Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, Prime Minister, Alexander, Minister, good morning. My best wishes, also here in Strasbourg. Prime Minister, this is the thirteenth time that our country has held the presidency. And we love that, we Belgians. Why? It gives us a moment to show what we are good at. We can revisit our proverbial art of compromise, as you have just done, and I think we have all followed it on your trip to China. That art of compromise, that leadership, that will be necessary, because we only have a few weeks before those crucial European elections to finalise legislation for our security and to set up a European defence and, as far as I am concerned, that European army, for the migration pact, to control our migration flows and also to develop that necessary European industrial plan. Urgently needed to strengthen our industry and our companies. We have to remain competitive and I am very happy if we could write this on the account of a liberal prime minister. But for me, ladies and gentlemen, the most important thing at stake during this Belgian presidency is the reform of the Union. There I hope, Alexander, that you find inspiration. In 2001, a Belgian presidency was led by another liberal prime minister, well known to you. Then a convention was launched that led to a reform of the Union, until the Treaty of Lisbon. I hope you find inspiration there, because I do not know if there is anyone here who doubts that we need to reform the Union. We are threatened from the inside, by the Orbans of this world, and from the outside. We must now reform the Union, and certainly with that necessary enlargement of the Union that is high on the agenda, for our security. But we at Renew Europe say very clearly: No expansion without a floor. The Union needs to be reformed. And what does that mean for us? Abolish unanimity, as far as I am concerned, a real foreign minister of the Union and yet also commit to that European army. Prime Minister De Croo, I know you and as you lead a government in Belgium, I am sure that with a calm but confident leadership you will also bring this presidency to a successful conclusion and that it will be a success. You know, when the wind is against it and it goes uphill, we flandriens are the best. So I would say: Put the whip on it, let it go forward. You already have our support. Good luck!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission, Minister, this European summit is about our security, our continued support for Ukraine. Ukraine must not lose the war. Where does Putin end up if he wins in Ukraine? Viktor Orbán, elected with an anti-European programme, has been casting his shadow on this summit for weeks now. One man on the brakes is holding the entire European population and the brave Ukrainians hostage. The security of our citizens is not a political game. So we can't give in. If we give Orban one finger, he'll take our whole hand. As far as I am concerned, and as far as this Parliament is concerned, we urgently need to continue the Article 7 procedure. We cannot give a euro, not a cent of European money, to someone who violates our values and norms in this way. And please deprive him of his right to vote. It's clearer than ever: We need to get rid of this crippling unanimity. How do we always allow someone to block the whole thing? One man who puts everything at risk, who puts our safety at risk. The same with enlargement. I am very happy that enlargement is on the agenda of this summit, but I hear very little about that necessary reform, that deepening. At the last plenary session, we voted in favour of an excellent report by Mr Guy Verhofstadt on how to reform the Union in order to be ready. We're 27 now. We can see it doesn't work, right? We cannot give Europe the speed it needs to show now. So please, work on that reform of the Union. Get rid of unanimity, make a smaller Commission, have a real foreign minister for our European Union, so that we can speak plain language on that European stage. Make that geopolitical Commission that you've worked so hard for. It is now or never, in the interest of Europe.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen – thank you for staying until the end with the few colleagues who are still here – Mr High Representative, I think I will be brief. I very much welcome the support – from colleagues, from the political groups and from the different countries – for this recommendation. I think it is a good thing that the House is following the China report with this recommendation. I have heard from all sides that we must continue to work on this. And it's actually a far too important theme to discuss so late in the evening. And I also noticed Mr. Borrell's outstretched hand. And that it is said that we will continue with it. We can do that in a committee meeting. We can do that in a plenary session. But I also think that we need to address this more broadly than just with the Committee on Foreign Affairs. I think we should also work with the Committee on International Trade, because that is where, of course, the dog is bound, as we say. I think we need to continue working on this, but I think it is a very strong signal that this Parliament will vote in favour of this recommendation tomorrow, I hope, by a very broad majority. I think we have done very strong work on human rights, on strategic autonomy and on competition and cooperation. And, of course, I hope that afterwards the Council and the High Representative of the Union will really work on this renewed assertive China strategy.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, let me start by thanking all my colleagues at this late hour tonight for the very nice and good cooperation with this report and And when I entered, Reinhard, I said, is this a debate to do at this time of the day? And you said to me, yes, we will do it because the text is very good. So I think maybe I've said everything then, but I will continue in Flemish because we worked very hard, Reinhard, together with all the colleagues to have this recommendation. This recommendation is actually in line with the China report of two years ago. At that time, too, we made a very strong report with all of us, very united. But I have to say: Since then, the world has changed drastically and so have our relations with China. China is of course an important trading partner, but it increasingly presents itself as a system rival and an economic competitor to Europe. China is becoming increasingly assertive on the international stage. Human rights are being violated. The political agenda of the Chinese Communist Party is more than ever a challenge to our liberal world order, to our norms and values. To deal with this China, the Union must be united. Only united can we defend our interests and values and we must do so on the basis of three pillars. Firstly, we need to engage in dialogue and cooperation where necessary and possible. China is the world's biggest polluter with 27% of carbon emissions, so we cannot ignore China in the fight against climate change. We need to make sure that China takes its responsibility and reduces those emissions. The country also remains a very important trading partner, with more than two billion in reciprocal trade in goods every day, and decoupling our trade relations would cause enormous economic damage. But unfortunately, we must also dare to say that China does not adhere to the same rules. It is more difficult for European companies to enter the Chinese market than the other way around. And we don't forget to say that the Chinese government subsidizes companies with billions. Our trade deficit is close to 400 billion because of such unfair practices. We therefore need fair trade relations, as Mrs von der Leyen and Mr Michel have also said. Secondly – I will have to speak more quickly, otherwise I will not get there – we must never turn a blind eye to human rights violations, such as the repression of the Uyghurs or the dismantling of democracy in Hong Kong. With Xi Jinping increasingly turning his back on Taiwan, we must continue to stress that China must never unilaterally change the status quo and that we will never, ever accept China's support for Russia and its war against Ukraine. China is increasingly showing itself as a system rival to Europe and we must therefore continue to focus on that. Third, we need to strengthen our strategic autonomy and drastically reduce our dependencies on China – the so-called risk reduction strategy, which I fully support. And instead of Chinese solar panels, Chinese critical raw materials, we need to build our own capacities and produce them in Europe. We can no longer be naive. The Russian energy blackmail has taught us that countries that do not share our values use our dependencies against us. Finally, and with that I will end: We need to speak to China with one European voice. Only when we are united can we defend our values and norms. We cannot afford the luxury of being divided against China. There's too much at stake.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr High Representative, Commissioner Borrell, in two weeks' time we will be celebrating Christmas, the Feast of Peace, in Europe. Especially in the region where this festival has its origins, a conflict has been raging for more than 75 years. Certainly the images of the past few months are horrific. Naked Palestinian men being taken away, children dying in hospitals from bombing, lack of water and care, parents of hostages still desperately waiting for every sign of life. This hallucinatory madness must stop now. Two months ago, I think, we voted in favour of a very strong resolution with an overwhelming majority. In fact, the resolution is still very strong. We called for a humanitarian pause. The Council took humanitarian breaks and meanwhile we have reached the point of calling for a humanitarian ceasefire. Well, I want to make a call today. Here, at Christmas in prospect. I think we should be strong and now ask, Mr Borrell, that a humanitarian ceasefire of at least a month be declared. People must have time to breathe, to care for the wounded, to provide humanitarian aid. And yes, we must help Israel fight the terrorist organization Hamas, but also warfare its borders. What stands out to me now is: Make sure that humanitarian aid can reach the population and stop the violence in the region today.

Madam President, we really had a very good debate here last October, and this Parliament has been very united. We voted a resolution with more than 500 votes out of 540 here. And exactly, we can have a vote every month. Every month we are confronted with these horrific crimes that have been taking place there. But for me, it is very clear we do not need to vote resolutions every time. I want action on the ground. So for me, I really support a very strong debate. I really support all the groups of this Parliament visiting Gaza the last weeks. But I think a new resolution will be ended up with the same as in October.

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, millions: millions of brave demonstrators took the streets in Hong Kong and demanded for democracy, civil rights and freedoms. The national security law has stopped any protests and oppressed fundamental rights. Instead of the principle of one country with two systems, we now see one country imposing its system. Anyone who resists could face a lifetime in jail for anything that the Chinese regime dislikes. Hong Kong’s puppet government can appoint judges and overturn rulings. Colleagues, when the rule of law is in the hands of the Chinese Communist Party, there is no rule of law. As this Parliament’s China rapporteur, I will always stand up for the brave people of Hong Kong. We will never forget them. In our new recommendation for the China policy, we call on the EU to condemn China’s human rights violations with one single voice. Only then we can defend our values. We will always, colleagues, repeat our call for sanctions against those responsible for the destruction of democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong.

Mr President, we woke up this morning with the best news of the week. A temporary ceasefire is finally in place and 50 hostages are already being released. Let this be the beginning of a permanent ceasefire and of the release of all hostages of this conflict, which has been dragging on for far too long. For it is a true humanitarian nightmare, the greatest murder of the Jews since the Second World War. Bombing schools and hospitals, two million people in Gaza looking for water, food, medicine, safety. And then the hostages. I call it hell on earth. And that hell on earth, it has to stop now. Mr Borrell, you have clearly conveyed the message in the region and I also found you stronger today than ever in your statements about this conflict. I would like to thank you very much for that. This is a Europe I like to see. Contrary to the cacophony that we did see at the beginning of the conflict, I am very happy with the strength that you expressed today. I am also very proud of the visit of the Belgian Prime Minister De Croo today together with his colleague Sánchez to the region. For me – I am a proud Belgian – it shows how a small country can be big, because Belgium has played its role, unlike some other European countries that made their attitude depend on friendships or fears from the past. For me, this is also a wake-up call for Europe and then I also look at the Commission, because it actually shows our political failure. For years - you said it, 30 years I think - we have been advocating for that two-state solution. But we never did anything to bring that two-state solution closer. Europe has not really played a significant role in this either, and we need to look at the United States and at Qatar. Mr President, you have allowed the Council and the Commission to speak for a longer period of time. As chief negotiator, I want to make my point here as well. We believe that Europe needs to be reformed. If we really want to be a geopolitical power, I hope that you will soon vote in favour of Mr Guy Verhofstadt's report, that Europe will be reformed and that we can play a significant role in conflicts like this.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we have already heard it here today: Europe is under pressure and our weight on the international stage is shrinking as great powers emerge. If we want to be a player, we have to act as one European bloc. A geopolitical Europe is only possible if we reform our decision-making. Certainly with more than 30 Member States, this will be much needed. To me, it's very clear: No expansion without deepening, no renewal. We must abolish the rule of unanimity. We must decide by a majority. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once said: “Who should I call if I want to talk to Europe?” Well, Commissioner, that is still not so clear for the rest of the world. So let's finally work on: 1) a true Minister of Foreign Affairs of the European Union; 2) a European army with her on its teeth so that we can act. Only if we show the courage to reform the European Union today will we be that geopolitical bloc. I count on the Member States to turn Mr Verhofstadt's excellent proposals into a convention. It's now or never.

Mr President, Ms von der Leyen, Mr Michel, colleagues, the images of the conflict in Israel and Palestine are unbearable. Young Jewish children murdered by Hamas. Palestinian children wandering around orphaned after yet another bombing. There is a threat of a real humanitarian catastrophe with hundreds of thousands who do not have access to water, to food, to care and to security. This abomination must stop now. Enough is enough. Three weeks ago, we adopted a strong resolution here, almost unanimously. And today? Today we need to reinforce that message, strengthen that message. The humanitarian pause must come now and immediately. The hostages must be released now and immediately. We must continue to believe in and work towards a lasting solution to the conflict, which has been going on for far too long. And that is why we must go back to the agreement between Rabin and Arafat and work – as you said, Mrs von der Leyen – on the two-state solution, no matter how impossible it may seem today. And that means, of course, stopping the terrorist organization Hamas and at the same time reducing the settlements. The vicious cycle of hatred and violence must be broken. Colleagues, we have succeeded here in Europe. Our European Union is built on the ruins of division, hatred and violence. We must now, together with the international community, succeed in doing the same in the Middle East. This can only happen if we are strong and united, if we are united, if we act as one geopolitical Europe. This is our ‘now or never moment’. Europe has to play its role. It's our moral duty. Never again.

Madam President, colleagues, politics is also daring to speak out loud and clearly about what we really want to ask. Look at the images, look at what is happening: the people are asking for a humanitarian pause. It is what our Member States asked at the UN Council yesterday. Please, I want to ask you to vote in favour and to not stand up on this oral amendment for this humanitarian pause. There are people dying every day. They need this humanitarian pause.

Madam President, dear colleagues, as I led the difficult negotiations yesterday, I really want this House to be united and voting with a strong voice. That’s the reason why I really would like to propose another oral amendment, like our Member States just called for a humanitarian pause at the UN Security Council yesterday. Consequently, I would like to make the amendment to Amendment 71 and Amendment 37 to call for a humanitarian pause in order for this House to vote a very strong resolution all together about this urgent humanitarian situation.

Mr President, colleagues, Mr Borrell, what is happening in Israel is appalling. The hundreds of deaths at the music festival and in the kibbutz. What happened in Gaza last night: bombing a hospital – nurses, doctors, children, patients – defies all imagination. We in Europe feel it too. The murder of Dominique Bernard in Arras and then the cowardly murder of the Swedish football supporters in my own Brussels. Europe needs to do something. Not words, but decisiveness. One: full support for Israel in stopping Hamas. And also, Mr Borrell, sanctions against the proxies – Qatar and especially Iran. When will there be a real sanctions policy against that horrific regime in Iran and not those symbolic 200 people on that list? Full humanitarian aid – I wanted to say Mrs von der Leyen, but she is gone – to the Palestinian people. Hamas is not the Palestinian people. Half of the Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank do not support Hamas. They are victims of Hamas. And three – however impossible it may seem today – launch a new peace process. Not between Hamas and Netanyahu, but between the peaceful Palestinians and the democratic Israelis, who are in the majority in both camps. To do so, however difficult it may seem, is a true geopolitical union. The diametrically opposite of what we've seen in the last few days. Every tragedy is at the same time an opportunity, an opportunity to create peace where hatred and violence are rampant today. You have our support.

Mr President, Commissioner, we are on the 11th package of sanctions. It is good that we are taking sanctions, but eleven packages of sanctions clearly show that we have not been strict enough. Still, not all individuals on the Navalny list are on the sanctions list. Russia is still circumventing sanctions by third countries and earning billions from oil and gas exports, even to European countries. The sanctions work, but they don't work the way we want them to. The Russian war machine is still in full swing and Putin is still in the saddle. We need to step up. We know which countries are helping Russia bypass the sanctions, so address those countries. The capital of the Russian elite is still scattered throughout Europe. Follow the example of Alexander De Croo. Let's use those assets to build Ukraine. Only if we, as the European Union, make ourselves strong as one bloc can we defeat Putin.

Mr President, I can still ask you to think a little about the attack that took place last night in Brussels, the two Swedes who lost their lives in that attack. I would like to see a minute of silence this afternoon.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, Victor Hugo once said: ‘Even the darkest night will end and the sun will rise’. Well, the darkest night Ukraine is going through now will have an end. And with this proposal, we are once again showing our support for Ukraine. Our financial support for reconstruction and reforms is guaranteed until 2027. Of course – as Mr Van Overtveldt has said – we will control that support, but that support must also come from the frozen funds of the Russians here across Europe. I have to confess to you: Last week, our Prime Minister in Belgium, De Croo, made the right decision. It would be good if Europe followed the example of Prime Minister De Croo. The most important thing remains that Ukraine wins the war and that is why we must continue to provide military support and put pressure on Putin. Because I dare not think about what will happen if Putin wins this war. We have taken steps in the right direction, but we must continue. We need to build the defence union. We need to ensure a genuine European defence industry and the supply of weapons. And then what? Then that darkest night will end.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, ten years after Lampedusa, it is painful to see that we still do not have a genuine European asylum and migration policy. It's gotten much worse. Member States are reintroducing national border controls. Women and children still walk on rickety boats every day and still drown on our seas. And thousands of unaccompanied minor asylum seekers are missing in Europe. Yes, Commissioner, I have heard you very well. That migration pact must be put in place. Shall I tell you something? That deal must have been there a long time ago. In fact, it's painful to see that the deal isn't there yet. And I'll tell you something else. Much more needs to be done. I have heard many suggestions from the left and absurdities from the right. But I missed one thing: It's our damn duty to protect the children in migration. Ten thousand children are missing on European soil in 2023. It is our duty to protect the children in migration, who are always victims. That is what we are going to do, here in Parliament.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, ethnic cleansing is taking place on our continent and I really feel that Europe is there and that we are looking at it. Is this really the geopolitical Union we are aiming for? And is Azerbaijan really such a reliable partner from which we can buy gas? Those horrible images cut through our hearts. Almost the entire Armenian population has left the area, including 20 000 innocent children. We have our mouths full of a Union of values and norms. Then let's act now. Europe urgently needs emergency aid. We must help in Armenia to receive the refugees and we must use sanctions to prevent Azerbaijan from continuing. We must insist that the blockade of the Laçın corridor be lifted, that war crimes be investigated, and that Armenia be supported through the European Peace Facility. If Azerbaijan continues to engage in violence, we must freeze our gas and oil purchases. We must do this for our values, but especially for the innocent victims.

Madam President, Commissioner, after a debate about the State of the Union all morning and then here after noon about the wolf, I must tell you that you feel here in the hemisphere that the debate about the wolf is very disturbing. You feel it very clearly: You have the proponents, you have the lovers, and then you have the opponents. And yes, since 1992 the wolf has been protected with a very high protection status. He was also threatened with extinction. Now, 30 years later, there are many figures circulating and it is estimated that more than 20 000 wolves roam Europe. And then I think I can be very pleased that the Commission has now said: “Look, we are going to make a call. We are going to try to collect the right figures, because we also feel that the presence of that wolf is weighing on the agricultural areas.” And then I have to tell you that a wolf in the densely populated Flanders – in the very beautiful Limburg – is something completely different from a wolf in a remote area in Germany. The common sense of the peasant – and then I round it off – actually tells me: Give that wolf an area in which he may live and make sure that the farmers have areas in which their animals are protected.

Mr President, Commissioner, in today's debate I have not actually heard anyone exuberantly positive about this agreement. Lots of critics. I must tell you that Europe has not really made a good turn for me here. Why? We didn't speak with one voice, that's for sure. The President of the Commission and two Heads of Government are not Team Europe. We have also completely sidelined Parliament and, after two months, we still do not know all the details of the agreement. What is clear is that we have given a blank cheque to an autocratic head of government who is actually undermining human rights and fuelling violence against migrants. And all this without success, dear colleagues. Yes, we need to better protect the external borders. Yes, we need to crack down on human smugglers. Yes, we need to promote the return of irregular migration. But above all, we need to work towards a genuine European asylum and migration policy. And I can't get the image of Matyla Dosso and her daughter Marie out of my head as a mother, as a politician. This is not my Europe. Let us work on the migration pact, on tackling smugglers, but also on protecting people fleeing war and violence.

Mr President, Commissioner, almost all of us have been saying the same thing here for 1.5 years: Ukraine must not lose this war. Where would Putin stop if he won this war? We must therefore work towards compliance with these sanctions, but we should do so more quickly. We need to rebuild Ukraine. We also need to do this faster. We must ensure that the war criminals are brought to justice. But do you know what we really need to do? Make sure they have the necessary ammunition. And we have taken steps forward, we have the ASAP legislation. But do we really think $500 million will make a difference? These are very small steps forward in the war to support Ukraine. We need to take big steps forward today. Realising that defence union, a European armed force, and ensuring that we send a different message to Ukraine than all the time ‘not now’, ‘maybe later’, ‘maybe next year’. Let's make sure that war stops now. We have that responsibility.

Mr President, with a year to go until the European elections, two-thirds of Europeans say they will go to the polls. That was more than five years ago. We found that the EU is seen as relevant, but that citizens in many Member States intend to vote anti-EU. Real breakthroughs must therefore be made at this summit to convince citizens that the EU matters. For example, I expect a strict 11th package of sanctions against aggressive Russia, which includes not only all names, but also diamonds. We also need to adopt a new strategy towards the dominant China. We need to create a defence union and a European army. Finally, we need to finalise the migration pact. After all, people expect answers. Let us also protect children who are fleeing, who are not explicitly mentioned in the migration pact.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam is yet another inhuman war crime committed by the Russian army. For me, it shows once again that we need to do more and faster. I think this moment should make the following clear: First, provide urgent emergency assistance now. This is, I think, the worst human environmental disaster since Chernobyl. So please make sure we get the emergency aid. And secondly: I think we are now working on the 11th package of sanctions. The eleventh. Can we please make sure that this is all there is to it? Let's extend the crimes, including diamonds. I say that as a proud Belgian. But we don't want a blood diamond. Make sure those 6,000 Navalny names are on it. Make sure that there is a European mechanism that fights the circumvention of these sanctions. And Last but not least: How long do we have to wait for that war tribunal to be set up to try these war crimes?