Speeches

During the last EU—Western Balkans summit in Brdo, EU leaders failed, once again, to make any further tangible commitment to enlargement. We offer our partners in the region vague words about their rightful place in Europe. Yet we fail to set any concrete objectives and a clear path to EU accession. It is very good that, on this occasion, the EU’s commitment to the enlargement process in general was reaffirmed. It is very good that we are ready to show our solidarity in the recovery of the region through the Economic and Investment Plan. But for our partners in the region, it is not enough. Our hesitancy to commit clearly and within a clear time—frame for accession will fuel instability in the Western Balkans and act as a deterrent for conducting serious reforms. In a larger geopolitical context, it sends a negative and discouraging message to our neighbours in the East, such as the Republic of Moldova, who aspire to join our Union. We urgently need clarity for the Western Balkans and our Eastern partners. Our (by now) chronic indecision on enlargement risks to seriously undermine our role and influence in these regions.

As a follow-up to the debate we had in the last session, we come back today with a new discussion in which we want to reiterate our call to the Commission for a coordinated European response and a coherent legislative framework on intrusive spyware. A European response is needed because, as much as we dislike admitting it, spyware is a European problem, with tools produced in the EU and exported elsewhere. I have also witnessed in Europe the spying on politicians, including MEPs and Commission officials, as well as journalists, which is a genuine attack on democracy. We cannot stop this attack on democracy unless we have clear rules at European level to prevent these abuses. We now have the European Press Freedom Act on the negotiating table, which also contains a bold Commission proposal on espionage. And the European Parliament has introduced additional safeguards. I hope that the Council will also have a critical mass of courageous Member States. The defence of national security cannot be used as a blank check to allow for the surveillance of journalists and to pave the way for all types of abuse.

Mr President, dear colleagues, I begin my last speech in this mandate by saying that I am honoured to be about one of the most important legislative packages to which I have had the joy of contributing in these years. Together with my colleagues, I tabled over 3,000 amendments that have substantially improved the Commission's proposal, and I want to thank in particular those colleagues who are up there somewhere, Cristina Arion and Horia Lupu, who were extraordinary, like our entire negotiating team, and those assistants and experts who stood close to us. They are the people to whom we owe a great deal of this work. To you, dear colleagues, I want to thank you for not giving up and for making an extraordinary team for an ambitious result, although it was not simple. I want to thank Commissioner McGuinness, the committee and the entire negotiating team without whom we know that this result would not have been possible, but also the Council with whom, even though we sometimes had different visions, we managed to reach an agreement. I am glad that journalists and all those who have a legitimate interest, with a broad interpretation, have access to the beneficial owners today. It was an important battle for me. Our commitment has been and remains to protect European citizens, the Union economy and restore trust in our financial institutions. But most of all, we are committed to showing people that the European Union is united, strong and effective in the fight against organised crime, money laundering, corruption against the governmental chamber and its networks in Europe. It wasn't easy, but I did, and I'm grateful for that.

Madam President, I would like to congratulate Ms O’Reilly and her office for the crucial work they’re doing in addressing our citizens’ concerns – a European administration that is responsive to their needs is key to protecting their rights. It was a real pleasure and an honour to work together. The European Ombudsman was and is our constant ally in defending the citizens. The report that we are about to adopt offers many examples of the way in which we often join forces. There is one aspect I would like to highlight, also in my capacity as rapporteur of the European Parliament for the Anti-corruption Directive, the fight against corruption. Corruption is, as you so aptly put it, Ms O’Reilly, during the launch event of the EU Anti-Corruption network that we attended together, a kind of poison in the body politic. It is vital also to address those insidious forms of poison which are conflicts of interest, revolving doors and lobbying. We appreciate your work in this respect. We appreciate your criticism, as it pushes us every time to do more, to fight this poison and defend our citizens’ rights.

I think that the main risk is that all of the problems with the rule of law that Mr Fico and his regime are causing are turning into systemic problems, and this means the risk of activating the conditionality mechanism, this means and draws the risk of sanctions against Slovakia and that is a pity for the citizens of Slovakia, and it is a pity for democracy and for their fight for freedom. It is a shame and a responsibility at the same time that Mr Fico should bear. It is not the people’s fault, and he should fix things before it is too late, because Slovakia is a member of the European Union, and people should stand proud. The European Union defends their values; it is Mr Fico who destroys them.

(the beginning of the intervention was not done on the microphone) ... to criticize the sanctions against Russia or the European integration of Ukraine and Moldova, Prime Minister Fico should fix the serious problems that Slovakia has because of its regime. Under Mr Fico's leadership, Slovakia is cited as a challenge to the Union's foreign policy and a threat to the rule of law. The revision of the Criminal Code, proposed last week, has taken thousands of Slovak citizens to the streets. Mr Fico literally swept key anti-corruption institutions and punishments for corruption offences out of his way. This exposes Slovakia to the activation of the conditionality mechanism. The people of Slovakia don't deserve this. Mr. Fico acts like the enemy of democracy, not her friend. I stand with Slovak citizens and ask them to defend their justice, independent institutions and mechanisms that protect the rule of law to the end, and if Mr Fico is dissatisfied with the freedom of the people of his own country, to move to the residence of his good friend, Viktor Orbán, in Hungary, or with Putin. (The speaker agreed to answer a question raised under the ‘blue card’ procedure)

Madam President, defence of democracy means enhancing transparency and it also means public participation, protecting journalists, empowering civil society, investing in education, in critical thinking and informed decision-making. It means keeping a strong framework for the rule of law and sanctioning those who ignore it. It means free voices. While we are fully aware of the importance of such a package, we need to be extremely careful on which particular instruments we choose to defend and not to harm the watchdogs of democracy. The foreign funding directive raised such concerns among the representatives of the civil society, and I’m calling on you, Commissioners, and on all of our colleagues, to pay particular attention to such voices. They know best how to defend democracy. They’re doing it every day.

Mr President, confidential Cyprus has shown us, black and white, how European companies in Cyprus, this time, are facilitating the transfer of funds on behalf of Putinist billionaires, in order to avoid the sanctions imposed by the EU following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The clandestine transfer of $5 million on the same day that EU sanctions were imposed is not only a violation of the law, but also a blatant disregard for the principles underpinning our collective commitment to peace, justice and the rule of law. This investigation shows us again the vulnerabilities in the application of sanctions and underlines the urgency of stronger surveillance. We cannot allow financial institutions to undermine the European Union's efforts to hold accountable those responsible for aggression and human rights violations. I call on the Council to speed up the finalisation of the negotiations for the new anti-money laundering authority and the entire anti-money laundering legislative package. We must deliver and we must stop Putinism in all its forms.

Madam President, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine fully deserve the European path that we have decided to support them, and I would like to thank the Commission for today's very strong message. The Republic of Moldova has reformed its administration, strengthens its justice, continues the fight against corruption, invests in people, people who have shown courage, determination, power, responsibility. The most important thing that must happen now is for us to show the same determination and responsibility in helping them further, until they become an integral part of the European family. The Republic of Moldova is a small country with a big heart. It is a country that can be supported very easily from a technical point of view, from a financial point of view, with resources, so as to take the step towards this integration as soon as possible, and Ukraine must be rebuilt step by step.

Madam President, during Daphne’s lifetime, not one public official was prosecuted for the high-level corruption she exposed. None have been prosecuted since her death. I open the quote: ‘The root cause of the murders of most journalists in Europe, Ján Kuciak and Daphne among them, is high-level corruption. As long as there is impunity for corruption, there will be murders of journalists. Action by the EU now is critical to restore the rule of law, and to make our wife and mother’s murder the first and the last assassination of a journalist in Malta. Yours sincerely, Peter, Matthew, Andrew and Paul Caruana Galizia.’ We owe to Daphne’s memory, to her family, to all independent journalists, and to all our citizens not only a strong anti-SLAPP directive, we owe them integrity, laws to fight corruption and defend the rule of law, transparency. We owe them accountability. We owe them everything that those politicians, guilty for Daphne’s death, were not. Nobody should die because they revealed the truth. They should get full support in revealing the truth. This means respect and praising their work a lot more than words, awards or anything else.

Mr President, it has already been several months since we voted here in plenary on the recommendations following the Pegasus scandal, in which governments in states such as Hungary or Poland have used this program to spy on journalists, politicians, diplomats, lawyers, businessmen for political and even criminal purposes. We still have no follow-up to the vote by Parliament. Last week, another scandal was uncovered with the help of investigative journalists, who revealed how European companies finance and sell cyber-surveillance programs to dictators. With the help of Predator software, our colleagues were targeted, led by Roberta Metsola, President of the European Parliament, but also the President of Taiwan and many other activists, journalists and academics. My questions are: 1. What more needs to happen if we are to have rules at European level that prevent such situations? And two. The most courageous approach to espionage to date is in the European Press Freedom Act. The Commission had courage, the Parliament had courage. The question is: Are we able to keep it? I tell you that I will defend it at all costs, because it can be the first step towards a Europe where the flagrant violation of certain rights becomes history.

The European Media Freedom Act was not born from our mere appetite to create a sandbox to test our ability to legislate on everything everywhere. It was born from a profound need to protect perhaps the most important yet the most fragile pillar of any functioning democracy – free media. And it is not about regulating media. It is about creating the safest possible space for media freedom and media professionals. Why? Because in spite of all soft law guarantees, we still see a great deal of abuse against independent journalists and media professionals. Emilia Șercan from my country is just one example of a strong independent journalist who has been standing tall and facing the pressure and harassment until today. But there are hundreds alike. With the Media Freedom Act, Emilia and those like her who fight for the truth will have an ally, an ally that protects their sources as journalists would rather face death than reveal their sources, an ally that protects their editorial freedom, that ensures transparency, that allows them to do their job without fear of pressure, threat or political interference. I would like to thank again, the Commission for their bold proposals. To all of the colleagues that I worked with on this file and I am looking forward to securing a strong text together with the Council. Every single politician who wakes up in the morning to look for quality news and correct information, founding its activities and actions on this correct information should know why free press is so important and needs to be protected. Democracy will never survive in the darkness of the unspoken truth.

Mr President, is Mr Tarczyński still in the room? I wanted to ask him if he still needs his salary paid by the money of the European citizens that he just insulted, or perhaps he’s ready to drop it. Domnule președinte, le mulțumesc colegilor mei pentru acest raport fiindcă au pus pe masă o viziune pentru Europa și viitorul democrației pe care puțini avem curajul să o proiectăm, dar realitatea e una singură: populismul crește în Europa și, pentru că suntem departe de oameni, guverne, instituții, nu mai ajungem la ei. Nu sunt destul de implicați în decizii. Nu promovăm o cultură a transparenței și a dialogului. Dacă le explicăm, nu se mai nasc frici exploatate de extremism. Dacă suntem transparenți și corecți, nu mai există îndoieli și percepția că toți suntem corupți și la fel. Populismul crește și în România din același motiv, iar răspunsul e unul singur: trebuie să ascultăm oamenii, să le livrăm ce le-am promis. Trebuie să știe ce facem și de ce – cu banii lor, cu energia lor bună, cu speranțele lor – și să nu le mai înșelăm așteptările. Dacă vrem democrație, uniune și valori, trebuie să ascultăm vocile celor care iubesc democrația și o apără. Tot lor trebuie să le dăm socoteală. E atât de simplu!

Madam President, stop ignoring the freedom of the press, stop violating the freedom of the press. It is not just a message for my country, it is a message for all those Member States that do this systematically and ruin their democracies. The report on the rule of law shows that Romanian journalists are also constantly faced with threats, harassment, intimidation attempts, without the state authorities taking measures to combat these practices dangerous for democracy. Sometimes they encourage them, sometimes they remain silent, sometimes it is the politics that attack the freedom of the press. In terms of justice, we still have things to do. Although the Commission's report does not mention it, other international reports show that Romania is among the top European countries with the most unimplemented decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union. We want the rule of law, it's simple. Just as politicians have immunity for political activity, magistrates must be independent and the press must have guarantees for editorial independence and protection against abuse. That's the rule of law.

Mr President, I start by thanking the colleagues who made it possible for us today to have such a courageous proposal, which will be adopted in the plenary of the European Parliament, Tiemo Wölken and the negotiating teams and Commissioner Věra Jourová, because six years after the death of Daphne Caruana Galizia, what was once a dream has finally come true and is making a direct contribution to this. And I would like to continue with a story from now, as my colleague started in Romania, where two very brave journalists from two independent media platforms, the Bucharest Bulletin and the Center for Media Investigations, revealed one of the most brutal and cruel stories of recent years. The connection between some ministers and their close ones and a network of old people's homes in which sick and defenseless elderly people are tormented, starved and beaten, a network of old people's torturers in 21st century Europe, possible with the complicity of some politicians. Thanks to these journalists and a very courageous NGO, the Center for Legal Resources, today we have a legal case and a large-scale investigation of prosecutors in full progress. Do you know what was the reaction of the Minister concerned in this investigation? That she would sue all the press that reacted and linked her and her family's names to this investigation. This is why we need a very courageous European anti-SLAPP directive and national legislation. If we want a free press, we must protect it from abuse in order for it to expose abuses and defend the public interest.

Madam President, the Pandora Papers scandal with over 11.9 million documents, was exposing the hidden wealth and offshore activities of individuals and entities across the globe, involving more than 330 politicians and public officials, including 35 current and former leaders. Almost two years later we’re negotiating the AML package and moving very cautiously. This House has already committed to fighting for greater transparency, accountability and fairness in our financial system, for closing the loopholes that enable tax evasion and money laundering. But I am asking the Council to be as committed as we are, and I am counting on the Commission to be an ally. I’m assuming that we all want stronger rules in place. We all want the new AMLA to be a powerful game changer with clear tasks and proper resources. These are the messages that this package must send in the end, just like the lessons we all learned from the Pandora Papers revelations. No one is above the law. The era of impunity for financial non-compliance is coming to an end and we are done with closing our eyes to washing up Putinist, illiberal and criminal money here in this Union. This is the public expectation on our mandate. This builds credibility and proves commitment, nothing less.

Mr President, the former communist security in Romania was concerned with spying on every free voice and privacy, including in people's homes. We had thin walls and neighbors listening to conversations in the next apartment. Today, in the European Union, unfortunately, we have cases where, with much more modern means, the authorities are doing the same. This is one of the most anti-democratic actions of a government. I congratulate my colleague Sophia In 't Veld for the excellent work she has done in the PEGA report. We know today exactly how it worked and works, but we also have clear recommendations from the Commission and Parliament to put an end to these practices. The Pegasus Project has revealed that at least 180 journalists worldwide have been spied on with this program. Europe can slide down a dangerous slope and without turning back too soon, if it is precisely those in the service of the truth and the public interest that we put at risk. We now have the European Press Freedom Act on the table, which allows us to act and put these recommendations into practice. There, black and white, we must say that it is forbidden to spy on journalists, that we respect their editorial independence and that we do not force them to reveal their sources. It is the essential step that we can and must take now, for the safety of journalists, because it is also the safety of our democracies.

Madam President, in the context of Qatargate, all eyes have turned to the European Commission for a proposal to establish a Union ethics and integrity body. Some of us have been talking about this structure in the European Parliament for many years. The wave of corruption scandals should not hit us first, and then we should act. However, I am glad that we managed to take this step and I welcome the European Commission's proposal, all the more so as it comes in the context of vulnerabilities. I hope we have more courage. There are models in the Member States that we can look at. In Romania, the National Integrity Agency is competent to verify assets acquired during the exercise of public office, conflicts of interest and incompatibilities. It is not the job of politicians to assess themselves in terms of ethics and integrity, but of independent structures that can draw early warning signs, where power is only a tool to raise money at the mattress. So, please, Commissioner and dear colleagues, let us make this institution a true guardian of integrity and respect for people. If we want their trust, they need to know that they have someone to rely on here in the heart of Europe.

Mr President, ‘no teachers, no future’ said one of the banners from the widespread protests that took place in Hungary last fall, asking for a reform of the education system and respect for teachers’ social rights. The response of the government was to rush through a draft bill that suffocates academic freedom in the country and punishes teachers for their courage to speak up. Nearly 5 000 teachers have warned that they will quit if the so-called ‘Status Law’ is passed – a move that would put the Hungarian education system at risk of collapse. The bill also reduces teachers’ right to protest and bans public criticism of the school system. At the beginning of the month, teachers and students protesting the draft law were teargassed in the heart of Europe. Will we sit and watch, or are we going to finally act? Are we ready to prepare a glorious Presidency of the Council for Mr Orbán and his team? Mr Orbán, just to be clear, you are responsible for denying your own citizens the benefits of the EU: money, rights and freedoms. Teachers, businesses, students, people who are losing their jobs right now – you answer to them why you want to isolate their country and humiliate them! (The President cut off the speaker)

Madam President, corruption kills. It is a reality that many societies have lived on their own skin. Governments fell because people wanted more integrity, transparency, accountability, higher standards in politics and a stronger framework for the rule of law. I welcome the Commission's new proposal. We must be the first to say that the public mandate is a space where no politician is allowed to abuse power and act in his own interest. We will have DNA-like structures in each Member State and ensure that they have adequate resources and training to prevent and fight corruption. We will align the definitions of offences considered as corruption at European level to include, in addition to bribery and misappropriation, trafficking in influence, abuse of office, obstruction of justice and illicit enrichment related to corruption offences. We will align to be stronger, not weaker. That's my hope. We need more transparency in spending public money. This prevents corruption. Every dollar spent out of people's pockets counts. We have to do these things if we want a corruption-free, just and prosperous Europe, with respect for public money and the rule of law, and we should start with ourselves, with the European institutions, with each of us individually, to be an example ourselves that we are really fighting corruption.

Madam President, our European decentralised agencies are an essential part of the European framework for justice and home affairs. Whether we talk about police training, judicial or police cooperation, support for asylum, border and coast guards, protection of fundamental rights, management of large—scale IT projects or the fight against drug trafficking, their results stand proof of the added value that working together brings to our lives as European citizens. In spite of the pandemic still affecting their work in 2021, the European justice and home affairs agencies have shown great adaptability and resilience, ensuring continuity of operations and in many cases surpassing their initial goals: eu-LISA maintained the availability of its systems in over 99% of the time, the Fundamental Rights Agency surpassed its targets for delivered publications, while CEPOL successfully moved some of its activities online, engaging even more people in its trainings. Our agencies must set an example of transparency, accountability, responsibility and good governance. While we continue to ask our agencies to optimise their work, we also need to provide them with the adequate funding and human resources that they need. Such resources should not be allocated only to the goal of implementing their operational mandate, but also great attention should be paid to how we allocate resources on the administrative side. Procurement still represents the area that generates the largest volume of irregularities. Agencies need good procurement officers hired on the appropriate grade, reflecting their responsibilities. Now about a few sensitive issues. Frontex, the largest of the EU decentralised agencies, which is unique in its mandate as to the operations of its standing corps. The agency has been going through a very difficult period caused by serious mismanagement at its very top last year. The report published by OLAF concerning the managerial activity of the previous executive director increased the shock wave initially created by journalists’ reports of violations of human rights and mismanagement in the agency. Nevertheless, after its resignation, its valuable and consistent presence mattered a lot in support during the war at our borders, and I would like to commend that. Frontex has now a new executive director who has a lot to deliver. The mandate of the agency is clear and sets out a strong framework to be used for the protection of our external borders. We emphasised this when we gave him our support and we shall offer this support towards the clean implementation of this mandate. The new director has a task to continue the good work of the interim management to fundamentally challenge and change the previous organisational culture in the agency, to respect and show commitment to upholding fundamental rights and to fully regain citizens’ trust in the agency. This will take time, but it is worth a fresh start. As for the EUAA, our asylum support agency, we keep a close eye on the developments concerning the OLAF investigation and shall analyse its results once it becomes available. All recruitment, especially that in case of senior staff, must be conducted with utmost responsibility and in full compliance with EU rules. Through the discharge reports that I am rapporteur for in this cycle, the aim was to acknowledge effort and good results while also clearly stating areas of improvement. We need to further strengthen our coordinated European response to the main challenges we are faced with. Our agencies, together with the other institutions, are our business card for Europe. Pandemic, war, economic hardship, energy crisis, climate emergency – we are stronger if we can face them all better and united. Long live European Union.

Mr President, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the global volume of money laundering is estimated at between 2% and 5% of global GDP, of which about 10 billion may be laundered through cryptocurrencies every year. One of the main challenges in combating money laundering through crypto-asset transfers is the difficulty in tracing transactions. While traditional financial transactions are recorded and tracked, crypto operate on platforms that are often difficult to monitor. This makes it very hard for law enforcement agencies to identify and investigate suspicious transactions. Europol hosted, in September 2022, the 6th Global Conference on Criminal Finances and Cryptocurrencies and there are five major recommendations emerging from this conference. I would like to briefly refer to two of them. The first and very important one is breaking down silos between traditional and crypto organised crime and money laundering. These are two merging worlds. Crypto-assets are more and more involved in traditional money laundering patterns and they need to be treated as such. The second one is to regulate broadly and make full use of existing laws. This is exactly why we have today the Transfer of Funds and MiCA regulations as well as the AML package, which is still under negotiation. Because we do need a strong regulatory framework for anti-money laundering, for transfers and for crypto-assets to ensure the integrity of our financial systems and, last but not least, to save lives. And I would like to thank the Commissioner and my colleagues for the excellent work and I’m looking forward to its implementation.

Madam President, cyber attacks have become an increasing threat to our societies and governments. In times of crisis, such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine, cyber attacks pose an even greater danger since they are used as political weapons against democracies. We must strengthen the resilience of our critical infrastructure against cyber threats, enhance cooperation between Member States and ensure the protection of our citizens. Europe is vulnerable unless we do so. But there is a critical aspect that we should never forget, and I’m calling on the Commission and the Council to be very alert and aware of it: keeping our democracies healthy along this process. Member States should never use the umbrella of cyber security and national security for building excessive rules and political control. Democracy should never be militarised. I am looking at Romania’s recent cyber security and defence legislation, which gives extensive powers to intelligence services. We risk turning private service providers of technical solutions and other private stakeholders into informants of State authorities with excessive reporting obligations. And I am concerned about this interpretation. In democracies, we need civilian oversight and accountability of the intelligence services. Cyber security means also respect for privacy, fundamental rights and the rule of law, protecting personal data, properly fighting organised crime and toxic foreign interference. Resilient societies are about that, and I would like to thank you, Commissioners, for your work and for mentioning the value-driven approach to this package. I hope that with this package we will all continue to build safe and healthy democracies. This is what Europe needs.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, because we are discussing the rule of law, I would like to confirm to you that, unfortunately, it is not just a rumor. Indeed, yesterday, the Romanian Senate voted an amendment that practically decriminalizes abuse of office, setting it a threshold of 50 000 euros, that is, a luxury car or a provincial apartment. I hope that this happened out of a regrettable error and I ask those colleagues in the governing coalition who propose incentives for corruption to stop embarrassing us. If they do, because the Constitutional Court decided so, although the Venice Commission said there was no need, it must be symbolic; one euro, not 50 000, not 2 000, not 5 000, because we are not in any competition about the amount from which he is free to the damage in people's pockets or to steal. I ask you, Commissioner, to address this matter urgently with the Romanian Ministry of Justice, because both the European Commission and Parliament and the Venice Commission have repeatedly called on the Romanian authorities to oppose any measures that lead to the decriminalisation of corruption among dignitaries and officials, and when we seek support and credibility in Brussels, for Schengen or for other things, we must first not mock Romania at home and do our job there.

Madam President, ‘Organised crime continues to pose a significant threat to the safety and security of our citizens. Our collective response must involve law enforcement agencies, judicial authorities, intelligence services and civil society. We must enhance our capabilities in areas such as information sharing, intelligence analysis and cross—border cooperation to disrupt the activities of criminal networks’. This is, dear colleagues, a speech written by an AI tool, and I agree with it. Basically, everyone can speak brilliantly about countering organised crime; people, politicians, machines, it sounds great. The difference between us and an AI tool is that we need to act on it. We need to make it reality. We need to adopt strong legislative proposals. We need to enforce them in the Member States. This is the difference. We have an anti—money laundering package coming soon and I hope that this House will have a very powerful position on countering money laundering. We need a strong AMLA, we need FIUs that can work with each other. We need access to information for journalists and for the civil society. This is what we need to produce as decision makers. Otherwise we can kindly ask AI to produce nice speeches and this is it.