ended the International Criminal Court. And what does Europe do? She deplores, she regrets, she condemns. But these are just words. When are we gonna do this? We have a tool that allows us to preserve the International Criminal Court. The International Criminal Court is the direct heir to the Nuremberg Tribunal. That is what it represents. When will the Commission finally decide to activate the Blocking Statute to protect it? When are we gonna do this? Failure to do so would be a moral bankruptcy and a challenge to our sovereignty. Because in deciding to sign the Treaty of Rome, we made the International Criminal Court our court. Donald Trump is attacking a court that is ours. When are we going to take stock of the situation and act?

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, behind every disappearance there are families and communities who suffer from uncertainty about the fate of their loved ones. However, depending on where it happens in the world, the problem may become secondary to the international community. These disappearances are commonplace in all conflicts: This is the case of Ukrainian children torn from their families by the Russian regime. This is the case of the Israeli hostages captured by Hamas. But so are the thousands of Palestinian civilians killed anonymously or imprisoned in secret. This is the case for families separated by war or forcibly recruited children in the DRC or Sudan. This is the case of mass graves found in Ukraine, Gaza, DRC or Syria. Our outrage must not be selective. All these horrors are outlawed by international humanitarian law. The belligerents are obliged to prevent disappearances and to provide information on the death or detention of persons. Yet impunity prevails and the families of the disappeared continue to be devastated. Can we hope for peace if we do not guarantee the application of international law through justice? I therefore call for the protection of international justice tools, first and foremost the International Criminal Court, which is investigating in the DRC as well as in Sudan, which has prosecuted Vladimir Putin, Benjamin Netanyahu or Hamas cadres for their crimes against humanity. The families of the disappeared are entitled to justice. This is the only viable path to peace.

Mr President, finally a ceasefire. A relief for the hostages, as well as for the people of Gaza, but it is far too late: 15 months, not only of war, but of genocide. Fifteen months of moral bankruptcy of the European Union and our Member States. Fifteen months of international law with variable geometry and denial of our values. These 15 months, which have brought absolutely nothing to the goal of peace, will remain an indelible task in our national histories. Let's not steal from each other anymore! This ceasefire must be permanent. International law must be applied. This is the only way for Palestine and Israel to break the deadlock: we must bring those responsible for the genocide to justice and force Israel to end the siege of Gaza, the occupation and colonisation. We must also support UNRWA, and for this I continue to call for the arms embargo and the suspension of the Association Agreement as long as Israel pursues an apartheid policy and does not comply with international law.

Madam President, through rape, through the use of sexual slavery, women’s bodies have become a battleground, both in Sudan and in the DRC. It is a real weapon of war. Rape is used to humiliate and leave physical scars, to psychologically destroy women and their communities. Girls are not spared. In Sudan, 8-year-old children are being raped. In the DRC, the number of minors giving birth as a result of rape is skyrocketing. Rape is also used by foreign powers like Rwanda. The goal? Displace people to plunder mineral wealth. Ms Kallas, the memorandum of understanding signed with Kigali ignores Rwanda’s abuses in the DRC. I ask you a direct question: Is the EU complicit in these crimes? If so, what do you plan to do to end this complicity? I would like to quote Dr Mukwege, Sakharov Prize Laureate and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate: "It is not only the perpetrators of violence who are responsible for their crimes, but also those who choose to look away." Ms. Kallas, do not look away. Take action!

Mr President, High Representative, a special envoy and EUR 160 million in European aid is fine, but it is still insufficient in view of the situation of chaos in Syria. We are talking about a country that has been battered by half a century of oppression. We are talking about a people forced into exile to escape arbitrariness, torture and death. We are talking about crimes against humanity that need to be documented in order to establish the truth and who is responsible for them. I call on the Syrian authorities to use international justice to collect and preserve evidence. Justice is a prerequisite for peace. It must now be guaranteed the conditions to be exercised tomorrow, in a free and democratic Syria. The democratic transition must be given every opportunity and diplomatic relations restored as soon as possible. Our support must be demanding in terms of respect for human rights, and in particular in terms of respect for the rights of women and minorities. I have a special thought for the Kurdish community, whose role has been instrumental in the fight against the Islamic State. We must protect the Kurdish people from Turkish inclinations. We must also protect Syrian sovereignty from Israeli inclinations. Finally, we must protect Syrians who are refugees in our territories from the extreme right.

Madam President, Commissioner, the ability of a person to freely practise his religion is a fundamental human right. It is enshrined in international law and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. So far, in principle, I think, finally I hope, that we can all agree. Yes, but here I regularly hear certain political groups opposing each other's rights. Some groups – and I am particularly targeting the far right, no tongue-in-cheek between us – denounce attacks on a religion only when it suits them and reinforces their own. That's unacceptable. No religion is superior to another. No religion is homogeneous and deserves to be stigmatized. No religion should be used as a pretext to stigmatize. But what is the far right doing in this Chamber, or on the TV sets? What does the extreme right, which opposes religions to each other, do? What is the far right doing, talking about the big replacement, or supporting Elon Musk's candidacy for the Sakharov Prize, when he is ready to defend incitement to hatred? The rise of religious intolerance must be fought at the source. We can talk about it, but we must also act here in the heart of the European Parliament. We cannot recall it enough, racism and religious discrimination are crimes, they are not opinions, and anyone who aligns with the ideas of the far right is also guilty of spreading religious intolerance. What makes Europe is the attachment to universal values. So it's a good idea to have this debate, but when are we going to apply it to ourselves, right here, to fight and eradicate hate speech and calls for discrimination? Opposing religions to each other is already hate speech. I call for no one here in this House to be allowed to do so.

Madam President, on 7 October, my thoughts are with the hostages, who have been waiting for their release for a year. They go to the families of the victims, for whom this day of commemoration is tragic, for whom October 7 will be an indelible mark. Hamas's appalling attack on Israel on that day must be remembered. October 7 is also the beginning of a spiral of violence throughout the region and of disproportionate reprisals. The Middle East is now on fire and bloodshed. The dead are piling up, violence is multiplying, inhumanity is repeating itself and we all lose. To Israel's 1,200 deaths are added more than 45,000 in Gaza and more than 2,000 in Lebanon. When will we stop? When will our Europe be able to stop this outpouring of hatred by demanding a ceasefire and defending international law? "The project of Europe was to make war impossible," said Robert Schuman. More than ever, with our resolute action, we must ensure that this promise is fulfilled.

Mr President, yesterday in our Chamber, this temple of European democracy, Afghan women testified. They also reminded us that from there, they speak to us every day. Because when they stand up to their executioners, they are not talking to them, but to the international community. They know that the executioners will remain deaf to their demands. They ask us not to forget them. They ask us to react. They warn us not to let extremists and their hatred flourish. They refuse to allow international law to collapse. They invoke our collective obligation to protect dignity. So, what are they telling us? They tell us: "Don't give in to the Taliban." No normalization, no support, never. Until this diet fell. They tell us to recognize gender apartheid. We must also denounce it at the international level, so that international law recognizes gender apartheid. And they tell us to protect them, to welcome them. Right now, hundreds of women are risking their lives in Afghanistan. In neighbouring countries, in Iran, Afghan women are beginning to be persecuted. Our duty, our dignity is to welcome and protect them. We must play our part in welcoming these women and granting them asylum protection.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, with this resolution we had a rare opportunity, a dream opportunity to get out of double standards. Yes, our honor is to firmly condemn the Iranian regime. But we should have condemned with the same force, with the same commitment, the behavior of Netanyahu's government. We missed this opportunity. What must prevail for Europeans, what must prevail for us MEPs, is our action for peace, de-escalation. We have no right to be shy in demanding de-escalation in the region. If the region burns, if Israel’s disproportionate attack goes beyond and affects neighbouring countries, it would be a disaster for the region. It would be a catastrophe for the world and for peace that we have so cherished. Then there is still time to make up for it and to call firmly, in this resolution, for a cease-fire, which is a precondition for leaving the flare-up. (The Chairman withdrew the floor to the speaker)

Mr President, Commissioner, it would seem that Parliament defends human rights a little too much for the Commission. The anomaly is that after two resolutions voted here condemning the action of the government of Sisi, you decided to contract for 7.5 billion. As this institution’s standing rapporteur on Egypt, I have consistently called for strong and precise conditionalities on this regime. At your sleight of hand, Mrs von der Leyen ended up receiving a very clear recommendation from the Council. The Council asks you to put in place concrete conditionalities in your report to the Sisi regime. If you have no ideas, I will tell you: lift censorship of independent media, release 60,000 prisoners, end pressure on civil society and opposition, protect sexual equality and the rights of minorities, migrants and refugees. Today, Commissioner, 18 women were arrested by the Sisi regime for protesting outside the UN office with a simple petition on the situation in Gaza and Sudan. Where are human rights in this country? Where are the commitments of this regime? After despising Parliament, will Mrs von der Leyen also despise the Council and its recommendations? Stop your hidden agenda. Stop this morbid project to transform the European Union into the World Bank of dictatorships and authoritarian regimes. Be at last at the rendezvous of our values and our principles.

Madam President, is there a limit to impunity? It is with this question that Netanyahu challenges us every day, with every bombing, with every new regional escalation: 35,000 dead, 10% of journalists killed in Gaza, humanitarians and hospitals targeted, mass graves, famine and this siege that reduces all hope. Every day, the government of Israel seems to confirm its genocidal will a little more. It ignores the injunctions of the ICJ and the international community. He isolates himself in murderous madness. There is an urgent need to stand with the pacifists and the civilian population. Condemn all those responsible for abuses and settlers, sanction, suspend the Association Agreement and fully support UNRWA, the international agency wrongly victim of unproven allegations. Mr High Representative, finally, thank you for standing by, thank you for upholding our values, thank you for helping to preserve some of our honour.

Madam President, forced labour is not a crime of the past. Dictatorship regimes use it every day and find a way to make human rights violations profitable. Companies go so far as to build their entire business model on the exploitation of poverty. That's 28 million victims worldwide and millions of products flooding our markets. An NGO has shown that since 2017, 600 million tonnes of fish from forced labour have been on our plates, right here in the European Parliament. This is totally unacceptable. With this legislation, we no longer need to worry about where the products we consume come from. Europe is now doing this; Europe protects us. The European market will therefore be protected from this unfair competition. Repressive states that engage in forced labour will see their profits decline. Unfortunately, we missed the requirement to compensate victims. The Greens will not abandon them. This is a fight that we are committed to continuing to the end, because it is our honour.

Mr President, it has been five months. Five months of total siege in Gaza. This seat, it has a name: it is a war crime. To the deaths under the bombs are now added the deaths of hunger. So I welcome the small step forward that this resolution represents, which finally denounces the humanitarian situation and calls for a ceasefire. But hypocrisy must be stopped. This Parliament still refuses to clearly name those responsible. There was no earthquake in Gaza. In Gaza, there was no flooding. In Gaza, there is a siege that is starving, that is wilfully wreaking havoc. There are women, children who are dying, people who have not had the means to care for themselves for five months. So stop the hypocrisy. Name those responsible, namely Israel and Netanyahu's government. Appoint those responsible, and vote on our amendment calling for a lifting of the total siege. I also solemnly ask you to urge Parliament to do everything possible to prevent genocide in Gaza. This is our responsibility, our values in the face of history.

Madam President, the absence of Oliver Várhelyi from this debate is an insult to our Parliament. At the passage in force, he adds the lie. He tells us that he paid EUR 150 million to the Tunisian Treasury under the EU-Tunisia Memorandum of Understanding. This is not true: these 150 million were planned for a long time to finance digital, governance and economic projects. It pays these 150 million without conditionality, because the conditionalities that are in this file are phantom conditionalities. This goes against the principles of our institution and respect for human rights. He went through an urgent procedure under the pretext of the economic crisis in Tunisia. However, by writing this $150 million blank check to Kaïs Saïed, he is financing a dictator and his electoral campaign, not Tunisia's food or democratic stability. That method is not exceptional, as he claims. The Memorandum of Understanding with Tunisia will become a model. On 17 March, it signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Egypt, once again, outside any democratic process. Right before our eyes, all our principles are collapsing. Mrs von der Leyen, if you look at us, stop it quickly, because it is our principles, our values and respect for our institution that are... (The President withdrew the floor to the speaker)

Madam President, the behaviour we have just experienced is intolerable. As chair of the meeting, you have the rules of procedure with sanctions. I am not satisfied with the co-worker's forced exit. I ask that the President be kept informed of this unacceptable behaviour. It is not tolerable to accept this behaviour, and the Rules of Procedure should lead to sanctions against the colleague. Disrupting the work of the European Parliament is not tolerable! I ask you to act!