Speeches

Mr President, thank you very much. First of all, I would like to thank my colleagues from the other party groups for the very good cooperation with this resolution. We reached a broad consensus in committee and that bodes well for strong support in plenary and a solid European voice ahead of the forthcoming ministerial meeting. The resolution focuses on key elements such as agriculture, fisheries subsidies, trade and climate, a permanent moratorium to avoid digital trade tariffs and, of course, also to facilitate SMEs. But here and now, I would like to highlight the overarching issue of the WTO organisation. There are dark clouds in the geopolitical sky. European businesses and people face severe economic consequences after the COVID-19 pandemic and after two wars, one of which is in our absolute neighbourhood. Beyond the tragic loss of human life, the wars have put additional strains on inflation, increased energy prices and disruptions to global supply chains. We are constantly reminded of the vulnerability of our trade routes. People are now asking for safety, security and predictability. Countries demand trust, cohesion and global partners. Effective trade is more important than ever. The WTO now needs to be modernised and reformed. Here, the EU must use our common weight for institutional reform of the WTO, not least to improve the dispute settlement mechanism, so that the WTO can maintain its legitimacy and resolve the trade conflicts that already exist and may arise. This is a priority opportunity for the EU to put on the leadership shirt and wear the banner high for a more free trade-friendly world where a rules-based order is respected and a level playing field prevails. The EU must show that it is a leading force to be reckoned with and a solid wall against protectionist tendencies.

Mr President, thank you very much. I would like to begin by thanking all the colleagues who fought for this free trade agreement to come into being as early as 2017. I remember how you fought uphill and against the wind, because the criticism was loud from many quarters. I think the critics were wrong. Now, seven years later, we can look at the statistics on how many benefits this agreement has brought to the EU: an export increase of around 60%, lots of new jobs and most of all; of all companies, it has benefited small and medium-sized enterprises. And not least, it has benefited many in the agricultural and food sector, where criticism was perhaps the greatest. Despite this, despite all these benefits, criticism still echoes around free trade agreements. It's very strange. But we free trade friends, we can stretch our backs and say: Now we move on, now we conclude more free trade agreements, not least with Mercosur!

Madam President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. We have seen how Europe's competitiveness has fallen recently. Fifteen years ago, the economies of the European Union and the United States were roughly the same size. If we move forward to the present day, the US economy has grown by over 120%, while in the EU we have barely grown by 50%. At the same time, India's and China's growth figures are accelerating. Free trade agreements are crucial here. They are crucial for economic growth. They are crucial for job opportunities and they are crucial for European competitiveness. That is why I very much welcome this free trade agreement with New Zealand. It is very gratifying that we now have this agreement in place and I believe that we will vote by a large majority in Parliament for this agreement tomorrow. This will increase our trade growth by about 30%. This will mean significant reductions in tariffs, which will of course be reflected in lower prices for consumers. With increased competition comes increased quality of the products. So this is basically a very good deal! However, now that we are entering the final phase of this mandate, there is no escaping the fact that this is only the second agreement we have concluded during this mandate. We need to speed up so that we get more deals. They're so important. They are valuable for our competitiveness and a strong call on the Commission to put full throttle behind Mercosur and Australia. A big applause to the Commission, however, for bringing this agreement to port.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you very much. At a time like this, you can take several different approaches. I am going to talk about one thing and only one thing and that is the Mercosur agreement. Over the last few days, I have met representatives from the Commission. I have met representatives of the Council, now they are not here. But I hear a lot of evasiveness. I hear a lot of excuses and I miss that political will to say: Let's do it now. I think that the Commissioner has presented in a good way, meritoriously, all the advantages of free trade agreements. The Mercosur agreement is 260 million consumers in South America and our 450. It would be a huge market that would ensure the security of value chains in this rather uncertain time, which would create business and prosperity and growth. Yet we have been negotiating this agreement for over 20 years, over 20 years. Isn't it time to take political ownership and say: I want to invest my political capital, from the Commission? I want to bang my fist on the table and say: Now we do it, now we take it across the finish line. We are now creating opportunities, prosperity and growth in Europe. I miss it. The Commission has a few months to bring this across the finish line. It's time. It is time to tackle this. It's time to finish it. I understand that it is also the case that you have a negotiating partner, but someone must be able to enforce this agreement, right? We don't have another 20 years. We don't have two more years. Maybe we have two more months. Do it now!

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner Šefčovič! I welcome Mr Mandl's report on the EU's relations with Switzerland, which stresses the importance of maintaining strong, stable and long-lasting trade relations with the EU's fourth largest trading partner. Thanks to our free trade agreement, Swedish and European companies can benefit from almost 100 percent duty-free trade. Nevertheless, there are obstacles to frictionless business. And that is why I regret that the Swiss Federal Council concluded the negotiations on the institutional framework agreement, an agreement that had provided more stability, more predictability and more business opportunities. I therefore call on the Commission and the Swiss Federal Council to modernise our free trade agreement, to find a pragmatic solution to the current problems that prevent us from binding closer trade relations. In these times of economic uncertainty, where Swedish and European competitiveness is at stake, it is crucial that we seize every opportunity to deepen our trade relations, promote business opportunities and secure job growth.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner. Europe is experiencing a growth crisis and companies are facing increasingly fierce global competition. Unfortunately, the situation is far from new. The EU has lagged behind and performed extremely weak growth figures in recent decades. It is serious, and it is urgent to reverse this trend if Europe is not to become a poor continent. Just like the climate issue, competitiveness is one of the major devastation issues of our time. We need to focus on growth now. To give companies fair conditions to create jobs and prosperity, so that we lift the purchasing power of households and get the wheels spinning again. Incentives for entrepreneurship need to be strengthened. We must put an end to the constant flow of new regulatory burdens. Taxes must be reduced, bureaucracy eliminated, investment promoted, trade agreements concluded. Europe's small businesses should be able to feel that Europe is working for them, not against them. They should see in reality a reduction in the regulatory burden and an improvement in the investment climate. Households should be able to count on us to deliver policies that provide the conditions for steady real wage increases, growth and a secure economic future. Citizens have the right to expect it, and it is our duty as elected representatives to start delivering.

Mr President, thank you very much. Dear colleagues, This debate has been about four different dossiers, and it is quite clear that the Ship Fuel Regulation has not received most speaking time, but it has instead been the Industrial Emissions Directive. I take this as revenue because, as far as the climate transition of shipping is concerned, we have found the right balance between competitiveness, the climate and social issues. I also take it to mean that, as far as the Industrial Emissions Directive is concerned, there is more to be done there. I support those who think that cows should not be defined in the context of industrial emissions. The speakers who have mentioned the climate transition of ships have spoken a lot about competitiveness. It has been about the climate, of course, and it has been about inflation and the increased costs. It is a good balance we have found and I hope that we will have this unity when we vote tomorrow too, so that the maritime sector can have the predictability and the peace of mind that is needed and so that the EU negotiators can go to the IMO and, with rye in the back, create a concrete roadmap that can be scaled up globally. Let me also say personally that I am very pleased that we have had an impact on the ‘one in, one out’ principle in this legislation. The Commission is now required to monitor the regulatory burden very closely and to ensure that it does not blossom too much. This is extremely important for the competitiveness of European companies and I hope that it can apply to all future legislative proposals and to all sectors. To finish: I am not sure that the interpreters can translate this expression from Swedish, but it feels very good to note that now we are finally in port!

Madam President, thank you very much. Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen. It is with pride that I stand here today and mark the end of almost two years of work to negotiate the law on the climate transition of shipping. It is a landmark decision that the EU is about to take. Never before has such a comprehensive and effective framework been developed to tackle maritime emissions. Never before has any global power with the EU's weight put power behind the words that shipping should do its part in the climate transition. The Commission has done a solid preparatory work, after which the process took place in Parliament in October 2021. I, as the lead negotiator, initiated a multi-stakeholder dialogue with ports, shipping companies, trade unions, environmental organisations and fuel suppliers from all parts of Europe. Then intensive negotiations took place here in Parliament, followed by trilogue negotiations with the Council of Ministers. Early in the morning of March 23, we reached an agreement. The text that is now on the table is unprecedented in the world's most ambitious climate law for shipping. Shipping companies will gradually need to switch to cleaner fuels and connect their ships to shore-side electricity to reduce harmful air pollution in the busiest ports. As I said, the agreement is ambitious, but it is also realistic. As responsible politicians, we need to take into account many different perspectives: of course the climate, but also social aspects and the competitiveness of businesses. 75% of our trade is by ship. European industry is thus entirely dependent on efficient, accessible and affordable shipping. Everyone understands that the climate transition will cost money, but the pace we implement it in, and the way we do it, it matters to the bill. That is why we have put in place an emission reduction plan that starts very modestly, and then takes off after 2035. This gives the industry a clear direction of travel while providing it with reasonable time and practical conditions to carry out the investments required. In new more efficient hulls and engines, in new fuel and production facilities and bunkering infrastructure, and by building new supply chains and continuing research. The gradual phasing-in also takes into account the social and economic dimension. We give breathing space to the sector, thus avoiding phasing-in problems and short-term price spikes. This is, of course, very important in times of inflation, that we protect families and businesses from unreasonable price increases. We have also taken into account geographical specificities, so that legislation does not impose unreasonable burdens on any particular region. That is why we have special provisions for ice-class vessels, for small islands and for the outermost regions. The guiding principle for me in the negotiations has been practical feasibility and getting the best possible exchange for every euro invested. That the EU's plan will be so successful that the rest of the world wants to follow suit. We have already seen the first steps in the same direction. When the International Maritime Organization (IMO) met last week, it adopted an ambitious emission reduction plan. Now it is important to press for it to also result in concrete and binding global fuel rules, so that the big words become a reality. The EU is showing that it is possible. With the Ship Fuel Regulation we are going to vote on tomorrow, Europe is taking the lead, with active action, in the transformation of shipping. Since the law will apply regardless of the flag of a ship, as soon as they call at a European port, we will have global negotiating pressure, which I am convinced will spur further progress within the IMO. No shipping company wishing to operate in Europe will be able to turn a blind eye to the absolutely necessary climate transition. They will have to adapt. Now we're pointing with our whole hand where we're going. We guarantee the maritime sector long-term rules of the game and predictability, so that it can gather the power to invest. We design the rules so that shipping companies and ports can focus their resources on the measures that provide the greatest climate benefit and the most bang for the money. Before concluding, I would like to say that I think we have achieved a very good balance in this agreement that is on the table, and I would like to extend my warm thanks to all the Members and staff who have contributed to the work, as well as to colleagues in the Council and at the Commission for your professionalism and spirit of cooperation. I would urge all colleagues to support the agreement at the vote tomorrow.

Mr President, the European Union stands for open, rules-based and fair trade. We are also the foremost defender of democracy, freedom and human dignity. It is no news that China is very different. It’s a communist autocracy with massive state control of the market, denying its citizens basic human rights and threatening its peaceful neighbours. China cannot be treated like any other trading partner. We want to have a close relationship and we want to increase trade. But that requires positive movement from China: human rights being granted, subsidies abandoned and the freedom of the Taiwanese people respected. We shall not seek unnecessary confrontation, but we need to show firmness towards China and be crystal clear about what is right and what is wrong. This should be done in unity with partners, and especially the transatlantic partnership needs to be reinforced further. In addition, we must drastically reduce our dependency on China for critical raw materials and diversify our supply chains. This could be done with the Mercosur Treaty or free trade agreements with Australia and New Zealand. So in summary, we shall cooperate where beneficial, compete when needed and confront when necessary.

Madam President, thank you very much. Mr. Prime Minister! Commissioner Šefčovič! As a Swedish and moderate, I look forward with great confidence to the Swedish Presidency. Sweden takes the lead at a time when Europe is under pressure from several parallel crises: Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine, an increasingly urgent climate challenge, electricity prices and inflation sending shockwaves through the economy, and European companies facing increasingly fierce global competition. Let me place the emphasis on competitiveness. This is where Europe is lagging behind, not only now in the acute situation, but we have been doing so for a long time. We have failed in the business environment. Bureaucracy is too heavy, and taxes are too high. We need to be clear about this, and crisis insights need to spur action. It is urgent to improve the business environment if we are to strengthen our global position economically. That is why I would really like to applaud the Prime Minister for putting competitiveness so clearly at the heart of the Presidency. In these difficult times, we cannot afford to continue as if nothing has happened. Incentives for entrepreneurship need to be strengthened. Free trade agreements need to be approved. Bureaucracy must be eliminated. Digitalisation must be intensified and investment in research and development must be increased. We need to try every opportunity to improve the business environment. It is only through viable companies that we can accelerate the way back to growth and stable economic conditions. A good business environment is the key to prosperity for European citizens. I wish the Prime Minister, the EU Minister and the entire Swedish Government the best of luck!

Madam President, thank you very much. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the Members and staff who have contributed to the negotiations. We can be proud of this joint success, where Europe is now taking the lead in the transformation of shipping. This is unprecedented in the world's most ambitious legislation to dramatically reduce the climate footprint of shipping. We do this in a balanced and feasible way, where we make sure to cope with both the climate and competitiveness. In so doing, in accordance with Rule 59(4) of the Rules of Procedure, I call for the matter to be referred back to the committee responsible for interinstitutional negotiations.

. – Mr President, thank you very much. Madam Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to thank you very much. I find it reassuring to hear such strong support for the roadmap that we have developed between the Transport Committee, the Industry Committee and the Environment Committee. Certainly, as the Commissioner says, there are a few negative votes, but the overall feeling is predominantly positive. Unfortunately, we have had to get used to negotiations, globally, which have culminated in very grand goals but then made empty promises. The major changes in reality have not taken place, but the proposal we have on the table is something quite different. Europe is actively taking the lead in the transformation of shipping. This is the world's, unprecedented, most ambitious climate legislation for shipping. It is the only comprehensive, feasible and truly concrete plan to dramatically reduce the climate footprint of shipping. Because it's not just about displaying the grandest promises, if you can't live up to them in reality at the same time. Here we have done just that. We've been pointing our whole hand where we're going. We guarantee the sector long-term rules of the game and predictability, so that they can dare to invest. We design the rules so that shipping companies and ports can focus their resources on the measures that deliver the greatest climate benefit and the most ‘bang for money’. This is how we meet our climate targets quickly and efficiently. This is how we ensure that European consumers do not bear the entire world's climate costs. This is how we protect the jobs of seafarers, dockers and all employees in the export industry. This is how we become an example for other countries to follow. The compromise proposal we have negotiated is supported by five political groups and the ITRE, ENVI and TRAN committees. I think it speaks for itself what a good balance we have found. I would urge colleagues to support this compromise proposal on the table.

Mr President, Commissioner, honourable colleagues, it is high time to advance the green transition of shipping. With a compromise adopted in the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN), we lay out the world’s by far most ambitious pathway to maritime decarbonisation. Europe takes the frontrunner position in tackling emissions by creating demand for sustainable fuels and fostering innovation in green propulsion technologies. This is truly ground-breaking. Never before has any global power drafted such a comprehensive and efficient framework for tackling maritime emissions. I am happy that after almost a year of in-depth dialogue with ports, ship-owners, trade unions, environmental organisations and fuel suppliers from all parts of Europe, followed by intense negotiations in Parliament, we now have a deal on the table. And not just any deal, a deal supported by an overwhelming majority in TRAN with the EPP, S&D, Renew, ID and ECR, including, very importantly, the support from both our associated committees, ENVI and ITRE – a very broad majority of three committees and five political groups. Our compromise is ambitious and it is realistic because, as responsible politicians, we have to take many perspectives into account. On climate, most importantly, but not just setting the most extreme targets that might look good on paper. Instead, thinking about real enforceability, making sure things actually happen in reality. Also thinking about social aspects, protecting jobs, because 75% of our exports go by ship. We secure connectivity for people living on islands, in coastal areas and in the outermost regions. We shield the most vulnerable families from rising prices. Safeguarding the maritime sectors competitiveness, and making sure there won’t be carbon leakage and jobs leaving Europe. In the negotiations in TRAN, my guiding principle was to ensure we get the biggest emissions savings possible per euro spent. We do that with an effective scope targetting 90% of maritime CO2 emissions while shielding the very smallest ship-owners and ports from massive economic and bureaucratic burdens. We do it with the phase-in that is rapid but realistic so that we send a strong signal to the market to invest in green ships and ramp up the projections of RFNBOs and biofuels, to deploy onshore power and invest in innovative wind propulsion. We do it with the target-oriented design where we set the pathway forward with strict greenhouse gas limits, but without micromanaging ship-owners or forcing them into some kind of ‘one-size-fits-all’. The deal before you ensures is that maritime climate targets are met rapidly and effectively, that Europe becomes the benchmark for the rest of the world, that we actually change the way global shipping is powered, going green and making sure the innovation happens here. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to members and staff who were part of these negotiations, especially to my TRAN colleagues from EPP, S&D, Renew, ID and ECR and the shadow rapporteurs from ENVI and ITRE who supported this agreement. I urge all colleagues in plenary to adopt our compromise and to reject all other amendments. Let’s move this important and urgent file ahead. Let’s go with confidence to trialogues with a strong and united Parliament position.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. The EU is now going through the worst crisis of modern times: energy, inflation, growth, competitiveness, climate and sustainability challenges and Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. The multilateral world order is threatened by increasingly aggressive power play. The difficult external environment highlights the importance of the European Community and cross-border challenges that require cross-border solutions. Now the EU needs to safeguard free trade and work through international cooperation on the EU’s ambitious sustainability agenda and build resilience to tackle future crises. Openness pays off – even in a troubled world. We need to trade with countries from all corners of the world. The EU and New Zealand have now concluded a free trade agreement, and we must press ahead with negotiations with, for example, Australia, Chile and Mexico. It is also time to lift the EU-Mercosur agreement from the freezer and open up a market for over 260 million consumers – an agreement worth fighting for. It also includes an ambitious sustainable development chapter and a clear commitment to effectively implement the Paris Agreement. Sustainability chapters should promote the conclusion of free trade agreements, not create more obstacles that complicate already complex negotiations. The EU should not tear up existing free trade agreements. We're going to draw new ones.

Mr President, thank you very much. At a time of instability and changing global order, the EU-China Summit was a useful reminder that there is another unreliable superpower. While the EU and the West show solidarity by condemning Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, China has expressed criticism of Western sanctions against Russia. The EU must have a clear and strong voice if China actively helps Russia avoid sanctions. We also cannot forget Beijing's persistent military threat to Taiwan, while Lithuania is being financially punished because of its relationship with democratic Taiwan. China still has a lot to prove. whereas the communist regime in Beijing and the war in Ukraine underline the importance of deepening cooperation with stable, credible and democratic allies; We need to strengthen our relationship with the United States in order to deal constructively with China. The EU should explore the current possibilities for a free trade agreement with the US. However, the EU should not seek to isolate China economically, as neither China's neighbours nor the EU are made safer by it. We will work together where possible, we will compete where needed and we will confront where necessary.

Madam President, thank you very much. I have to say that I do not agree with the previous speaker a single word, I think. But that is not what I would say, but I would like to say that the World Trade Organisation is our most important arena for achieving freer, rules-based and fairer global trade. At the same time, the organization is now weakened by dark clouds torn up on the world order. Not least, we need to resolve the current lack of a dispute resolution body to resolve trade disputes. At the same time, the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated and focused attention on the importance of trade in addressing health challenges and the importance of intellectual property rights. Nevertheless, we can hear in this House how voices are now being raised to suspend patent protection. This is a deadly path, because patent protection is a crucial incentive to get companies to invest in innovation and produce new medicines. Depriving pharmaceutical companies of their patents would thus reduce access to vaccines. Instead, the way forward is to remove export restrictions and tariffs on medicines and medical products. This is how we fight this pandemic and future pandemics.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. Global trade is now increasingly being disrupted by protectionist winds, and we must urgently change that. Global trade is the answer to many of our challenges. People, jobs and our prosperity depend on trade. I welcome the TTC as a fresh start to chart our common values and to deepen the EU-US alliance. We will work with all all allies who want to maintain free, fair and rules-based trade. That is why it is important that we now weave together our ambitions, that we maintain secure and resilient supply chains for digital products and services, and that we fully support globalisation. Of the ten working groups, I would like to focus on the one on small business owners today. My question to the Commission is as follows: What is the Commission's objective with regard to the work of the Trade and Tech Council for European SMEs?

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. Taiwan is Asia's champion of democracy. A country now under serious political and military threat from the one-party communist state of China. China's recent lust for power and oppression in Hong Kong have created too real a concern in Taiwan that they may be next. The West must show its strong support for the Taiwanese people and their democracy. That is why we need a clear political signal from the European Union that our democracies do not accept China's policies. Taiwan is an open and international trading place, with great importance for world trade. Taiwan is also a given destination for innovative European companies wishing to get closer to Asia's many emerging markets. This is why the EU needs to accelerate work on a bilateral investment agreement. An agreement will help boost economic growth, increase global competitiveness and secure a strong, robust investment landscape for European companies.

Madam President, thank you very much. Electricity prices in Europe have reached unprecedented levels. Shocked electricity customers have received bills that more than doubled compared to normal. But this is no coincidence. Under the red-green government in Sweden, six out of ten nuclear reactors have been shut down. Other countries are also in the process of early retirement from nuclear power, even though it is stable, safe, cheap and emission-free. It is incomprehensible how this can be done, at the same time as the electricity shortage is becoming more and more pronounced and prices are stagnating. The only short-term options will be to mine dirty coal and restart oil power plants. Good luck with the climate transition! This energy policy is downright harmful, and it is characterised by blinders and the nuclear resistance of the 1980s rather than genuine concern for the climate. Anyone who really thinks about the climate would never close emission-free nuclear reactors before coal-fired power plants, and it is electricity customers and the manufacturing industry who have to take the bill. The solution to this is not new equalization funds or grant crusades. They never built real wealth. EU countries must now come up with a plan to avert the electricity crisis. Otherwise, we will face a dark, cold and very expensive future. The situation just makes me even more confident about what I already knew: We need more nuclear power in Europe.

Mr President, thank you very much. Commissioner, thank you very much. Transport policy is one of the areas where the EU can bring the greatest added value to EU citizens and businesses. With cooperation and co-financing of robust transport corridors, we can make it easier for companies to create new jobs and for people to get to the jobs that are being created. It is very good that we are today securing the continuation of the Connecting Europe Facility so that we can roll out more double-track railways, broaden more roads to motorways and increase the capacity of EU ports. This is how EU money should be spent, for things that generate real competitiveness. Because when we remove bottlenecks on the busiest routes, it will be easier for industries to get their goods out, and citizens will not have to waste hours in traffic jams and on delayed trains. So this is very important now that we are going to relaunch Europe's economy after the crisis. So let us use this opportunity to equip Europe and move up a gear in the transport network. This will enable us to build a strong and connected Europe.