Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen. Three things about Iran. Firstly: credibility. It cannot be the case that there are only ten Member States in the Council that want to list the Iranian Revolutionary Guards as a terrorist organization. In the face of more than tens of thousands of murdered people, other arguments such as benevolence for nuclear talks must be left behind. I find it really regrettable that we do not have a representative of the Council here today. Secondly: Honesty. We need to check: Do our sanctions work? Where can we steer? How can we increase economic pressure on the regime? And thirdly: Expectation management. In my view, the mullah regime will only be overthrown by a broad and well-organized alliance of Iranians in the country. External support, in this case most likely from the US and Israel, would have to be closely coordinated with the opposition and genuinely aligned with the goal of sustainable development. Regime changes be dedicated. Unfortunately, and I say this with great regret, the EU cannot even contribute to supporting the democracy movement with a satellite link. But we owe sustained political attention, at least to those, dear colleagues, to the Iranian people.

Mr President, dear colleagues, first and foremost, I would like to offer my deepest condolences to anyone who has lost a family member, a friend, a brother or sister in faith at Bondi Beach on Sunday. My prayers also go out to those who were injured and who are still struggling for their lives, and to all those whose memories of Hannukah celebrations will, from now on, be tainted by the sentiment of horror. I would also like to express my deep appreciation to the Jewish Chabad community and the non-Jewish citizens of Sydney for their strength and resilience, gathering again and again after the attack at Bondi Beach, standing united, continuing to spread light and hope. This, as well as the many blood donations since then, is an enormous sign of moral strength and devotion to humanity. But, colleagues, for politicians like us, members of parliament – and even more so for ministers and prime ministers, it is not enough to light candles and express condolences. Our words matter. Our decisions matter. We must ask ourselves, 'do our words incite hatred or empathy? Do we bring upon solutions or are we stuck with stereotypes and mantras?' Has the Israeli-Palestinian conflict not been instrumental for other political purposes in the meantime? Getting dangerously out of hand, threatening our Western societies and values. It is high time to be honest about that, colleagues. The future of many, many Jewish communities is currently at stake, and with it, the model of civilisation as it is laid down in our European treaties. Unfortunately – and we have to be very clear about this too – there are people who do subscribe to the cult of death, who do fuel their lives with violence, sealing off their hearts from human values and judgement. For our own safety, for our physical and mental safety, we have to counter the propagandists and executors of this ideology with the full strength of our security apparatus, ensuring that our children, relatives and neighbours will never be infected by it. The battle against anti-Semitism and against the ideology of death will always continue. We have to fight it courageously every single day.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! The 232 deaths in Valencia due to massive rains and floods were unfortunately not a single phenomenon in Europe, but they are a new reality, which in their cruelty can now strike everywhere at lightning speed and from which we urgently need to protect our citizens. In an emergency, crisis mechanisms must be reliable. There is no question that this is the most important lesson from the ‘Dana’ flood for the future. But the implementation of preventive measures is also important, especially for cities, such as the transformation into a sponge city, which we started with EU funds in my hometown of Berlin in 2016. This conversion costs a lot of money and even more time, and it requires a good involvement of the population. European cities can certainly learn from each other in this way. This was demonstrated in particular by my discussions with the experts and representatives of the Committee of the Regions and local authorities. I therefore very much welcome the fact that the Commission is inviting a first Water Resilience Forum at the beginning of December, from which we can all hopefully derive new ideas and support for significant improvements in practice.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, No more development aid from the watering can, but real cooperation through long-term and strategic partnerships between Europe and Africa – this is the new offer that the EU makes to African countries as the main trading partner. To this end, the President of the Commission has taken the initiative to: Global Gateway started. As the European Parliament, we are currently in the process of developing and improving this strategy in terms of the companies involved, their strategic orientation and awareness, their decision-making structures and their financial instruments. The Global Gateway Summit In Brussels last week, my talks on the ground in Africa with companies on both sides have shown that there is a strong interest in working together for real mutual benefit. We have to deliver now. After 25 years of partnership between the European Union and the African Union, it is high time to do so – two Unions, one vision. The upcoming summit in Angola is a great opportunity to bring new dynamism to our relations. Good luck to all involved!

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, what if Hamas refuses to lay down its arms? That's what I asked in the last plenary, referring to the frequently mentioned notion of High Representative Kallas: that there is no military solution. And this is exactly the situation we face today. Hamas has released the living hostages and Israel has withdrawn to the agreed yellow line, enacted a ceasefire and released hundreds of prisoners. The next step should be the disarmament and withdrawal of Hamas from Gaza. Any guess who's not fulfilling its part? The moment Israel withdrew, Hamas fighters returned, executing civilians, rearming, attacking IDF positions. All the pressure must now be on Hamas and its main sponsors, Türkiye and Qatar, to uphold the deal. My recommendation: travel the region instead of giving Hamas the illusion that Europe will help rebuild their terror state. There can be no European money for reconstruction as long as Hamas remains in power. Full stop. There can be no vacuum either. The next diplomatic tasks are clear: establish the peace board and international oversight for Gaza. We need guarantors, verifiers of the ceasefire and credible non-terror-affiliated Palestinians to help form new governance structures. According to the UN declaration you signed, elections in the PA-controlled territories are due within a year – time to accelerate the process. Please convey to the High Representative: she is the EU's top diplomat. There are a dozen urgent diplomatic tasks ahead, and in all of them, Israel must play a key role. So please come up with new messages beyond sanctions or the EU will still be marginalised.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, now or never. A genuine diplomatic breakthrough is on the table, shaped by President Trump and broadly backed by the Arab and Muslim world, including those with the most influence on Hamas. The plan demands something from both sides, even if it is hard to accept that terrorists sit at the table at all. The plan puts strong emphasis on what matters most to us: better humanitarian aid delivery. Every day counts for civilians in Gaza and the hostages. Therefore, both sides must be pressed to agree quickly. I welcome those European leaders, including Germany, who are engaging to help finalise the plan. For the EU, the plan is also a wake-up call. While Brussels talks about sanctions and cutting trade, the plan creates economic incentives, a special economic zone, lower tariffs and investment opportunities – for everybody. And what has become the pet project of many here – a Palestinian state under PA rule – is mentioned only as a potential result of a long process. The plan, rather, establishes a board of independent Palestinian experts and, in general, international oversight over Gaza. High Representative Kallas often likes to state that there is no military solution. But if Hamas refuses to lay down arms – what then? Should Israel live under permanent threat? And in conclusion – especially today, on the second anniversary of 7 October – I really wish that our European institutions showed the same empathy for the traumatised Israeli people and the unsettled Jewish communities worldwide as they show for the Palestinian cause.

I would now reply in German. This is what I stand for: We recognize that the Israelis are a democracy in which they choose their government, in which they make their decisions. And so I also find it difficult – as many in the room do – to criticise the military action in Gaza, in Gaza City, because we have no better advice, militarily, from any defence minister. They say that the crisis cannot be solved militarily. It's in the room, so to speak. The Israelis are now solving this crisis militarily by eliminating the last cells of Hamas. And I believe that this is also a correct approach if we want to make sure that we really have a future without Hamas' military arm. Let me just say that we are hopefully coming to an end soon, we are already at 40/50 % of Gaza City, and I hope – yes, then I will just stop.

Madam President, dear Vice‑President, dear colleagues, after more than 700 days of war, Israel and Gaza may be entering the final phase: the complete defeat of Hamas's military wing, and hopefully the liberation of the last 20 hostages, including at least 7 Europeans. The EU has no boots on the ground, no role in the ceasefire talks and no seat at the table for Gaza's political future, but we do have a responsibility where we can act, and this is on improving the humanitarian situation. More aid is needed. Humanitarian zones must be real and all actors must cooperate politically. We must set clear boundaries: no deportations, no annexations, no new settlements, but a chance for a terror‑free and prosperous Palestinian state. And finally, we should help Israelis and Palestinians rebuild trust: something we as the EU know from our own history of peace after war.

Madam President, dear colleagues, I would like to thank you wholeheartedly for, hopefully, the broad support for this report on the future of biotechnology and manufacturing in Europe. With this report, we are a big step ahead of the European Commission. We are defining the criteria for our European biotechnology act, which will see the light only in a year's time. Not least, the swift development and production of COVID vaccines in Europe has shown us the strong performance, the innovation potential and the huge productivity of this sector. But biotechnology is not only about pharma and life science. Thank you for subscribing, hopefully, to the broad scope we are advocating for in this report. This report is about a growth strategy for Europe about further igniting, but also about faster commercialising, innovation, about securing supply and value chains, about smarter financing, about globally compatible and lean regulation, and about speeding up our internal procedures. Thank you, colleagues, for sending – in the first year of our mandate – this clear signal of willingness to be competitive in one of the strategic future industry sectors, which provides solutions for our economic and food security, for sustainability and for public health. Let us now make sure that the Commission follows up closely, and I hope to see you all back full of energy in September.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, If China wants it, the bands in Europe stand still. This is how clearly we need to define reality. China is using its rare earth monopoly and our dependence as a strategic weapon – through export restrictions, lengthy licensing procedures and, more recently, the requirement to disclose sensitive corporate data. This delays deliveries, makes production more expensive and jeopardizes our technological sovereignty and security. Rare earths are irreplaceable for our industry, from smartphones to solar systems to defense technology. So far, Europe has hardly any mines or processing facilities of its own. We are now changing this with the implementation of the EU Raw Materials Act. But the current situation shows: We need to act faster and more decisively, including with measures that are effective in the short term, such as better collection, targeted recycling and, if necessary, our own export stops. Economy, politics and finance – everyone must now work together. In commodity diplomacy, we need to shift one gear higher. I ask you, Madam President, to clearly identify the unfair practices at the EU-China Summit and to make every effort to put an end to them. At the same time, we need to move faster in Europe at all levels, with our own projects, new strategic partnerships, targeted stockpiling and more innovation. China is very strategic. We have to do that too. It is high time for the EU to take responsibility and ensure a reliable supply of raw materials for our industrial base, so that Europe's prosperity will continue to exist tomorrow.

I realize that you don't give me anything at all (incomprehensible words) Speaking to Serbia. And I am not answering illusory questions that have nothing to do with the debate here. I am not going into this strategy.

Dear Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Enlargement of the European Union is not an end in itself, it is a strategic offer for peace, democracy, the rule of law and economic development. Accession negotiations begin with a first, welcoming political decision by the EU, but they are not a technocratic automatism; They are based on clear conditions and political will. When it comes to geopolitics, we must not hide behind the individual negotiating chapters. In the Western Balkans in particular, trust is a scarce commodity. If we lose it, we endanger the European perspective of this region. The example of Serbia shows how difficult the balance is. On the one hand, the Serbian leadership's course towards Russia and Kosovo is in direct contradiction with our European values, on the other hand, geostrategic considerations suggest that Serbia should be more closely tied to Europe, for example as a potential partner in the area of critical raw materials. But it is precisely in this sensitive sector that functioning, independent institutions and the trust and support of the population are crucial for the success of joint projects. The EU should be much more decisive in this regard. It could gain a lot of prestige in the eyes of the population if, through the lever of the accession process, it clearly pushed for the fight against corruption, freedom of the press and the rule of law, which are also crucial for genuine, healthy economic development and thus for the country's future viability. We need to show willingness to act, credibility and strategic reliability – only then will we be perceived as the partner we want and need to be.

Without knowing exactly how many skilled workers are still in the queue, so to speak, you also know the initiatives in the European Union regarding legal immigration. We have also set up a talent pool where employers can network with potential employees. I think this is a good initiative, and I am completely with you: We need legal immigration of skilled workers.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Power outages – this is a scenario that, fortunately, is currently extremely rare in the EU thanks to stable electricity grids. However, the energy demand is increasing every day as grid expansion comes to a standstill, not only because of a lack of planning, but increasingly also because cables and transformers are missing. According to the Energy Agency, it now takes up to four years to procure large transformers. Delivery times have almost doubled since 2021, and this is no coincidence. Demand for copper and aluminium will continue to increase by one third by 2050; Without secure supply chains and strategic raw material partnerships, the network will not be expanded. That is why I am also very, very active as a parliamentary representative on the EU Raw Materials Board for a better and secure supply of raw materials. At the same time, we finally need targeted measures to address the shortage of skilled workers. By 2050, more than 2 million additional jobs will be needed in electricity distribution alone. We therefore need a new training offensive, technology-oriented, practical and with more women in the energy sector. Electricity grids are not just infrastructure, but a strategic overall project – industrial policy, raw materials policy, education policy. Thank you to the rapporteur, and now it is time for implementation.

Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, since 7 October, we have debated Gaza nearly every plenary. No one here denies the suffering, but despite massive media coverage – often based on Hamas-supplied sources and political theatre across Europe, including university occupations and unilateral recognitions of Palestine – has any of this eased the humanitarian crisis? No. And suspending the EU-Israel Association Agreement, as loudly demanded by the S&D leader yesterday again, will not deliver a single kilo of food more to those in need. As Chair of the EU-Israel Delegation, I have tried to be an honest broker. I warned early: Israel's break with UNWRA was serious. I also told Israeli partners: if you cut ties, you must propose alternatives. I have tabled amendments in this House to reflect that need. Now is the time to act. Israel, the UN and aid groups must cooperate with one basic condition: that terrorists do not cease the aid. That should be obvious, and yet we cannot agree about it. Why? Because of some 'disdebate'. It's not about solutions. It's about hatred towards Israel. Let me be clear: under international law, genocide is one of the gravest crimes imaginable. It requires mass suffering and proven intent to destroy a group as such. That threshold is extremely high. The International Court of Justice did not find Israel guilty of genocide. It called for humanitarian steps, but it did not confirm the accusation. On the contrary, the court's president, Judge Julia Sebutinde, clearly stated, and I quote, 'no plausible basis for finding genocidal intent'. She called the case 'essentially political'. So I ask the colleagues on the left, why do you keep on repeating this claim? Words matter. False accusations fuel hatred, violence and antisemitism. Some respected members of the Berlin chapter of your party have left it, rather than remaining silent in the face of the anchoring of this toxic narrative. Let us be united as Europeans and all choose truth over ideology, clarity over chaos, and collaboration over boycott.

Mr President, High Representative, dear colleagues, let us speak plainly about who is truly escalating and destabilising the Middle East. Israel, a democratic state, has been fighting for its very existence since 1948. Its core policy objective has remained consistent – to survive, to defend its citizens fleeing from persecution globally, and to live in peace with its neighbours. Peace treaties with Jordan and Egypt, and more recently the Abraham Accords, are proof. On 7 October 2023, Israel was brutally attacked by Hamas and simultaneously assaulted by Hezbollah and the Houthis, terrorist organisations and shadow armies of Iran with one goal – the destruction of Israel and the extermination of its people. Let us be clear, instability in the region, first and foremost, stems from the Iranian regime proclaiming openly 'Death to America!' and 'Death to Israel!'. Unfortunately, the shifting posture of the United States under President Trump is another source of insecurity that we cannot ignore. The US solely has the attributes of a global stabiliser, and we Europeans have often seconded upholding the rules-based international order. But today, our coordination and cooperation is clearly insufficient, whether on Afghanistan, Ukraine, China or Iran. This lack of unity ...

Madam President, dear colleagues, in the plenary of 1 April, I said that 'the moment for realpolitik has come'. And this is what happened. Israel is fighting a total war against Hamas, because it poses an existential threat to its bare existence. Make no mistake: defeating Hamas is not a crazy idea of a right-wing government; defeating Hamas is a goal widely supported by the Jewish people. And, colleagues, unfortunately, I don't hear it clearly enough from the European foreign ministers and Kaja Kallas. It is also in the European interest that Hamas is defeated. With an active and strong Hamas, there will be no peace, no future, no two-state solution. I repeat: we as the EU must share Israel's strategic interest to defeat Hamas. But we also see that the trauma of 7 October and the fact that Israeli hostages are still kept has led to a blind spot in Israel with regard to the destiny of Palestinian civilians. Of course, there can be no deportation, no cutting-off of basic humanitarian and medical aid. We need real, safe spaces for civilians while the military action against Hamas is ongoing. Colleagues, now we need more – not less – collaboration with Israel to make sure that humanitarian aid which has been obtained really reaches those in need ...

Madam President, dear colleagues, the battle to drive Hamas out of Gaza is getting more and more intense. For the first time, Palestinians themselves have also taken to the streets against Hamas. I think we all hope that Hamas, this terrible oppressor of the Palestinian population and huge threat to innocent Israelis, will be defeated once and for all. That is still missing – living hostages will finally be liberated of Hamas tunnels and see light, food and love again. It has been 543 days. We, as the EU, as we all know, do not play a role in the current negotiations. But we could and should start to engage ourselves in the competition of ideas for the day after. I recommend that we do this in close cooperation with the Arab neighbours and the key players in the region. We should initiate and support any kind of process which leads to political emancipation from Hamas and to de-radicalisation. We, as the EU, have insisted that the Palestinian Authority engages in reform and becomes an independent, terror-free Palestinian state, potentially also including Gaza. What we need now are fresh, creative and politically grounded ideas. I would like to invite you, our new high representative, to engage with the Parliament in this regard and to continue visiting the region and testing solutions, together with regional actors, open to our values and respected by both of the conflicting parties.

Mr President, dear colleagues, we urgently need new guidance in this budget on EU funding for UNRWA, the unique agency for Palestine, which now operates in Gaza without effective international oversight since Israel has cut off contact to UNRWA on the basis of a Parliament's decision end of January. Mr Germain, Madam Gómez López, there is a serious risk that EU-funded humanitarian aid is being diverted to Hamas, an EU-listed terror organisation that has executed the attacks on 7 October, that controls the territory, that has deeply infiltrated local institutions and the education system, and that bluntly denies Israel's right to exist. There is evidence that humanitarian aid intended for the civilian population in Gaza is diverted. Former hostages testified that Hamas captors consumed UNRWA-branded food while they starved. UNRWA facilities have been linked to Hamas tunnels used for hiding escape routes and torture. Most importantly, UNRWA has failed to reform. The Colonna report of 2024 clearly states that UNRWA educational materials still include hateful and anti-Semitic content, strongly disregarding the opinion of...

Mr President! Dear colleagues! I would like to contribute to this discussion as rapporteur for the EU law on critical raw materials, which we adopted by a large majority here in Parliament last year. Particularly because the European Commission, led by Social Democratic Commissioner Urpilainen and Liberal Vice-President Séjourné, signed memoranda on the joint sustainable development of strategic raw materials last year. I admit, that surprised me. But in a way it was consistent. Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo want to use their raw materials, and we in Europe need them. So when we always talk about partnerships on an equal footing with Africa, it was an opportunity to put this into practice. But since the signing in February and October, nothing has happened under this agreement that could now be called into question or even terminated. Nothing happened. On the contrary. These agreements contain important commitments that allow us to promote positive developments in both countries – guarantees of origin, due diligence and compliance with standards. Yes, the implementation of EU rules has not always been smooth in the past. But is that a reason to give up and withdraw now, especially now that both sides are showing a growing interest in cooperation? I say no. Our raw materials policy in Africa, especially towards strategically important partners such as Rwanda and Congo, must be characterized by patience, long-term commitment and reliability, and not by a premature breach of trust.

Madam President, Dear colleagues! The decisive political actor with real negotiating power in the Middle East is the US with its military strength. This is probably clear to everyone these days. But: We, too, as the EU, have strengths and basic convictions that we should bring to the Middle East. We are strong in providing humanitarian aid. We are experienced in building institutions. We are good at building regional markets, know-how in cross-border cooperation. And there's a lot to do here. Commissioner, you have described it, from the development of infrastructure to the development of renewable energies and water supply. We can achieve a lot with increased European engagement, including peace, and should therefore now sharpen our external economic instruments. At the same time, and I have heard far too little from you, ladies and gentlemen, we must also show our red lines very clearly. And these are: No cooperation with or financing of terrorists, deradicalisation, combating hatred, promoting democratic processes and unconditionally ensuring Israel's security.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I strongly believe in Europe's innovative power. That is why I am making policy in this Parliament and for our European Union. And that is why I have also advocated putting fusion energy on the agenda right at the beginning of this legislature – because we need to act. What is it about? We all know that we urgently need affordable, clean and secure energy for the baseload supply. And fusion energy could contribute a lot to that. The EU is excellent in fusion research, but so far there is no decisive step to put theory into practice – we need to close this gap. Firstly, this means: Target public research funding to quickly answer the remaining open but well-known scientific questions and insist on better cooperation between research institutions and companies. And secondly, and most importantly: support our European start-ups in the field of fusion energy. These companies need new public-private partnerships and reliable financial support, which is paid out when concrete milestones are reached. Because there is a spirit of optimism: 88 percent of companies in this area expect the first fusion power plant to feed electricity into the European grid as early as the 1920s, 1930s or even earlier. I would like to see a change of policy, which consists in no longer relying solely on individual major projects such as ITER and DEMO. From now on, we should also give European fusion energy start-ups with a wide range of technological approaches a real chance. The world is not waiting for us. The US and China are already investing heavily. But Europe has a broad and diverse top know-how to be successful in fusion energy. Let's lift this great potential for the reliable improvement of our energy supply together now.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, It is getting warmer and warmer and warmer on our planet, and now for ten years in a row. At the end of last year, we finally tore down the 1.5-degree target that we set for good reasons as a global community ten years ago in Paris, because from more than 1.5 degrees global warming irretrievable and uncontrollable changes will occur, because glaciers and polar caps are melting, because the tundra is thawing and because unprecedented heat waves and heavy rainfall are causing serious damage to us as well. This alarming development is one of the main reasons why I have decided to make policy in this Parliament and we have also changed course since 2019 with the adoption of binding climate targets. But we also noted in the last legislature how difficult it is to transform our fossil-fuel-based energy system, to get mobility, buildings and agriculture lower in emissions, to establish a circular economy, and that we need to invest a lot of money, colleagues, especially when global competition is faster, more disruptive and more decisive. And now comes the second but: No or less climate protection is even more expensive. Take a look at how much damage and reconstruction is currently being calculated for Los Angeles and how many billions have been caused by the floods and heat waves of material damage – not to mention the dead, injured and displaced. Whoever loses sense of responsibility and will for the future and who does not want to listen to scientists, I ask him to speak at least once with those affected or to seek the conversation with the insurers, who will soon no longer insure such damage, if we in Europe, but also worldwide, if we do not join together reasonably and climate change ...

Do you want to say that you have doubts in the Israeli justice system? Is this what you want to say? I don't have these doubts. I don't have doubts like Ms Al-Sahlani in the Israeli justice system.

I can't see a question, but if you mean: I talked about balance, about innocent Israeli hostages being released for convicted mass murderers who have helped kill hundreds, thousands of Israeli civilians. And I have pointed out this imbalance and the resulting insecurity resulting from the release of Hamas fighters, who will of course regroup, to this danger to the security of Israel.