What Jörgen spoke about.

Madam President, we, the EPP, will vote against this proposal from the Left. And the reason is that it is not only about the tariffs on cars at the moment. As you are aware, on Wednesday, Trump will announce even further tariffs on other products. And the Commission is, of course, expected to present its countermeasures in mid-April. The most important aspect for us now is to respond to this trade conflict with President Trump in a unified way. However, we are still not in a position that we have clarity, and therefore we think we should have a broader debate on this topic for the May plenary, and that would give us time to analyse the situation fully, not least on the tariffs introduced this week, but also on the EU responses. That is why we would like to vote no for this proposal from the Left.

Thank you very much for that question. I think we can work with issues regarding sustainability and climate change. They are important. But I also see – and this is important for the Greens as well to see – that we have a problem with the competitiveness. That is why it's so important to open up these files. That's so good that the Commission comes up with the first Omnibus package to change this. This is not enough, though. We have to continue. We have to cut red tape even more than in these proposals. And for all the political groups that would like to do that, I am sure that EPP will work together with you to cut the red tape, to increase the growth, to come back to competitiveness. That is what we can do. And then we get the resources also to focus on the green issues.

Madam President, Commissioner, my key message today is that this is a good first step. But it is not enough. We have to continue to work with this suggestion and this is really important for the competitiveness of Europe. We have been falling behind. We have been falling behind a lot of other great economic powers around the world and we have to change this situation. And there is a lot of things that we need to change. But one of the most important parts is to cut red tape. This is important for all companies, but it is most important for the small and medium-sized enterprises. It was a colleague that mentioned the 'Think Small First' principle – I think that is really important. That is a good solution. We have to do that. And this can be done in the negotiation about these files as well, to continue with the 'Think Small First' principle. Multinationals were mentioned like they are bad guys – no, they are good guys. They are providing jobs and economy and growth to Europeans. That is also important. It is good that we do a reality check on this package, on the CSDDD, on the CSRD, on the taxonomy act, on the CBAM. We need that reality check. So let's work with it, but we need to move this forward. This is a good first step but we need to continue to cut red tape. It's been speaking about 'deregulation', about 'simplification', about 'cutting red tape' – it doesn't matter which word you use, you have to cut the cost for businesses. That's how you get back to growth.

Mr President, Commissioner, the strength of our Union is in its openness, the ability to trade, to innovate and to compete globally. However, in today's reality, Europe's communication infrastructure is heavily reliant on global actors, and Europe must be in a position where no country or individual company can dictate our digital future. I believe in a strong and resilient Europe, one that competes globally without excessive state interventions, but through strategic interventions, free markets and international cooperation. By that way, individuals and businesses can choose between multiple actors and alternatives. To go forward in this situation, I think the Union must do a lot of things, but let me mention three of them. Firstly, we need to encourage private investments in new communication infrastructure, not through subsidies or state control, but through reducing red tape and creating smart incentives. Secondly, we need to deepen our partnership with trusted partners to ensure openness works in Europe's favour rather than making us dependent. Lastly, as the Commissioner started his intervention with, we need to safeguard Europe's connectivity by taking coordinated action to protect submarine cables. This state terrorism has to end and we have to work together, coordinatedly, to make that sure – we have to reinforce our cable security, our repair capabilities, but also invest in the expansion of new submarine cables to enhance our redundancy and ensure resilience in our communication infrastructure.

You said that the agreement will destroy the farmers. That is absolutely not true. Look back and see the agreement, which was actually beneficial for the farmers, even though a lot of people said that it would destroy the farmers. The Commission has, on the other side, done a very good job. They have TRQs, they have safeguards, and they have a compensation package. How can you say that it will destroy farmers? We recognise that there are sensitive products, but that's why the Commission has worked with us. This will help the farmers. It is beneficial for the wine sector, for cheese, for a lot of businesses.

Madam President, Commissioner, I would like to use the beginning of my speech to paint a picture of the EU reality on the global stage. Because five years ago, the UK left the European Union. A month later – COVID‑19 – the pandemic broke out in Europe. And three years ago, Russia launched a full‑scale illegal invasion of Ukraine. And at the same time, European energy prices reached record levels, and this also, of course, created inflation for European citizens. A month ago, Trump was inaugurated in the US administration. All this at the same time when China is systematically disregarding the multilateral trade order, and the BRICs is growing. Never before has the EU and its citizens and businesses been faced with so much uncertainty and unpredictability as now, most evidently seen last Monday, when Trump increased the tariffs on steel and aluminium to 25 %. I have stood at this podium more times than I can remember to talk about the importance of the Mercosur deal. If there would ever be a moment to conclude the deal that would create the biggest free trade zone in the world, it would be now. We need it now because it will provide opportunities for businesses and citizens. It will enhance our energy security. It will create a channel of diplomatic and economic relationships with one of the biggest players in the world, and it will demonstrate that the EU is a global, relevant player that stands for an open, rules‑based geopolitical order. Let's do it. Let's conclude. Let's finalise the negotiation. It is beneficial for all.

Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, it is evident that we are living in an increasingly unpredictable and uncertain trade area. Whilst China is using subsidies to boost their businesses, US is using tariffs to support theirs. The EU is, sadly, only one of the few global actors that really are playing by the international rules-based order today. The EU now must stand united in our approach towards the Trump trade policy. Fragmentation will only weaken our process. We have a very well developed trade defence toolbox and it is ready to be used, but only after diplomacy and negotiation have failed – because the US is a close ally, it is a traditional partner of us, it is a strategic friend and we need to work together with them. A tit-for-tat trade war will not benefit us. Most importantly, when we answer to the US threats, we have to do it in a WTO-compatible manner because if we don't, this will only increase the insecurity for European businesses and citizens. Whilst China and the US are playing by their own rules at the moment, we need to have even more strategic partners around the world. We need to continue with the Mercosur countries. We need to continue the negotiations with India. We need to finalise the modernised trade with Mexico and speed up the process with Indonesia. Trump is now closing inwards, the US is closing inwards and we in Europe we must look outwards.

Madam President, I would like to thank you for your Thank you, Commissioner. I realise that this is the last time I can address you as Commissioner. Thank you for your great work during this time. It has been mentioned before that Europe has a competitiveness problem, and it certainly is. It is, of course, sad that this is the case, but it is also good that there are so many who say that we share the same opinion and that we must do something to tackle Europe's competitiveness. In order to solve the challenge of Europe's growth, we need to do a number of things. One of the most important things is to ensure that we improve access to capital. When I meet small business owners, almost everyone says it's one of their biggest problems. That is why we need to create a European ISK, an investment savings account, which creates incentives for Europeans to invest in the stock market. It would be good for them, because it would increase their economic opportunities, but above all it would also be good for small businesses, so that they can continue to expand, employ more and create wealth throughout Europe.

Mr President, as you said, the the headline for this debate is 'U-turn on EU bureaucracy: the need to axe unnecessary burden and reporting to unleash competitiveness and innovation'. And I couldn't agree more. That is a really important topic that we indeed need to to discuss. But reducing regulatory burden is not a goal in itself, not even competitiveness is a goal in itself, because at the end of the day, it is creating a prosperous Europe that is the goal. And when it comes to creating a prosperous Europe and when it comes to creating competitiveness, we are having a problem. If I look back 15 years and look at growth numbers, we can see how Europe is falling behind. We are falling behind almost all economic powers around the world. So we need to change this. And this change will probably not be easy, and this change will entail a lot of different actions. One of them – I would say one of the most important, of course – is reducing regulatory burden. It is important for all businesses, but especially for small and medium-sized enterprises. And now I think we can all agree that we have a window of opportunity, because now we have the Letta report, we have the Draghi report, and we have a commitment from the Commission to work with reduced regulatory burden. I'd like to start by thanking the Commission for the 'one in, one out' principle. And as you know, colleagues, the 'one in, one out' principle is where the Commission agrees or commits itself to reducing the same amount of burden as it adds. You calculate the cost of a regulation, and then the Commission says, 'This cost will be offset by other measures.' And that, of course, is fantastic, because that means that the Commission has understood that we have to stop this excessive burden for the businesses. But – but – 'one in, one out' means the status quo. That doesn't mean reducing the regulatory burden, it stays about the same. It will keep the same and we need to do more. We need to do more. And that's why I'm also positive, and I'd like to thank the Commission for this goal of reducing the reporting by 25 %. That is very good. But it's not enough, because reporting is such a small part of the entire regulatory burden that is faced by our businesses. And therefore, EPP is now suggesting – not only suggesting, it's in our manifesto for this election – to push for 'one in, two out', because reducing regulatory burden with 'one in, two out' will actually decrease the cost for businesses, increase our competitiveness and increase European prosperity. We also say that all the proposals from the Commission should have an impact assessment. This is important in general, but it is also important because in the impact assessment you calculate the cost – the 'ins', so to speak. And therefore, from the EPP Group, we have a very, very clear message: if the Commission comes up with a proposal that has no impact assessment, the EPP will veto them. We will send them back. We won't deal with issues that have not had a proper, full impact assessment that is approved by the Regulatory Scrutiny Board. This is the way how we create a prosperous Europe. I look very much forward to this debate today.

Mr President, thank you very much. I think we can all agree that Russia's unprovoked and unjustified aggression against Ukraine is in no way waning, and that a bitter winter awaits the citizens of Ukraine. While living conditions are not expected to improve, the country's funding gap is increasing to over $40 billion by 2025. Then we in the European Union must use every possible means to support Ukraine. This proposed macro-financial assistance will alleviate economic pressures and strengthen the financial stability that the country so badly needs. It is an important cooperation effort with the other G7 countries. Time is of the utmost importance here. The EU must show leadership and adopt this proposal without delay, so that these loans can be smoothly disbursed before the end of the year. The alarming attacks and human suffering will not stop. We need to act now. Ukraine can count on the Moderates and the EPP's unwavering support.

Madam President, yes, the ECJ ruling, it came only last Friday. Therefore, the EPP will reject this proposals from The Left. We think it is too early to have a debate in plenary. Instead, this issue should be assessed and analysed at the PESH Committee, in the AGRI Committee and in the INTA Committee. So no need for for a debate in plenary at this moment.

Madam President, thank you very much. We are finally debating competitiveness. We should have done this a long time ago, and we need to do it more and more often. As a matter of fact, Europe is falling behind; We are lagging behind almost every other country in the world. And in the long run, it means that our prosperity is declining. We must reverse this trend so that Europe becomes both richer and more secure. The road always runs through small businesses. It is through small businesses, when they hire and create jobs and tax revenue, that our cake increases. There are many things we need to do to solve this challenging situation for Europe. I would like to raise one issue today, and that is that we need to cut red tape and red tape. This is perhaps the most important thing for European small business owners. From the Conservatives, we propose an ambitious goal of reducing the regulatory burden by 30 percent for companies. We need more free trade, we need less bureaucracy and we need more European entrepreneurs.

Mr President, thank you very much. First of all, I would like to thank my colleagues from the other party groups for the very good cooperation with this resolution. We reached a broad consensus in committee and that bodes well for strong support in plenary and a solid European voice ahead of the forthcoming ministerial meeting. The resolution focuses on key elements such as agriculture, fisheries subsidies, trade and climate, a permanent moratorium to avoid digital trade tariffs and, of course, also to facilitate SMEs. But here and now, I would like to highlight the overarching issue of the WTO organisation. There are dark clouds in the geopolitical sky. European businesses and people face severe economic consequences after the COVID-19 pandemic and after two wars, one of which is in our absolute neighbourhood. Beyond the tragic loss of human life, the wars have put additional strains on inflation, increased energy prices and disruptions to global supply chains. We are constantly reminded of the vulnerability of our trade routes. People are now asking for safety, security and predictability. Countries demand trust, cohesion and global partners. Effective trade is more important than ever. The WTO now needs to be modernised and reformed. Here, the EU must use our common weight for institutional reform of the WTO, not least to improve the dispute settlement mechanism, so that the WTO can maintain its legitimacy and resolve the trade conflicts that already exist and may arise. This is a priority opportunity for the EU to put on the leadership shirt and wear the banner high for a more free trade-friendly world where a rules-based order is respected and a level playing field prevails. The EU must show that it is a leading force to be reckoned with and a solid wall against protectionist tendencies.

Mr President, thank you very much. I would like to begin by thanking all the colleagues who fought for this free trade agreement to come into being as early as 2017. I remember how you fought uphill and against the wind, because the criticism was loud from many quarters. I think the critics were wrong. Now, seven years later, we can look at the statistics on how many benefits this agreement has brought to the EU: an export increase of around 60%, lots of new jobs and most of all; of all companies, it has benefited small and medium-sized enterprises. And not least, it has benefited many in the agricultural and food sector, where criticism was perhaps the greatest. Despite this, despite all these benefits, criticism still echoes around free trade agreements. It's very strange. But we free trade friends, we can stretch our backs and say: Now we move on, now we conclude more free trade agreements, not least with Mercosur!

Madam President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. We have seen how Europe's competitiveness has fallen recently. Fifteen years ago, the economies of the European Union and the United States were roughly the same size. If we move forward to the present day, the US economy has grown by over 120%, while in the EU we have barely grown by 50%. At the same time, India's and China's growth figures are accelerating. Free trade agreements are crucial here. They are crucial for economic growth. They are crucial for job opportunities and they are crucial for European competitiveness. That is why I very much welcome this free trade agreement with New Zealand. It is very gratifying that we now have this agreement in place and I believe that we will vote by a large majority in Parliament for this agreement tomorrow. This will increase our trade growth by about 30%. This will mean significant reductions in tariffs, which will of course be reflected in lower prices for consumers. With increased competition comes increased quality of the products. So this is basically a very good deal! However, now that we are entering the final phase of this mandate, there is no escaping the fact that this is only the second agreement we have concluded during this mandate. We need to speed up so that we get more deals. They're so important. They are valuable for our competitiveness and a strong call on the Commission to put full throttle behind Mercosur and Australia. A big applause to the Commission, however, for bringing this agreement to port.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you very much. At a time like this, you can take several different approaches. I am going to talk about one thing and only one thing and that is the Mercosur agreement. Over the last few days, I have met representatives from the Commission. I have met representatives of the Council, now they are not here. But I hear a lot of evasiveness. I hear a lot of excuses and I miss that political will to say: Let's do it now. I think that the Commissioner has presented in a good way, meritoriously, all the advantages of free trade agreements. The Mercosur agreement is 260 million consumers in South America and our 450. It would be a huge market that would ensure the security of value chains in this rather uncertain time, which would create business and prosperity and growth. Yet we have been negotiating this agreement for over 20 years, over 20 years. Isn't it time to take political ownership and say: I want to invest my political capital, from the Commission? I want to bang my fist on the table and say: Now we do it, now we take it across the finish line. We are now creating opportunities, prosperity and growth in Europe. I miss it. The Commission has a few months to bring this across the finish line. It's time. It is time to tackle this. It's time to finish it. I understand that it is also the case that you have a negotiating partner, but someone must be able to enforce this agreement, right? We don't have another 20 years. We don't have two more years. Maybe we have two more months. Do it now!

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner Šefčovič! I welcome Mr Mandl's report on the EU's relations with Switzerland, which stresses the importance of maintaining strong, stable and long-lasting trade relations with the EU's fourth largest trading partner. Thanks to our free trade agreement, Swedish and European companies can benefit from almost 100 percent duty-free trade. Nevertheless, there are obstacles to frictionless business. And that is why I regret that the Swiss Federal Council concluded the negotiations on the institutional framework agreement, an agreement that had provided more stability, more predictability and more business opportunities. I therefore call on the Commission and the Swiss Federal Council to modernise our free trade agreement, to find a pragmatic solution to the current problems that prevent us from binding closer trade relations. In these times of economic uncertainty, where Swedish and European competitiveness is at stake, it is crucial that we seize every opportunity to deepen our trade relations, promote business opportunities and secure job growth.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner. Europe is experiencing a growth crisis and companies are facing increasingly fierce global competition. Unfortunately, the situation is far from new. The EU has lagged behind and performed extremely weak growth figures in recent decades. It is serious, and it is urgent to reverse this trend if Europe is not to become a poor continent. Just like the climate issue, competitiveness is one of the major devastation issues of our time. We need to focus on growth now. To give companies fair conditions to create jobs and prosperity, so that we lift the purchasing power of households and get the wheels spinning again. Incentives for entrepreneurship need to be strengthened. We must put an end to the constant flow of new regulatory burdens. Taxes must be reduced, bureaucracy eliminated, investment promoted, trade agreements concluded. Europe's small businesses should be able to feel that Europe is working for them, not against them. They should see in reality a reduction in the regulatory burden and an improvement in the investment climate. Households should be able to count on us to deliver policies that provide the conditions for steady real wage increases, growth and a secure economic future. Citizens have the right to expect it, and it is our duty as elected representatives to start delivering.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear colleagues, This debate has been about four different dossiers, and it is quite clear that the Ship Fuel Regulation has not received most speaking time, but it has instead been the Industrial Emissions Directive. I take this as revenue because, as far as the climate transition of shipping is concerned, we have found the right balance between competitiveness, the climate and social issues. I also take it to mean that, as far as the Industrial Emissions Directive is concerned, there is more to be done there. I support those who think that cows should not be defined in the context of industrial emissions. The speakers who have mentioned the climate transition of ships have spoken a lot about competitiveness. It has been about the climate, of course, and it has been about inflation and the increased costs. It is a good balance we have found and I hope that we will have this unity when we vote tomorrow too, so that the maritime sector can have the predictability and the peace of mind that is needed and so that the EU negotiators can go to the IMO and, with rye in the back, create a concrete roadmap that can be scaled up globally. Let me also say personally that I am very pleased that we have had an impact on the ‘one in, one out’ principle in this legislation. The Commission is now required to monitor the regulatory burden very closely and to ensure that it does not blossom too much. This is extremely important for the competitiveness of European companies and I hope that it can apply to all future legislative proposals and to all sectors. To finish: I am not sure that the interpreters can translate this expression from Swedish, but it feels very good to note that now we are finally in port!

Madam President, thank you very much. Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen. It is with pride that I stand here today and mark the end of almost two years of work to negotiate the law on the climate transition of shipping. It is a landmark decision that the EU is about to take. Never before has such a comprehensive and effective framework been developed to tackle maritime emissions. Never before has any global power with the EU's weight put power behind the words that shipping should do its part in the climate transition. The Commission has done a solid preparatory work, after which the process took place in Parliament in October 2021. I, as the lead negotiator, initiated a multi-stakeholder dialogue with ports, shipping companies, trade unions, environmental organisations and fuel suppliers from all parts of Europe. Then intensive negotiations took place here in Parliament, followed by trilogue negotiations with the Council of Ministers. Early in the morning of March 23, we reached an agreement. The text that is now on the table is unprecedented in the world's most ambitious climate law for shipping. Shipping companies will gradually need to switch to cleaner fuels and connect their ships to shore-side electricity to reduce harmful air pollution in the busiest ports. As I said, the agreement is ambitious, but it is also realistic. As responsible politicians, we need to take into account many different perspectives: of course the climate, but also social aspects and the competitiveness of businesses. 75% of our trade is by ship. European industry is thus entirely dependent on efficient, accessible and affordable shipping. Everyone understands that the climate transition will cost money, but the pace we implement it in, and the way we do it, it matters to the bill. That is why we have put in place an emission reduction plan that starts very modestly, and then takes off after 2035. This gives the industry a clear direction of travel while providing it with reasonable time and practical conditions to carry out the investments required. In new more efficient hulls and engines, in new fuel and production facilities and bunkering infrastructure, and by building new supply chains and continuing research. The gradual phasing-in also takes into account the social and economic dimension. We give breathing space to the sector, thus avoiding phasing-in problems and short-term price spikes. This is, of course, very important in times of inflation, that we protect families and businesses from unreasonable price increases. We have also taken into account geographical specificities, so that legislation does not impose unreasonable burdens on any particular region. That is why we have special provisions for ice-class vessels, for small islands and for the outermost regions. The guiding principle for me in the negotiations has been practical feasibility and getting the best possible exchange for every euro invested. That the EU's plan will be so successful that the rest of the world wants to follow suit. We have already seen the first steps in the same direction. When the International Maritime Organization (IMO) met last week, it adopted an ambitious emission reduction plan. Now it is important to press for it to also result in concrete and binding global fuel rules, so that the big words become a reality. The EU is showing that it is possible. With the Ship Fuel Regulation we are going to vote on tomorrow, Europe is taking the lead, with active action, in the transformation of shipping. Since the law will apply regardless of the flag of a ship, as soon as they call at a European port, we will have global negotiating pressure, which I am convinced will spur further progress within the IMO. No shipping company wishing to operate in Europe will be able to turn a blind eye to the absolutely necessary climate transition. They will have to adapt. Now we're pointing with our whole hand where we're going. We guarantee the maritime sector long-term rules of the game and predictability, so that it can gather the power to invest. We design the rules so that shipping companies and ports can focus their resources on the measures that provide the greatest climate benefit and the most bang for the money. Before concluding, I would like to say that I think we have achieved a very good balance in this agreement that is on the table, and I would like to extend my warm thanks to all the Members and staff who have contributed to the work, as well as to colleagues in the Council and at the Commission for your professionalism and spirit of cooperation. I would urge all colleagues to support the agreement at the vote tomorrow.

Mr President, the European Union stands for open, rules-based and fair trade. We are also the foremost defender of democracy, freedom and human dignity. It is no news that China is very different. It’s a communist autocracy with massive state control of the market, denying its citizens basic human rights and threatening its peaceful neighbours. China cannot be treated like any other trading partner. We want to have a close relationship and we want to increase trade. But that requires positive movement from China: human rights being granted, subsidies abandoned and the freedom of the Taiwanese people respected. We shall not seek unnecessary confrontation, but we need to show firmness towards China and be crystal clear about what is right and what is wrong. This should be done in unity with partners, and especially the transatlantic partnership needs to be reinforced further. In addition, we must drastically reduce our dependency on China for critical raw materials and diversify our supply chains. This could be done with the Mercosur Treaty or free trade agreements with Australia and New Zealand. So in summary, we shall cooperate where beneficial, compete when needed and confront when necessary.

Madam President, thank you very much. Mr. Prime Minister! Commissioner Šefčovič! As a Swedish and moderate, I look forward with great confidence to the Swedish Presidency. Sweden takes the lead at a time when Europe is under pressure from several parallel crises: Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine, an increasingly urgent climate challenge, electricity prices and inflation sending shockwaves through the economy, and European companies facing increasingly fierce global competition. Let me place the emphasis on competitiveness. This is where Europe is lagging behind, not only now in the acute situation, but we have been doing so for a long time. We have failed in the business environment. Bureaucracy is too heavy, and taxes are too high. We need to be clear about this, and crisis insights need to spur action. It is urgent to improve the business environment if we are to strengthen our global position economically. That is why I would really like to applaud the Prime Minister for putting competitiveness so clearly at the heart of the Presidency. In these difficult times, we cannot afford to continue as if nothing has happened. Incentives for entrepreneurship need to be strengthened. Free trade agreements need to be approved. Bureaucracy must be eliminated. Digitalisation must be intensified and investment in research and development must be increased. We need to try every opportunity to improve the business environment. It is only through viable companies that we can accelerate the way back to growth and stable economic conditions. A good business environment is the key to prosperity for European citizens. I wish the Prime Minister, the EU Minister and the entire Swedish Government the best of luck!

Madam President, thank you very much. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the Members and staff who have contributed to the negotiations. We can be proud of this joint success, where Europe is now taking the lead in the transformation of shipping. This is unprecedented in the world's most ambitious legislation to dramatically reduce the climate footprint of shipping. We do this in a balanced and feasible way, where we make sure to cope with both the climate and competitiveness. In so doing, in accordance with Rule 59(4) of the Rules of Procedure, I call for the matter to be referred back to the committee responsible for interinstitutional negotiations.

. – Mr President, thank you very much. Madam Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to thank you very much. I find it reassuring to hear such strong support for the roadmap that we have developed between the Transport Committee, the Industry Committee and the Environment Committee. Certainly, as the Commissioner says, there are a few negative votes, but the overall feeling is predominantly positive. Unfortunately, we have had to get used to negotiations, globally, which have culminated in very grand goals but then made empty promises. The major changes in reality have not taken place, but the proposal we have on the table is something quite different. Europe is actively taking the lead in the transformation of shipping. This is the world's, unprecedented, most ambitious climate legislation for shipping. It is the only comprehensive, feasible and truly concrete plan to dramatically reduce the climate footprint of shipping. Because it's not just about displaying the grandest promises, if you can't live up to them in reality at the same time. Here we have done just that. We've been pointing our whole hand where we're going. We guarantee the sector long-term rules of the game and predictability, so that they can dare to invest. We design the rules so that shipping companies and ports can focus their resources on the measures that deliver the greatest climate benefit and the most ‘bang for money’. This is how we meet our climate targets quickly and efficiently. This is how we ensure that European consumers do not bear the entire world's climate costs. This is how we protect the jobs of seafarers, dockers and all employees in the export industry. This is how we become an example for other countries to follow. The compromise proposal we have negotiated is supported by five political groups and the ITRE, ENVI and TRAN committees. I think it speaks for itself what a good balance we have found. I would urge colleagues to support this compromise proposal on the table.

Mr President, Commissioner, honourable colleagues, it is high time to advance the green transition of shipping. With a compromise adopted in the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN), we lay out the world’s by far most ambitious pathway to maritime decarbonisation. Europe takes the frontrunner position in tackling emissions by creating demand for sustainable fuels and fostering innovation in green propulsion technologies. This is truly ground-breaking. Never before has any global power drafted such a comprehensive and efficient framework for tackling maritime emissions. I am happy that after almost a year of in-depth dialogue with ports, ship-owners, trade unions, environmental organisations and fuel suppliers from all parts of Europe, followed by intense negotiations in Parliament, we now have a deal on the table. And not just any deal, a deal supported by an overwhelming majority in TRAN with the EPP, S&D, Renew, ID and ECR, including, very importantly, the support from both our associated committees, ENVI and ITRE – a very broad majority of three committees and five political groups. Our compromise is ambitious and it is realistic because, as responsible politicians, we have to take many perspectives into account. On climate, most importantly, but not just setting the most extreme targets that might look good on paper. Instead, thinking about real enforceability, making sure things actually happen in reality. Also thinking about social aspects, protecting jobs, because 75% of our exports go by ship. We secure connectivity for people living on islands, in coastal areas and in the outermost regions. We shield the most vulnerable families from rising prices. Safeguarding the maritime sectors competitiveness, and making sure there won’t be carbon leakage and jobs leaving Europe. In the negotiations in TRAN, my guiding principle was to ensure we get the biggest emissions savings possible per euro spent. We do that with an effective scope targetting 90% of maritime CO2 emissions while shielding the very smallest ship-owners and ports from massive economic and bureaucratic burdens. We do it with the phase-in that is rapid but realistic so that we send a strong signal to the market to invest in green ships and ramp up the projections of RFNBOs and biofuels, to deploy onshore power and invest in innovative wind propulsion. We do it with the target-oriented design where we set the pathway forward with strict greenhouse gas limits, but without micromanaging ship-owners or forcing them into some kind of ‘one-size-fits-all’. The deal before you ensures is that maritime climate targets are met rapidly and effectively, that Europe becomes the benchmark for the rest of the world, that we actually change the way global shipping is powered, going green and making sure the innovation happens here. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to members and staff who were part of these negotiations, especially to my TRAN colleagues from EPP, S&D, Renew, ID and ECR and the shadow rapporteurs from ENVI and ITRE who supported this agreement. I urge all colleagues in plenary to adopt our compromise and to reject all other amendments. Let’s move this important and urgent file ahead. Let’s go with confidence to trialogues with a strong and united Parliament position.