Speeches

Mr President, today the entire Middle East is being held hostage. I am of course thinking of the 240 hostages held by Hamas. All men, all women, all children, all have to go home. I am thinking of the 2 million Gazans. They too have been taken hostage by Hamas. It is we Europeans who are concerned about their plight and who are at the forefront of aid to the Palestinians. Hamas is building tunnels, not schools. He's buying guns, not medicine. He does not serve the Palestinian cause, he uses it to enrich himself and to feed his crazy, anti-Semitic and Islamist project. And I am thinking of peace, that peace whose outlines were drawn by the Oslo Accords and whose craftsmen died. Arafat is no longer, and in Palestine, who has his courage, the true courage of peace? Rabin was murdered. Today, Israeli extremists are encouraging settlers to attack Palestinians in the West Bank. They do not draw any future for Gaza, except destruction. They betrayed Rabin and took peace hostage. We Europeans know what Islamist terrorism is and stand in solidarity with the Israeli people. We Europeans know what the suffering of the Palestinian people is. And I want to thank you, Josep Borrell and Janez Lenarčič, for your courageous positions and tireless action. You're honoring us. Peace, it is the Israelis and Palestinians of good will who will have to build it together... (The President withdrew the floor to the speaker)

Still on the issue of ammunition that does not necessarily go directly to Ukraine: Do you confirm any information that some ammunition produced in Europe would be purchased by the US which would itself send it to Ukraine, which would be a desirable final destination, but would show some form of absurdity in our own system?

Commissioner, the European Union was exemplary at the beginning of the Russian war of invasion in Ukraine. It has made its cultural revolution both by adopting sanctions, sending military equipment to Ukraine, and your own efforts have made it possible to implement the ammunition plan. I want to greet them here, but it is a flood of fire that is hitting Ukraine today. And while our target is one million rounds of ammunition by spring, Russia obtained one million rounds of ammunition from North Korea between August and November. So we're far from it. I have heard you say that this is a question to ask the Minister of Defence. You confirm what Josep Borrell says about the fact that we are increasing production but it does not necessarily go to Ukraine. So when, and how, will we finally prioritise our productions towards what is our strategic priority, i.e. helping Ukraine win this war?

Madam President, Mr High Representative, Mrs von der Leyen promised us a geopolitical committee. We wanted to believe it, because we knew how much it was needed. The European response to the war in Ukraine has raised real hopes, as everything has been implemented swiftly and coherently, be it sanctions, refugee reception, financial support or military aid. Alas, we may have rejoiced a little quickly. The European Union has not yet marked its Zeitenwende. Between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the President of the Council wanted to remain neutral, the President of the Commission called Ilham Aliev a ‘reliable partner’, and the EU Special Envoy for the Caucasus kept Baku undisturbed. The result? Ethnic cleansing has been committed, before our eyes, without us being able to prevent it. Between Israel and the Palestinian Territories, the Commission lost the compass. Ms von der Leyen went to Israel without a mandate, in a role that was not hers. Commissioner Várhelyi tried to suspend aid to the Palestinians. It does not have the power to do so and discredits an action for which it is nevertheless responsible. This aid, which he wanted to interrupt, the President of the Commission decided to triple it. Mr Várhelyi is not at his best: it has been seen supporting Serbian separatists in Bosnia or making support for Ukraine conditional on the plight of Hungarian minorities. One wonders why he's still a commissioner. A geopolitical commission? The ambition is commendable. We still need to start giving ourselves the means to do so.

Mr President, the world has abandoned Afghanistan, but Afghanistan is not cut off from the world. What this country is experiencing, what its people are enduring, is first of all its own ordeal. But it's also a threat to all of us. The power of the Taliban imposes unrestricted suffering on the Afghan people. Misery, violence, repression, it is difficult to imagine what this people endures. Entire regions are deprived of humanitarian aid because they are still resisting the tyrants in Kabul. Afghan women are deprived of all their rights and are deprived of a future. But that's not all. More than 20 terrorist groups find refuge in Afghanistan and still dream of global jihad. The Taliban want to make people believe that they are bringing stability to their country. They make it a time bomb for the world. I want to salute the courage of those who continue to say no to jihadist oppression and terrorism. In particular, I would like to greet Ahmad Massoud and thank him for attending the European Parliament this evening. We must help those who want to turn Afghanistan to the future rather than plunge it back into the past. We must not normalize our relations with the Taliban. They are the executioners of their people.

Madam President, Commissioner, absentees are always wrong. It is regrettable that the High Representative is absent from this debate. This unfortunately reflects another, much more serious absence, that of Europe during all those months when the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh were surrounded, starved and finally attacked by Azerbaijan. Of course, Baku is primarily responsible for the ethnic cleansing that has just been committed. He will have to be accountable and we will demand that the regime of Ilham Aliyev be sanctioned. Of course, European mediation also failed because it obsessively wanted to remain neutral. Desmond Tutu warned us: if you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the aggressor. Our Parliament had also warned on several occasions about the tragedy that was going on, without being heard. So I listened to you, Commissioner, and you too, Secretary of State. You watch, you hope, you rejoice, you stay ready. But finally, what world do you live in? Today, I ask you to listen to us, Commissioner. Another catastrophe threatens. Azerbaijan and Turkey have not given up on cutting off the sovereignty of Armenia. Vladimir Putin has not given up on shooting down the democratic government of Nikol Pashinyan. So far, Europe has been passive for the worst of calculations. Do you remember standing up for a democracy under attack on the pretext that we need gas? You are right, it looks like Ukraine. Let us not repeat our mistakes. Save our honor! Save Armenia!

Madam President, we are all aware of the appalling situation faced by the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, which has been ethnically cleansed since the attack by Azerbaijan. More than 100,000 people had to leave the territory where they were born. That is why we have a resolution this week. But today Armenia itself is under threat. Turkey and Azerbaijan continue to question its sovereignty over the south of the country. Meanwhile, Vladimir Putin's Russia engages in hybrid attacks against Armenian democratic institutions and government. That is why I ask you to change the title of our resolution to "the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the attack on Azerbaijan and the continuing threats against Armenia".

Mr President, the report by our colleague Nacho Sánchez Amor is of very good quality and he rightly notes that Turkey continues to move away from the European Union. Domestically, the repression of opponents, intellectuals and journalists continues. At the regional level, Turkey continues to give ambiguous signals: with Armenia, with Russia, with Syria, Ankara continues to play a double game. Within NATO, Turkey has still not ratified Sweden’s accession and is engaged in haggling, which seems to have no end. In our countries, the Turkish regime interferes in our national debates and practices interference by supporting an often radical Islamist agenda. I would like to welcome the European Commission, which has become aware of this and blocked funding for a Turkish association that does not respect the values of the European Union. President Erdogan has been re-elected, he remains Turkey’s strongman. We have to do with it, without illusion. While it understands the language of force above all, the European Union must not weaken in the defence of its interests and must continue the dialogue with Ankara without weakness, and above all without maintaining the chimera of Turkey’s accession. This accession will not take place... (The President withdrew the floor to the speaker)

First of all, thank you, Mr Representative, for your words. I think it is important that you say it and that it is heard. I would have an additional question because, like you, I had travelled to Niger, in particular to Agadez, where I had been able to appreciate the quality of the work carried out by the EU civilian mission, Eucap Sahel, to combat migrant smuggling and all the trafficking that can be found in this part of the Sahel. What future do you see for this mission since the coup?

Coups have multiplied in the Sahel for several years. Wagner's mercenaries settled down, and Russia through them. France is targeted by the putschists, and ordered to leave. Jihadists are gaining ground. We might as well acknowledge that failure is here, right before our eyes. Is it that of France? More than 60 years after independence, how can France be criminalised for the political abuses of sovereign states? Can we be blamed for supporting a democratically elected president in Niger who is committed to his people? Can France be blamed for having, at the urgent request of the authorities, fought the jihadists in Mali and for having sacrificed the lives of 59 of its soldiers there? Who would dare to stain their memory? If there is failure, it is collective, it demands that the consequences be drawn from it. I wonder and ask you, Mr High Representative, what EUTM is still doing in Mali. Training soldiers by day, joining Wagner’s mercenaries by night, is neither our honour nor our interest. When will we have the courage to leave?

Madam President, thank you for your words. The news fell into the middle of the summer like a thunderbolt: Veronique left us. Most of us did not know that she was suffering from the disease that she has fought all her life as a doctor and as a member of the European Parliament. We had no idea that Véronique was sending us a sign, sharing his will and asking us to take up the torch. The discretion with which Véronique chose to deal with the disease, and her determination to invest herself to the end in her mandate, say a lot about her. Véronique was made to be a Member of the European Parliament, as she was made to care for others. His patients, fellow doctors, friends all remember his mix of empathy and rigor, benevolence and concern to name things by name, face reality, and make a clear distinction between science and beliefs. She has never given up following her patients despite her mandate as a Member of Parliament. In the European Parliament, she had arrived with a strong intuition: the idea that it was time to build a Health Europe. The pandemic proved him right and we were all able to see the strength of his convictions, but also his ability to listen, to dialogue, to understand and to compromise. Very quickly, Véronique understood that here, one does not win a battle alone, but by rallying others, in one’s camp and also beyond. Those who mourn her today in this room are not only French, not just members of Renew Europe. They are German, Romanian, Dutch, Spanish. They come from almost every political colour. I almost say, because she hated the extremes and among them, the health plotters she fought until her last breath. The political struggle did not scare Véronique. The one for women's rights, no more. She was a strong and fragile woman, determined and smiling, rigorous and philosopher about human nature. Our Parliament, our political group, our delegation were lucky to have him as colleagues. Like many of us, I was lucky to have her as my friend.

Some on the far right and far left in this Chamber do not appreciate the fact that this report has been entrusted to the Special Committee on Combating Foreign Interference. They say that they would have preferred a committee of inquiry and that we are only talking about Qatar. It is a strange way of looking at things when justice is seized. We are neither prosecutors nor judges. Above all, it is a misguided way of trying to make people forget all the work done by this special committee under the leadership of its chairman, Raphaël Glucksmann, whose commitment I welcome and whose integrity I know. A useful idiot of Putin tried to smear him tonight with vile insinuations. This member of the National Rally showed us the true face of his party, that of baseness. He and his far-right comrades do not like to be called Putin’s servants. Yet, again tonight, they did everything to prove it.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, the report we are presenting to you today is an opportunity to measure the consequences of ‘Qatargate’ and to profoundly change the culture of our Parliament. First of all, I would like to thank my colleague and co-rapporteur Vladimír Bilčík. He has fully engaged with me in a series of recommendations that go beyond what our Parliament has adopted so far and beyond what the Commission is proposing. I know that there has been some timidity in his political group. I would like to tell the EPP to trust its co-rapporteur and to vote on all the recommendations of our joint report. These recommendations have a purpose and it is fundamental. We want to restore the trust that European voters place in us. For this, we must change our habits, introduce both more transparency on our practices and more protection of our work. Because what awaits us, ladies and gentlemen, is both the doubt of our fellow citizens about our integrity and the interference of malicious foreign actors in our decision-making processes. Recalling the principle of freedom of mandate to which I myself am committed will not be enough if we do not combat these two threats with the same ardor. This is what we are proposing to you and I would also like to thank the other rapporteurs who participated in the drafting of this text, in particular those who enriched it with their proposals. I regret that on the far right of this Chamber we have not been up to the task. Let’s be honest, it’s a regret, but not a surprise. No proposal, except to make it look like in our Parliament it would be ‘all rotten’. Denounce, vociferate, that, they know how to do it. From there to work, don't rely on them. This reminds me of La Fontaine's fable, "The Council Held by Rats." Do we just have to deliberate? The court of counsellors abounds. Is it necessary to execute? We don’t meet anyone anymore. You want an example? EU funding of Islamist associations. A scandal? Yes, easy to report. I did it myself. But then? But then what? Then you have to work. I did. The French Government has done so. The European Commission has done so. We have acted together and I would like to thank you, Mrs Jourová, I would also like to thank Margaritis Schinas, for your determination to reserve European funding for associations that respect European values. Let us return to our report and our recommendations, because we do not want to be here a piece of advice held by rats. Transparency, ethics, integrity, it means declaring our assets, our ancillary revenues, our meetings, our travels. We owe it to our fellow citizens. Establish a genuine independent European ethical authority with investigative powers. We owe it to them. Sanctioning unethical behaviour. We owe it to the voters and we owe it to the overwhelming majority of Members of this Parliament who feel unjustly soiled by the behaviour of a few. But we also suggest that you better protect our work from the curiosity of malicious foreign actors who would like to influence it and unduly influence our decisions. It is time to bring into this Parliament a culture that it sorely lacks, a culture of security. No, representatives of foreign interests must not be able to circulate among us without control and without limits, as they have become accustomed to do. Yes, we expect from NGOs the same transparency effort that we will apply to ourselves. Yes, working on sensitive topics must pass for those who assist us through security clearances. We cannot allow anyone access to anything in this Parliament, unless we lose our credit. It is a cultural revolution to which I call you. But the world we live in imposes it on us. It is time to get out of innocence. A few years ago, the daughter of the Kremlin spokesman worked in this Parliament. Did we really believe that she wanted to know more about European law? Every day, representatives of the mujahideen of the Iranian people are in our corridors. Is it enough that they are hostile to the detestable regime of the mullahs? Is that enough to forget who they are, the blood they have on their hands, their alliance with Saddam Hussein or their sectarian functioning? Our Parliament is regularly cyber-attacked. Should we continue contracting with Chinese companies on the grounds that they are cheaper than others, in defiance of our security? In one year the European elections will be held. To prepare for this is to prepare our Parliament for exemplary transparency, integrity, ethics and security. This is what this report proposes to you and I ask for your broad support.

Mr President, this is definitely the week of disappointments. We are meeting this morning to talk about the Council conclusions and in particular the war in Ukraine, and the President of the EPP tells us about St Nicholas. We are here to talk about the Council conclusions, but the Council is not here. And then, this week, the NATO summit itself is a huge disappointment. It has not yet been completed, but it must be acknowledged that it has disappointed. It needed to repair the historic 2008 fault in Bucharest, which had opened the door of the alliance to Ukraine, or rather ajar, without offering it security guarantees. He did not really succeed. As if some in the alliance still do not measure the historical moment we are living in. But when you see this Chamber, you can see that they are not the only ones. But no matter what the final communiqué in Vilnius, Ukraine will join NATO. It is only a matter of time, not a matter of principle. What matters is what we do. It is our immediate actions that matter. And Ukraine is our ally, the most valiant and seasoned army in Europe. It is up to us Europeans to support it. We support it by training Ukrainian soldiers and delivering military equipment. I am pleased that this week we are adopting the third part of the Ammunition Plan and that the ceiling of the European Peace Facility has been raised. But I invite us to do much more and especially much faster. We have an interest in Ukraine’s victory and its entry into NATO, as these are the only solid guarantees of our stability in Europe. So let’s do it and stand by Ukraine, not only for as long as it takes, but as long as it takes. Peace, stability and security in Europe are at this price and within our reach. Let’s not forget that by keeping the world’s second largest army in line, Ukraine is now our security guarantee.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, almost a year ago, Ursula von der Leyen called Azerbaijan a ‘reliable partner’. It floated on this strange statement a bad smell of gas. Baku had indeed committed to deliver 12 billion cubic metres per year to the EU from 2023, and even more in the future. Is it for this reason that the European Commission says nothing and does nothing to help the 120,000 Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, to whom Azerbaijan has been imposing an illegal blockade for six months? Adherents of realpolitik would probably say that it is sometimes necessary to put the defence of one’s interests before that of one’s values. So let them stretch out their ears: It is becoming increasingly clear that Ilham Aliyev will not be able to fulfil his commitments, as his country does not produce enough gas for this. On the contrary, Baku had to sign a supply agreement with Gazprom, so much so that it is now unclear whether we import Azerbaijani gas or Russian gas from Azerbaijan. So my question, Mr High Representative, is this: Would Baku have bought the silence of Brussels with gas, which is more Russian gas?

Madam President, Commissioner, we are here today to talk about an independent European ethics authority. However, I am sorry to tell you, because I know your integrity and your personal commitment, but what you present to us is not authoritative, is not independent and would not make any progress on European ethical rules. Our Parliament has, however, set its expectations very clearly on several occasions – the last time, two weeks ago, by voting in the special committee on the report of which I am a co-author. We need an independent body with investigative powers that can propose sanctions for breaches of ethics in the European institutions. What you are proposing has nothing to do with it. What you are proposing is a kind of club where the representatives of our institutions would discuss at tea time the lowest common denominator of what should be done. What we are waiting for is a serious proposal, because we have serious problems. Qatargate has awakened our Parliament and may have been a necessary evil. The Commission is not free from questionable behaviour, which offends consciences and undermines trust in our institutions. Commissioner, your proposal is not serious, and I am sure that deep down you know it.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, as we prepare for the reconstruction of Ukraine, Russia continues its work of destruction. Every day, lives are cut, homes are targeted and fields are mined. The largest nuclear power plant in Europe, Zaporizhzhia, is occupied by Russia, which has stored military equipment there. She's at a standstill. The collapse of the Nova Kakhovka dam puts the safety of the plant at risk. Let's talk about this dam. What do we know? That he is in the Russian-occupied area, that a few days before his collapse, Russia had decided to ban any investigation in a similar case, and that there is therefore no Russian investigation, nor is there any Russian rescue on the left bank of the Dnieper. Worse: The Russian army is shooting at Ukrainian rescuers who are trying to save lives. So, they come to us and say: ‘We don’t know who did it.’ Remember that we were told the same thing in 2014, when an airliner was shot down over Donbass. We didn't know. Years later, the truth broke out. Russia was involved, but we looked away. Let us not divert it from the Russian aggression in Ukraine and its consequences. Russia will have to be defeated and Russia will have to pay for the reconstruction of what it has destroyed. There is no other way.

Madam President, today in Chisinau, more than 40 European leaders are coming to express their support for Moldova. But every day in Chisinau, Russia is waging a hybrid war against that country. It is using all the means at its disposal to try to weaken, destabilise and subjugate a sovereign country that has chosen democracy and Europe. Disinformation, cyberattacks, purchase of votes or demonstrators, false bomb alerts, energy blackmail, attempted coup, everything is good. Today, an EU civilian mission is starting in Moldova to help the country tackle hybrid threats. It is an entirely new type of mission. I welcome its creation, but we are under no illusions: What Moldova is going through every day, we are also going through. Foreign interference against our democracies targets us for who we are. Our special committee has made the overwhelming observation over the past two years. I must say to you that I am not yet sure that our Union has moved from observation to action. There are initiatives here and there, but no overall vision yet. I look forward to the Commission's proposals to protect our democracies. I hope that they will be up to the challenge and ambitious enough.

Mr President, Commissioner, on 10 June 1990, a former French Prime Minister, then President of the National Assembly, called for the peace dividends to be resolutely reduced in our military budgets, since, in his view, the Russian army was no longer a threat. Unfortunately, it was heard, as was Francis Fukuyama, who proclaimed the end of the story two years later. Meanwhile, in eastern Europe, the Baltic states were fighting for independence and very quickly alerted to the continuing Russian threat. Unfortunately, they were not listened to. Today, Europe no longer has the right to continue in its disarming naiveté of yesterday. But we have to face up to the obvious: It has largely disarmed. So, of course, countries that can increase their national effort, and that is a good thing. But now is also the time for the European Union to play its part in this effort. This is what the Commission is proposing and I fully support it. ‘ASAP’ is aptly named because we need to act as soon as possible to continue our support for Ukraine and to strengthen our security. Tomorrow, my political group will take responsibility and ask for this new regulation to be examined under the urgent procedure, because neither Ukraine nor our security can wait. Finally, and because we do not do this often enough, I would like to thank Thierry Breton, but also Josep Borrell, both of whom are fully committed to ensuring that the European Union meets Ukraine’s needs and that the European Union moves towards a European Defence Union.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, one minute to talk about China is not much. It is about as rich and nuanced as a tweet. But it is true that sometimes we talk too much and often we pay more attention to words than to deeds. So, since I have little time, let’s talk about the actions. Who pushed the EU to control foreign investment in strategic sectors? France. Who is the driving force in Europe to fight our dependencies on semiconductors or raw materials? The French government. Who is the only European Head of State to have visited Beijing, accompanied by the President of the Commission, whose words I welcome? Emmanuel Macron. Which European ship crossed the Taiwan Strait while the Chinese navy carried out useless and provocative maneuvers? A French frigate, the Prairial. So, I make a wish: that we all know how to be as clear and as firm as Ursula von der Leyen on China and Taiwan and that we are all as committed as France to translating our words into action.

Mr President, pursuant to Rule 180, I would like to table the following oral amendment and I will be obliged to read it in English because it has been tabled in English. ‘Whereas the protests were initiated by women empowered accountability for the death of Mahsa Jina Amini and calling for an end to violence and discrimination against women in Iran, in particular in the form of sustained veiling;’

Madam President, there is fire at our doors and we cannot look elsewhere. Ukraine is under attack and Europe is under threat. We have everything to gain from a victory for Ukraine while a victory for Russia would make us lose our security and our place in the world. In this context, we must use all the levers at our disposal at the same time. Urgently deliver ammunition to Kiev, wherever it comes from, building on the European Peace Facility. Be able to last by increasing our own productions, both to keep helping Ukraine, because the war will be long, and by making sure that we have the equipment we need for ourselves. Our defence industries must be encouraged to produce more by having visibility on orders that we must place together. This is the purpose of Edirpa, an instrument to make us more resilient, sovereign and secure. Peace and freedom have no price, but they have a cost. It is our duty to assume this responsibility and to explain to our compatriots why military assistance to Ukraine and the strengthening of our defences require important and indispensable efforts.

Madam President, for more than 90 days Azerbaijan has been blocking access to Nagorno-Karabakh, cutting 120,000 people off from the world. The International Court of Justice has ordered Azerbaijan to end the blockade. He didn't do anything about it. For seven months, Baku's troops have been occupying Armenian lands. The European Union Monitoring Mission has deployed, but Armenian villagers are concerned. And yet, the Yerevan government proposed a peace plan to the president of Azerbaijan, who responded with new threats. Since 1915, Turkey has refused to recognize the Armenian Genocide. In addition, the Ankara regime helps that of Baku. And yet, in the first days after the terrible earthquake in Turkey, Armenia sent aid there. Since 2020, Russia is supposed to help Armenia and yet it does nothing. Undoubtedly, the democratic choice of Armenia displeases Moscow. To talk about Armenia is to talk too often about what threatens it. We should also talk about his courage. Above all, we should speak less and act more to help a country that looks to us and needs us.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear Maroš, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak enthusiastically welcomed the Windsor political agreement on Northern Ireland. I understand that, although his enthusiasm may be a little early. There is still a need for the agreement to be supported by the British Parliament and for us to vote on a number of important points. But finally, I understand Rishi Sunak, because this agreement is likely to end years of uncertainty for the people of Northern Ireland since Brexit, even though a majority of that population had voted to remain in the European Union. This agreement goes as far as we can go. It even goes a long way to limit the negative consequences of Brexit for the people of Northern Ireland. We understand that Rishi Sunak is happy. In his enthusiasm, the British Prime Minister welcomed Northern Ireland's opportunity to have access to both the UK market and the European single market. Rishi Sunak is right, but behind his smile there is a terrible confession. What he touts as an extraordinary opportunity is what the entire UK had when it was a member of the European Union. That's what he lost when he left her.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the Renew Europe Group, in accordance with Rule 158 of the Rules of Procedure, I propose that the following debate be added to the agenda of our session: Statement by the Council and the Commission on ‘Strengthening the defence of the European Union in the context of the war in Ukraine: Accelerate the production and delivery of weapons and ammunition to Ukraine’, Wednesday afternoon, as a second point. Indeed, at the European Council on 9 and 10 February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stressed the urgent need for additional military support from us. In order to respond as quickly as possible to this request, last Wednesday in Stockholm, EU defence ministers welcomed proposals to immediately transfer ammunition to Ukraine, to place joint orders with the European defence industry to renew our stocks and to take urgent measures to strengthen Europe’s industrial capacity. We need to act urgently to be able to continue our support for Ukraine, but also to ensure the security of our Union. I believe that the European Parliament must be able to express itself before decisions are taken by the Council. I hope you can support this request.