Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the European summit on 1 February was a success, as it confirmed our financial assistance to Ukraine. But let's not veil our face: when it comes to our military aid, this summit is a failure, and in many ways. The eighth tranche of European military aid has been blocked for months because of Hungary. The future of a visible and predictable European Peace Facility for Ukraine is uncertain. Nothing has been decided yet, and most importantly, no funding has been clarified. Rather than taking expected decisions and taking action, our countries accuse each other of not doing enough, when all should do more, much more and much faster, much faster. The ammunition plan does not deliver on its promises: 500 000 rounds of ammunition were delivered to Kiev, half of what was announced, and this is in any case very insufficient. So, thankfully, to all the European leaders I am appealing: for Ukraine, for the security of Europe, you have a duty to live up to it and you are not yet. Never forget: failure is not an option, and self-satisfaction is not a method. Slava Ukraini!

I see, Ms Aubry, that you are talking about a world that does not exist. You have Hamas that doesn't want a ceasefire, you have an Israeli government that doesn't want a ceasefire, and you give yourself a good conscience by calling for a ceasefire. It’s free, it doesn’t eat bread. You are good, you are in the European Parliament. I went to Israel, to the kibbutz where people were massacred, tortured, taken hostage. I have seen UNRWA know that part of its humanitarian aid is now being diverted to Hamas, which wants to continue the war. I simply ask you, Mrs Aubry, to look at what is happening and not let Hamas put forward its plan to destroy Israel. He'll always find me in his way.

Ms Aubry, I note that Hamas, far from calling for a ceasefire, is calling on Muslim countries to supply it with more weapons. So my question, Ms Aubry, is: Do you call on Hamas to finally stop martyring the Palestinian people, and to demand a ceasefire that the Palestinian people so desperately need?

Mr President, what is Gaza's name? A war started on 7 October by Hamas, which knew the consequences and chose to make the Palestinian people a martyr. Prior to 7 October, there were no Israeli troops or settlements in Gaza. There was Hamas and it did nothing for its people. We were responsible for helping the Palestinians in Gaza. Meanwhile, Hamas devoted its energy and resources to its one project: the destruction of Israel. This project, this war, is also the war of the Iranian regime. He too is unable to meet the expectations of his people. But one thing he is attached to is his ability to cause harm and he is exercising it as never before. Who supports Hamas? Iran. Who equips Hezbollah in Lebanon? Bashar in Syria? The Houthis in the Red Sea, the militias attacking the Kurds and the anti-Daesh coalition in Iraq? Who supplies weapons to Russia in Ukraine? Iran. So yes, we need to help the Palestinian people get out of the hell they are immersed in. Yes, massive humanitarian aid is needed and for it to be distributed, weapons must be kept silent. Is Hamas calling for a ceasefire? No, he wants to continue the war. The Palestinian people deserve to live in peace, to have a state and to stop colonisation. Supporting the Palestinian people also means helping them to break out of the straitjacket in which Hamas wanted to lock them up. (The speaker agreed to answer a "blue card" question)

Mr President, I hear here and there about a ‘fatigue of Ukraine’ that our countries are suffering from. This expression is obscene. It is the Ukrainians who are fighting, they are the ones who are suffering, they are the ones who are dying. It is the Ukrainians who would have the right to say that they are tired, but on the contrary, they are resisting the deluge of fire imposed on them by Russia. And I am tired because of our slowness, our delays, our softness in supporting them in a war that they are waging for themselves, but also for us, for our security, for our freedom. We have ammunition, we have not delivered enough and not fast enough. From missiles, Kiev expects much more and immediately. Planes, but what are we waiting for? I am tired of hearing that there is always a good reason to do less, and less quickly than we should. The European facility is blocked by Viktor Orban. Shame on him. So let's do something else, but let's do it fast and hard. The arms industry is waiting for orders and our states are tightening their budgets. So let’s launch a big loan together for European defence and military aid to Ukraine. We did it to fight a virus from the end of the world. We need to be able to do that again when we have a threat knocking on our doors. Let us do so without delay, without waiting for Russia to try a new offensive in the spring, without waiting for what comes out of the US presidential election. There is no longer a minute to lose.

Madam President, we have been talking about it for months, that Ms von der Leyen has announced, but still nothing: neither the European Defence and Investment Programme EDIP nor its accompanying strategy are ready. With the war on our doorstep, Ukraine lacking weapons and ammunition, we are reduced to waiting, waiting and worrying. "The ammunition plan is running its course," we are told. Admittedly, but this course does not accelerate and it does not necessarily flow into Ukraine, due to a lack of prioritisation of orders. Joint purchases encouraged by Edirpa? It starts nicely, gently, as if nothing is in a hurry. The last tranche of the European Peace Facility for Ukraine? Blocked by Hungary. The project of a multi-annual facility of 20 billion over five years to provide a European security guarantee in Kiev? Buried without flowers or crowns. Meanwhile, US aid is blocked in Congress, and German aid is threatened by the budget crisis. The revision of the MFF is on the wrong track. Again, war is on our doorstep, and Donald Trump is on the doorstep of the White House. It is not you who are at stake, Commissioner, but please do not tell us that everything is fine when we are making a historic mistake!

Mrs Aubry, it is true that we are far too paid if we spend our time on pickets in Paris or disguising ourselves as Rosie la riveteuse, that is true. But for those who work and advance the law for the benefit of all Europeans, every job deserves a salary.

Mrs Aubry, this is land on which I would not have gone, in your place, because I was a member of the Committee on Interference, a committee where your group was represented by a Member who kept saying that this committee had no reason to be, who tabled amendments to remove any reference to Russia’s interference in the work of this Parliament – I wonder why – and, as regards ancillary work, I do not understand why you think that, when you are a farmer at the same time as a Member of the European Parliament, you are sold to a lobby? You certainly don't know our fellow citizens well.

Mr President, new revelations about the ‘Qatargate’ are stirring up in the press every day like a sad soap opera. I learned that one of our colleagues, charged with corruption, tried to silence me because I was too interested in the plight of migrant workers in Qatar. The good news is that it failed. The bad news is that the behaviour of a few has cast suspicion on all of us. Even before the end of the legal proceedings, for the general public, it is all of us who are guilty, all rotten. I would like to welcome the first steps taken by our Parliament to increase our transparency and better protect our work. Several of these measures are based on the report that I presented to you and that you kindly adopted, ladies and gentlemen. I regret, as you know, Commissioner, that a genuine independent European ethical authority has not yet been established. And I warn, a few months before the European elections: We need to further increase our vigilance and defences against foreign interference, which will multiply in an attempt to manipulate our electoral operations. (The speaker agreed to answer a blue card question)

Mr President, today the entire Middle East is being held hostage. I am of course thinking of the 240 hostages held by Hamas. All men, all women, all children, all have to go home. I am thinking of the 2 million Gazans. They too have been taken hostage by Hamas. It is we Europeans who are concerned about their plight and who are at the forefront of aid to the Palestinians. Hamas is building tunnels, not schools. He's buying guns, not medicine. He does not serve the Palestinian cause, he uses it to enrich himself and to feed his crazy, anti-Semitic and Islamist project. And I am thinking of peace, that peace whose outlines were drawn by the Oslo Accords and whose craftsmen died. Arafat is no longer, and in Palestine, who has his courage, the true courage of peace? Rabin was murdered. Today, Israeli extremists are encouraging settlers to attack Palestinians in the West Bank. They do not draw any future for Gaza, except destruction. They betrayed Rabin and took peace hostage. We Europeans know what Islamist terrorism is and stand in solidarity with the Israeli people. We Europeans know what the suffering of the Palestinian people is. And I want to thank you, Josep Borrell and Janez Lenarčič, for your courageous positions and tireless action. You're honoring us. Peace, it is the Israelis and Palestinians of good will who will have to build it together... (The President withdrew the floor to the speaker)

Still on the issue of ammunition that does not necessarily go directly to Ukraine: Do you confirm any information that some ammunition produced in Europe would be purchased by the US which would itself send it to Ukraine, which would be a desirable final destination, but would show some form of absurdity in our own system?

Commissioner, the European Union was exemplary at the beginning of the Russian war of invasion in Ukraine. It has made its cultural revolution both by adopting sanctions, sending military equipment to Ukraine, and your own efforts have made it possible to implement the ammunition plan. I want to greet them here, but it is a flood of fire that is hitting Ukraine today. And while our target is one million rounds of ammunition by spring, Russia obtained one million rounds of ammunition from North Korea between August and November. So we're far from it. I have heard you say that this is a question to ask the Minister of Defence. You confirm what Josep Borrell says about the fact that we are increasing production but it does not necessarily go to Ukraine. So when, and how, will we finally prioritise our productions towards what is our strategic priority, i.e. helping Ukraine win this war?

Madam President, Mr High Representative, Mrs von der Leyen promised us a geopolitical committee. We wanted to believe it, because we knew how much it was needed. The European response to the war in Ukraine has raised real hopes, as everything has been implemented swiftly and coherently, be it sanctions, refugee reception, financial support or military aid. Alas, we may have rejoiced a little quickly. The European Union has not yet marked its Zeitenwende. Between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the President of the Council wanted to remain neutral, the President of the Commission called Ilham Aliev a ‘reliable partner’, and the EU Special Envoy for the Caucasus kept Baku undisturbed. The result? Ethnic cleansing has been committed, before our eyes, without us being able to prevent it. Between Israel and the Palestinian Territories, the Commission lost the compass. Ms von der Leyen went to Israel without a mandate, in a role that was not hers. Commissioner Várhelyi tried to suspend aid to the Palestinians. It does not have the power to do so and discredits an action for which it is nevertheless responsible. This aid, which he wanted to interrupt, the President of the Commission decided to triple it. Mr Várhelyi is not at his best: it has been seen supporting Serbian separatists in Bosnia or making support for Ukraine conditional on the plight of Hungarian minorities. One wonders why he's still a commissioner. A geopolitical commission? The ambition is commendable. We still need to start giving ourselves the means to do so.

Mr President, the world has abandoned Afghanistan, but Afghanistan is not cut off from the world. What this country is experiencing, what its people are enduring, is first of all its own ordeal. But it's also a threat to all of us. The power of the Taliban imposes unrestricted suffering on the Afghan people. Misery, violence, repression, it is difficult to imagine what this people endures. Entire regions are deprived of humanitarian aid because they are still resisting the tyrants in Kabul. Afghan women are deprived of all their rights and are deprived of a future. But that's not all. More than 20 terrorist groups find refuge in Afghanistan and still dream of global jihad. The Taliban want to make people believe that they are bringing stability to their country. They make it a time bomb for the world. I want to salute the courage of those who continue to say no to jihadist oppression and terrorism. In particular, I would like to greet Ahmad Massoud and thank him for attending the European Parliament this evening. We must help those who want to turn Afghanistan to the future rather than plunge it back into the past. We must not normalize our relations with the Taliban. They are the executioners of their people.

Madam President, Commissioner, absentees are always wrong. It is regrettable that the High Representative is absent from this debate. This unfortunately reflects another, much more serious absence, that of Europe during all those months when the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh were surrounded, starved and finally attacked by Azerbaijan. Of course, Baku is primarily responsible for the ethnic cleansing that has just been committed. He will have to be accountable and we will demand that the regime of Ilham Aliyev be sanctioned. Of course, European mediation also failed because it obsessively wanted to remain neutral. Desmond Tutu warned us: if you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the aggressor. Our Parliament had also warned on several occasions about the tragedy that was going on, without being heard. So I listened to you, Commissioner, and you too, Secretary of State. You watch, you hope, you rejoice, you stay ready. But finally, what world do you live in? Today, I ask you to listen to us, Commissioner. Another catastrophe threatens. Azerbaijan and Turkey have not given up on cutting off the sovereignty of Armenia. Vladimir Putin has not given up on shooting down the democratic government of Nikol Pashinyan. So far, Europe has been passive for the worst of calculations. Do you remember standing up for a democracy under attack on the pretext that we need gas? You are right, it looks like Ukraine. Let us not repeat our mistakes. Save our honor! Save Armenia!

Madam President, we are all aware of the appalling situation faced by the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, which has been ethnically cleansed since the attack by Azerbaijan. More than 100,000 people had to leave the territory where they were born. That is why we have a resolution this week. But today Armenia itself is under threat. Turkey and Azerbaijan continue to question its sovereignty over the south of the country. Meanwhile, Vladimir Putin's Russia engages in hybrid attacks against Armenian democratic institutions and government. That is why I ask you to change the title of our resolution to "the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the attack on Azerbaijan and the continuing threats against Armenia".

Mr President, the report by our colleague Nacho Sánchez Amor is of very good quality and he rightly notes that Turkey continues to move away from the European Union. Domestically, the repression of opponents, intellectuals and journalists continues. At the regional level, Turkey continues to give ambiguous signals: with Armenia, with Russia, with Syria, Ankara continues to play a double game. Within NATO, Turkey has still not ratified Sweden’s accession and is engaged in haggling, which seems to have no end. In our countries, the Turkish regime interferes in our national debates and practices interference by supporting an often radical Islamist agenda. I would like to welcome the European Commission, which has become aware of this and blocked funding for a Turkish association that does not respect the values of the European Union. President Erdogan has been re-elected, he remains Turkey’s strongman. We have to do with it, without illusion. While it understands the language of force above all, the European Union must not weaken in the defence of its interests and must continue the dialogue with Ankara without weakness, and above all without maintaining the chimera of Turkey’s accession. This accession will not take place... (The President withdrew the floor to the speaker)

First of all, thank you, Mr Representative, for your words. I think it is important that you say it and that it is heard. I would have an additional question because, like you, I had travelled to Niger, in particular to Agadez, where I had been able to appreciate the quality of the work carried out by the EU civilian mission, Eucap Sahel, to combat migrant smuggling and all the trafficking that can be found in this part of the Sahel. What future do you see for this mission since the coup?

Coups have multiplied in the Sahel for several years. Wagner's mercenaries settled down, and Russia through them. France is targeted by the putschists, and ordered to leave. Jihadists are gaining ground. We might as well acknowledge that failure is here, right before our eyes. Is it that of France? More than 60 years after independence, how can France be criminalised for the political abuses of sovereign states? Can we be blamed for supporting a democratically elected president in Niger who is committed to his people? Can France be blamed for having, at the urgent request of the authorities, fought the jihadists in Mali and for having sacrificed the lives of 59 of its soldiers there? Who would dare to stain their memory? If there is failure, it is collective, it demands that the consequences be drawn from it. I wonder and ask you, Mr High Representative, what EUTM is still doing in Mali. Training soldiers by day, joining Wagner’s mercenaries by night, is neither our honour nor our interest. When will we have the courage to leave?

Madam President, thank you for your words. The news fell into the middle of the summer like a thunderbolt: Veronique left us. Most of us did not know that she was suffering from the disease that she has fought all her life as a doctor and as a member of the European Parliament. We had no idea that Véronique was sending us a sign, sharing his will and asking us to take up the torch. The discretion with which Véronique chose to deal with the disease, and her determination to invest herself to the end in her mandate, say a lot about her. Véronique was made to be a Member of the European Parliament, as she was made to care for others. His patients, fellow doctors, friends all remember his mix of empathy and rigor, benevolence and concern to name things by name, face reality, and make a clear distinction between science and beliefs. She has never given up following her patients despite her mandate as a Member of Parliament. In the European Parliament, she had arrived with a strong intuition: the idea that it was time to build a Health Europe. The pandemic proved him right and we were all able to see the strength of his convictions, but also his ability to listen, to dialogue, to understand and to compromise. Very quickly, Véronique understood that here, one does not win a battle alone, but by rallying others, in one’s camp and also beyond. Those who mourn her today in this room are not only French, not just members of Renew Europe. They are German, Romanian, Dutch, Spanish. They come from almost every political colour. I almost say, because she hated the extremes and among them, the health plotters she fought until her last breath. The political struggle did not scare Véronique. The one for women's rights, no more. She was a strong and fragile woman, determined and smiling, rigorous and philosopher about human nature. Our Parliament, our political group, our delegation were lucky to have him as colleagues. Like many of us, I was lucky to have her as my friend.

Some on the far right and far left in this Chamber do not appreciate the fact that this report has been entrusted to the Special Committee on Combating Foreign Interference. They say that they would have preferred a committee of inquiry and that we are only talking about Qatar. It is a strange way of looking at things when justice is seized. We are neither prosecutors nor judges. Above all, it is a misguided way of trying to make people forget all the work done by this special committee under the leadership of its chairman, Raphaël Glucksmann, whose commitment I welcome and whose integrity I know. A useful idiot of Putin tried to smear him tonight with vile insinuations. This member of the National Rally showed us the true face of his party, that of baseness. He and his far-right comrades do not like to be called Putin’s servants. Yet, again tonight, they did everything to prove it.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, the report we are presenting to you today is an opportunity to measure the consequences of ‘Qatargate’ and to profoundly change the culture of our Parliament. First of all, I would like to thank my colleague and co-rapporteur Vladimír Bilčík. He has fully engaged with me in a series of recommendations that go beyond what our Parliament has adopted so far and beyond what the Commission is proposing. I know that there has been some timidity in his political group. I would like to tell the EPP to trust its co-rapporteur and to vote on all the recommendations of our joint report. These recommendations have a purpose and it is fundamental. We want to restore the trust that European voters place in us. For this, we must change our habits, introduce both more transparency on our practices and more protection of our work. Because what awaits us, ladies and gentlemen, is both the doubt of our fellow citizens about our integrity and the interference of malicious foreign actors in our decision-making processes. Recalling the principle of freedom of mandate to which I myself am committed will not be enough if we do not combat these two threats with the same ardor. This is what we are proposing to you and I would also like to thank the other rapporteurs who participated in the drafting of this text, in particular those who enriched it with their proposals. I regret that on the far right of this Chamber we have not been up to the task. Let’s be honest, it’s a regret, but not a surprise. No proposal, except to make it look like in our Parliament it would be ‘all rotten’. Denounce, vociferate, that, they know how to do it. From there to work, don't rely on them. This reminds me of La Fontaine's fable, "The Council Held by Rats." Do we just have to deliberate? The court of counsellors abounds. Is it necessary to execute? We don’t meet anyone anymore. You want an example? EU funding of Islamist associations. A scandal? Yes, easy to report. I did it myself. But then? But then what? Then you have to work. I did. The French Government has done so. The European Commission has done so. We have acted together and I would like to thank you, Mrs Jourová, I would also like to thank Margaritis Schinas, for your determination to reserve European funding for associations that respect European values. Let us return to our report and our recommendations, because we do not want to be here a piece of advice held by rats. Transparency, ethics, integrity, it means declaring our assets, our ancillary revenues, our meetings, our travels. We owe it to our fellow citizens. Establish a genuine independent European ethical authority with investigative powers. We owe it to them. Sanctioning unethical behaviour. We owe it to the voters and we owe it to the overwhelming majority of Members of this Parliament who feel unjustly soiled by the behaviour of a few. But we also suggest that you better protect our work from the curiosity of malicious foreign actors who would like to influence it and unduly influence our decisions. It is time to bring into this Parliament a culture that it sorely lacks, a culture of security. No, representatives of foreign interests must not be able to circulate among us without control and without limits, as they have become accustomed to do. Yes, we expect from NGOs the same transparency effort that we will apply to ourselves. Yes, working on sensitive topics must pass for those who assist us through security clearances. We cannot allow anyone access to anything in this Parliament, unless we lose our credit. It is a cultural revolution to which I call you. But the world we live in imposes it on us. It is time to get out of innocence. A few years ago, the daughter of the Kremlin spokesman worked in this Parliament. Did we really believe that she wanted to know more about European law? Every day, representatives of the mujahideen of the Iranian people are in our corridors. Is it enough that they are hostile to the detestable regime of the mullahs? Is that enough to forget who they are, the blood they have on their hands, their alliance with Saddam Hussein or their sectarian functioning? Our Parliament is regularly cyber-attacked. Should we continue contracting with Chinese companies on the grounds that they are cheaper than others, in defiance of our security? In one year the European elections will be held. To prepare for this is to prepare our Parliament for exemplary transparency, integrity, ethics and security. This is what this report proposes to you and I ask for your broad support.

Mr President, this is definitely the week of disappointments. We are meeting this morning to talk about the Council conclusions and in particular the war in Ukraine, and the President of the EPP tells us about St Nicholas. We are here to talk about the Council conclusions, but the Council is not here. And then, this week, the NATO summit itself is a huge disappointment. It has not yet been completed, but it must be acknowledged that it has disappointed. It needed to repair the historic 2008 fault in Bucharest, which had opened the door of the alliance to Ukraine, or rather ajar, without offering it security guarantees. He did not really succeed. As if some in the alliance still do not measure the historical moment we are living in. But when you see this Chamber, you can see that they are not the only ones. But no matter what the final communiqué in Vilnius, Ukraine will join NATO. It is only a matter of time, not a matter of principle. What matters is what we do. It is our immediate actions that matter. And Ukraine is our ally, the most valiant and seasoned army in Europe. It is up to us Europeans to support it. We support it by training Ukrainian soldiers and delivering military equipment. I am pleased that this week we are adopting the third part of the Ammunition Plan and that the ceiling of the European Peace Facility has been raised. But I invite us to do much more and especially much faster. We have an interest in Ukraine’s victory and its entry into NATO, as these are the only solid guarantees of our stability in Europe. So let’s do it and stand by Ukraine, not only for as long as it takes, but as long as it takes. Peace, stability and security in Europe are at this price and within our reach. Let’s not forget that by keeping the world’s second largest army in line, Ukraine is now our security guarantee.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, almost a year ago, Ursula von der Leyen called Azerbaijan a ‘reliable partner’. It floated on this strange statement a bad smell of gas. Baku had indeed committed to deliver 12 billion cubic metres per year to the EU from 2023, and even more in the future. Is it for this reason that the European Commission says nothing and does nothing to help the 120,000 Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, to whom Azerbaijan has been imposing an illegal blockade for six months? Adherents of realpolitik would probably say that it is sometimes necessary to put the defence of one’s interests before that of one’s values. So let them stretch out their ears: It is becoming increasingly clear that Ilham Aliyev will not be able to fulfil his commitments, as his country does not produce enough gas for this. On the contrary, Baku had to sign a supply agreement with Gazprom, so much so that it is now unclear whether we import Azerbaijani gas or Russian gas from Azerbaijan. So my question, Mr High Representative, is this: Would Baku have bought the silence of Brussels with gas, which is more Russian gas?

Madam President, Commissioner, we are here today to talk about an independent European ethics authority. However, I am sorry to tell you, because I know your integrity and your personal commitment, but what you present to us is not authoritative, is not independent and would not make any progress on European ethical rules. Our Parliament has, however, set its expectations very clearly on several occasions – the last time, two weeks ago, by voting in the special committee on the report of which I am a co-author. We need an independent body with investigative powers that can propose sanctions for breaches of ethics in the European institutions. What you are proposing has nothing to do with it. What you are proposing is a kind of club where the representatives of our institutions would discuss at tea time the lowest common denominator of what should be done. What we are waiting for is a serious proposal, because we have serious problems. Qatargate has awakened our Parliament and may have been a necessary evil. The Commission is not free from questionable behaviour, which offends consciences and undermines trust in our institutions. Commissioner, your proposal is not serious, and I am sure that deep down you know it.