Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr Borrell, 7 October is ‘9/11’ for Israel. It has been said here a few times and I would very much like to share the words of Maoz Inon with you today. On the morning of October 7, Maoz lost both his parents: Madam President, on the morning of the 7 October, my life changed forever. On that horrific day, I lost both of my parents. The pain and grief accompany me every day, but alongside that pain, a determination has emerged to dedicate my life to reconciliation and peace. We stand at a critical crossroad. I think today, a year after the attack, the situation is terrifying. Peace is further away than ever. More than 40,000 people have died and Gaza has become a real children's graveyard. The violence didn't start on October 7th, we all know that. It has been raging for decades and is now expanding across the region. Mr. Borrell, the international community has a responsibility. I want to use this moment, one year after those terrible attacks, to raise the following points again: 1) Please ensure an immediate ceasefire; 2) the hostages must be released, and 3) urgent humanitarian aid must enter the country. Only then can we work on that necessary political solution. You already have our support and I hope that colleagues here, in all groups and all political groups, will share this view.

Mr President, the figures do not lie. Since 7 October 2023, more than 40,000 people have been killed in Gaza. One third of them were children and babies, yet the majority of Parliament refuses to agree to the naming of these harrowing facts and to call for an end to the violence. A permanent ceasefire must be established without delay to de-escalate violence across the region. We would not be the first to call for this: on 12 December 2023, an overwhelming majority of UN Member States called for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. This message was subsequently repeated in several UN resolutions. More importantly: on 19 February 2024, the European Council issued a joint statement with the same message. Parliament has also called for this, after emotional debates and lengthy negotiations. So today, together, let us call for an immediate, permanent ceasefire and the release of all hostages.

Mr President, since 24 February 2022, Russia’s violations of humanitarian law in Ukraine have become innumerable, with attacks on hospitals, thousands of deaths, executions and torture. What we are in danger of forgetting, however, is that this war has been hanging over our economy like a dark cloud for more than two years. There is an immense threat and uncertainty regarding gas and energy prices and an increasing number of European jobs are at risk. These things are not comparable, but we must stop our ‘stop-and-go’ policy towards Ukraine, first accelerating and then slowing down. Let's get our foot off the brake pedal. We must allow Ukraine to deploy European weapons on Russian territory without delay. Belgium, Denmark and the Netherlands have finally delivered the requested F-16s and would now say that they should not be used. This is no way to do it. Finally, the next European Commission and the Council must make every effort to create a genuine European Defence Union.

Mr President, colleagues, Mr Borrell, you yourself said: The war has been going on for more than two years. For two years now, we have been discussing the use of those Russian assets for Ukraine – time that Ukrainian citizens do not have. For months, we've been asking ourselves: How far can we go under international law? And meanwhile, Putin's dictatorial regime does not care about any right whatsoever. The Russian army bombs civilian infrastructure, power plants, residential complexes every day... This debate makes it clear: Of course, we must start using Russia's money for reconstruction, but also for the supply of weapons and ammunition. The Russian oligarchs, who are co-responsible, must contribute. But the top priority, Mr Borrell, I am addressing you, is, in my view, that this anti-aircraft defence must now be delivered. I know that my colleague Guy Verhofstadt has been in contact with you on several occasions. When can we finally proceed to the deliveries of that necessary anti-aircraft defence? (The speaker refused a blue card question from Miapetra Kumpula-Natri)

Mr President, Mr Borrell, colleagues, for months we have been receiving the most horrific reports from Gaza. Do we even realize how serious it is? More than a million Palestinians are malnourished, including hundreds of thousands of children. There is a risk of mass starvation resulting in thousands of deaths. And that in 2024. Hallucinant. Far too little humanitarian aid and food is still entering Gaza, and the people who bring in Gaza to provide aid are being murdered – more than 200 already. Aid workers, journalists and civilians should never be targeted. Israel must respect international law. War also has its rules. Mr Borrell, not only we in the European Parliament say this, but also the UN Security Council and the International Court of Justice. We have been calling for a permanent ceasefire and the release of all hostages by Hamas for weeks. This is the only way to avoid further suffering. I hope, Mr Borrell, that you will make it clear to Israel as soon as possible, on behalf of the European Union as a whole, that if this appeal and that of the international community remain unconcerned, our relationship will be at stake.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, this is perhaps one of the most important debates we are having here at the end of this parliamentary term. Don't be fooled by the extreme left or the extreme right, who apparently found each other in a diabolical pact to plunge this necessary pact. We've been talking about this for eight years. Finally, with the vote, we will hopefully take the first necessary steps towards a European Pact on Asylum and Migration. No, colleagues, not everything is perfect. If you search, you will always find points of criticism. But you know what's good about this pact? Finally, there is a European approach. At last, there will be stricter controls at the external borders. Finally, there will be more solidarity between Member States. Is it perfect? No, we, the liberals of Renew Europe, believe that much more needs to be done. Yes, official labour migration must also be made possible. Yes, I want an even harder approach to human smugglers. And yes, I would also very much like to protect those missing children in migration. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us finally do what citizens expect of us. Adopt this pact, take a European approach and don't be fooled by the populists of the far left or the far right.

Yes, Mr President, that is because he is attacking me personally, of course. I don't think I should give the far right any more time to argue against women's rights. I am co-chair of the Intergroup on Children's Rights, so I am well aware of the value of a child's life. That is why we want legislation to prevent unsafe abortion, with a limit to viability. That is just as crucial, and given the response of the EPP and the ECR, I think that the fight to include this in the Charter is more than necessary.

No, I will not take a blue-card question because I will not give the extreme right the time to talk against women’s rights here in this Parliament.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is a beacon of freedom and security, but also of liberal values. The right to decide about our own body is essential for our women. Access to abortion must be possible. When I hear the debate here today, it strengthens me even more. I hear conservative, reactionary forces here who want to turn back time. I tell you very clearly: Not in my Europe! When I hear the EPP and ECR speaking, it confirms me even more. We must enroll those acquired rights in the Charter, otherwise they will turn back the clock. To the EPP: No, it's not President Macron's election stunt. At least he's had the balls to enshrine women's rights in the constitution. It's not an election stunt, it's necessary for all women. I'm getting more feminist here by the minute and I want to end by saying: “There is a special place in hell for women who don’t fight for women’s rights” – Madeleine Albright.

I hear you saying now that it’s because the elections are there that Macron will ask it. Well, I will ask you, do you know that this Parliament voted a resolution in July 2022 that we asked to put abortion in the ? Thank you very much. Because there we voted it, so it’s not about elections, it’s what the Parliament voted here.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the images from Gaza of children starving to death by marrow and bone. There is a risk of mass starvation resulting in thousands of deaths. More than 500,000 Palestinians have been malnourished and more than 10,000 children have been killed. Yesterday we negotiated a strong joint resolution with a clear message. I'm making a call now: Let's unite behind that too. Civilians, civilian infrastructure and humanitarian convoys should never be targeted. Starvation must never be used as a weapon, and Israel must open all corridors so that the hundreds of trucks carrying aid can enter Gaza freely and safely. Europe must make it clear to Israel that it must abide by the rulings of the International Court of Justice. These rulings are binding. But in the end, we must also dare to say that we must fight Hamas. In the end, there must be an immediate and permanent ceasefire. Hamas must release all hostages. I hope we can give a very strong signal here tomorrow. That's our duty.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, and above all: courageous visitors from Ukraine. I am very glad that at least you were brought back. That's what gives me the most pleasure today. Children are always the most vulnerable in war. The fact that Russia has now deported more than 20 000 innocent children from Ukraine is disgusting and criminal. There are probably many more. I heard the speaker say: ‘750 000’. That's actually hallucinating. As a mother of two, I ask myself: What would I do if they were my kids? If it was my son? If it was my daughter? If you know that Russia forcibly russifies those children in re-education camps, deprives them of their identity? Let's not make a fuss about it. These are war crimes and they must be punished. As co-chair of the Intergroup on Children's Rights, I call for two things: work to bring those children back where they belong as soon as possible to their parents in Ukraine; and Make every effort to severely punish these war crimes.

Mr President, Minister, at the last meeting you said: “Europe needs to wake up. For our freedom, for our security”. I can only agree and repeat that call. I think that, if Europe is to wake up, we must also reform Europe and give Europe the means. That is why I very much welcome the European defence industry strategy with which the Commission is coming. I think there is a big and important support. But let's be honest: 1.5 billion for joint purchases, that is of course only the first step for me. It's just a start. It is, of course, far too little. I think you should come up with a genuine white paper on defence, with a European army – I can only repeat it here – and also with a reform of the Union. Because with Orbán visiting Trump and the upcoming elections, I don't think the lack of reform is in Europe's interest. A second point you spoke of was the necessary support for Palestine. We will soon be negotiating a resolution here. Indeed, I think we need to give that humanitarian support urgently. We see those children dying; We as Europe can no longer tolerate this. A third point: all the support for the geopolitical enlargement you were talking about, that necessary enlargement towards Bosnia-Herzegovina. But I missed something there: You have not discussed this necessary reform. I believe that, if we are to expand, we must also reform the Union. If we want, together, Europe to play a real role, we need to reform Europe, we need to renew Europe, and we need to abolish the unanimity rule.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the courageous Alexei Navalny was brutally murdered 12 days ago. We just listened to his wife here and we were all applauding. We're all sympathetic. But that's not what politics is all about. In politics, you have to dare to take courageous actions. Mr Guy Verhofstadt has just made it very clear: What the hell has Europe done in those 12 days? We have the Magnitsky sanctions. Did we introduce them? No, no, no, no. Those 6 000 names on the Navalny list – I think I have already asked this here at least four or five times: Why aren't they still on the sanctions list? Why the hell aren't we still using those frozen assets? What are we waiting for? Twelve days. I believe that Europe must now be courageous. And what else do we need to do? Of course, there are questions about his death. Very urgent: Navalny's three lawyers, who are still in prison, must be released. For my part with a prisoner exchange, but they have to be released. Now let's be brave like Navalny has been.

Mr President, Europe must wake up, for our freedom, for our security. Ursula von der Leyen said it, well, I couldn't have said it better. Spending more, spending more together, spending better: Absolutely. Building a genuine EU defence industry: Absolutely. And that will be necessary, because remember Commissioner Breton's plan. We were going to produce 1 million grenades within the year. Unfortunately, I have to say that we didn't make it. I think only half. We have to buy them elsewhere: in South Africa, in South Korea and then paid with the money of others. That is where our European Defence Union stands today. Because honestly: Where do we stand on our continent after two years of war? Where? Do we have a white paper for our European defence? What about the relationship between Europe and NATO? We need to move away from unanimity. We need a real Commissioner for Defence. We need one Minister for Foreign Affairs. We need, together, a real European army. We need it for Europe, we need it for our citizens.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, we would like to denounce once again this barbaric war that is affecting the people of eastern DRC. Indeed, since 1996 several wars have caused nearly 10 million deaths, more than 7 million displaced, not to mention women and children raped. It is obvious that voices are beginning to rise. Thus, Belgium, France and the United States asked Rwanda to withdraw its army from the Congo and cease all support for the rebels. But what is Europe doing? Europe has just signed a protocol on strategic raw materials with Rwanda, the recipient of which the army is killing and looting from its neighbour, not to mention human rights violations, without advocating an end to violence. Colleagues, how many more victims and pain does it take to wake up Europe to this brutality? We need to support peace processes, instead of throwing oil on the fire. There is still time to put Europe on the right side of history!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, I was expecting Mr Borrell here, but good. I am – ladies and gentlemen, as you know – quite a bit critical of the Commission’s foreign policy here on a regular basis. But at last, as Parliament has done, the Member States are backing a strong and balanced position. Okay, except for Viktor Orbán, but in the meantime we have just hit that. Fortunately, Europe is united for a ceasefire, for increased humanitarian support to Gaza, for the release of all hostages by the Hamas terror organisation and for preventing more civilian casualties. But what concerns me most is how we can deflect Netanyahu from his insane plan to attack Rafah, the last remaining refuge for as many as one million Palestinians. Where do they have to go? Europe must now make it clear that Israel must abide by the rulings of the International Court of Justice in order to prevent civilian casualties. These rulings are binding. In this conflict, Europe finally speaks the language that belongs to a union as a community of values. Now, as Team Europe, we must use all our diplomatic resources and influence to translate our words into action. Only then will we be a true geopolitical union.

Mr President, I am actually very happy that yesterday morning and this morning we have given priority to what the citizens are asking for. The farmers took to the streets and said: “Listen to us. Our farm stockpile is no longer livable.” I am very pleased that the Belgian Presidency, together with Alexander De Croo and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, took immediate action in Brussels last week. They said: “We need to cut red tape and eliminate that 4% set-aside.” I would now like to make a call: that 4 % set-aside, delete it definitively. I think that is what almost all the groups here have asked for. Make that work now. A third point that is absolutely necessary – and I heard that too, Mr Bourgeois, I was glad that you said it too: Make an impact analysis of that lasagna of laws coming at the farmers. But also dare to talk about the trade agreements, dare to talk about unfair trade practices. I ask you: Don't let the attention fade. Give the farmer the respect he deserves.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the message sent by the European Council last week was very clear: long-term financial support to Ukraine is crucial. But the most important thing, of course, is that weapons and ammunition are supplied so that Ukraine can win the war. After almost two years of war, some countries have delivered more speeches than weapons. The political will to continue supplying weapons and ammunition exists in almost all Member States, but implementation is faltering. Promise a million grenades is easier than they actually deliver. F16 fighter jets have to be delivered and Ukraine still has too few Patriots for its air defence. It remains – I'm sorry to say – too little, too late. There is an urgent need for a genuine Defence Union with joint procurement and a strong European defence industry. And finally – and I will repeat it again – a European army. Prime Minister Winston Churchill called for it in 1950. Can we please work on that very quickly?

Mr President, Commissioner, Mr President, it is very good that we have shown unity about our support for Ukraine. It is crucial for our European security. Our pressure has clearly paid off, for, Council and Commission, you have not yielded to Orbán's blackmail. I am also very happy that you have listened to the needs of our farmers. Europe is clearly assuming its responsibilities here. Today, too, I hear a very strong Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, talking about this strategic dialogue. But time is running out. We need tangible results. A thousand farmers per day are disappearing in Europe – a thousand farmers per day are disappearing in Europe. Our Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo has also listened to the farmers. He promised to work with the Belgian Presidency on a 10-point plan to reduce this administrative burden. I call them very quickly: conduct an impact analysis of the lasagna of all laws imposed on farmers; the removal of that mandatory 4% set-aside area; dare to reflect on the regrouping of those protected areas; and, of course, the trade agreements: imported products must comply with the same strict requirements that we set for our farmers. Let us show respect for the peasants and let the peasant stockpile survive in Europe. I would like to give you our ten-point plan, based on my conversations with the Truiense, Limburg and Flemish farmers.

Madam President, it is a nice storytale to start with a ‘boo’ from you guys over there. We’re talking here about a very big humanitarian catastrophe and a very big conflict. You all remember in October this Parliament stood strong. We made it, we put forward – almost with unanimity – a strong resolution, in which the Council and the Commission didn’t succeed. On Tuesday evening, I negotiated, we negotiated, for more than three hours. We negotiated yesterday more than two hours. And this whole morning, I tried to convince all parties to arrive again at a strong resolution with unanimity. I don’t block anybody, but I want to make a proposal, an oral amendment, which I think convinces the left and the right, and which makes a strong statement. I will now read the amendment. It is about Article 1. It is about Amendment 12. Come on, guys! It is about Amendment 12 of the ECR, Amendment 26 of the EPP, and about my own amendment. I want to make one proposal. Listen and then vote with your heart and look at the text: ‘Calls for a permanent ceasefire and to restart efforts towards a political solution.’ At the same time, colleagues, ‘calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages and in a hand-in-hand process’, and we demand ‘the dismantling of the terrorist organisation Hamas’. All is in there. Vote it, and we have a resolution with a strong majority.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, this terrible conflict lasts more than a hundred days. For more than a hundred days, families of the hostages are waiting for a sign of life. More than 10,000 children have been killed by bombing, by lack of care, by famine. This suffering has to stop and I've been hearing that for a hundred days now. It can only be stopped by a permanent ceasefire. Yes, Europe must help Israel to stop the terrorist organization Hamas, but war also knows its borders and its rules. Where can the 2 million Palestinians who seek security and care go? We voted for a very strong, almost unanimous resolution here three months ago, but we are now three months away. We need to reinforce that message now. We'll be negotiating with the chief negotiators in a moment. To me, it's very clear: We must remain committed to a permanent ceasefire, to that two-state solution. And I know, Europe is not in the Lead to resolve this conflict. But if we want to play a role on the geopolitical scene, if we want to be a player, then we need to speak together now. So I call on all of you here today to come to a good position later in those negotiations, on which we can vote unanimously here in the European Parliament so that we can show to the outside world: This is our priority for Europe. So let us also stop shooting at each other between the Member States and the parties here. We are going to negotiate and we will try to draft a good text.

Madam President, Commissioner, Prime Minister, Alexander, Minister, good morning. My best wishes, also here in Strasbourg. Prime Minister, this is the thirteenth time that our country has held the presidency. And we love that, we Belgians. Why? It gives us a moment to show what we are good at. We can revisit our proverbial art of compromise, as you have just done, and I think we have all followed it on your trip to China. That art of compromise, that leadership, that will be necessary, because we only have a few weeks before those crucial European elections to finalise legislation for our security and to set up a European defence and, as far as I am concerned, that European army, for the migration pact, to control our migration flows and also to develop that necessary European industrial plan. Urgently needed to strengthen our industry and our companies. We have to remain competitive and I am very happy if we could write this on the account of a liberal prime minister. But for me, ladies and gentlemen, the most important thing at stake during this Belgian presidency is the reform of the Union. There I hope, Alexander, that you find inspiration. In 2001, a Belgian presidency was led by another liberal prime minister, well known to you. Then a convention was launched that led to a reform of the Union, until the Treaty of Lisbon. I hope you find inspiration there, because I do not know if there is anyone here who doubts that we need to reform the Union. We are threatened from the inside, by the Orbans of this world, and from the outside. We must now reform the Union, and certainly with that necessary enlargement of the Union that is high on the agenda, for our security. But we at Renew Europe say very clearly: No expansion without a floor. The Union needs to be reformed. And what does that mean for us? Abolish unanimity, as far as I am concerned, a real foreign minister of the Union and yet also commit to that European army. Prime Minister De Croo, I know you and as you lead a government in Belgium, I am sure that with a calm but confident leadership you will also bring this presidency to a successful conclusion and that it will be a success. You know, when the wind is against it and it goes uphill, we flandriens are the best. So I would say: Put the whip on it, let it go forward. You already have our support. Good luck!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission, Minister, this European summit is about our security, our continued support for Ukraine. Ukraine must not lose the war. Where does Putin end up if he wins in Ukraine? Viktor Orbán, elected with an anti-European programme, has been casting his shadow on this summit for weeks now. One man on the brakes is holding the entire European population and the brave Ukrainians hostage. The security of our citizens is not a political game. So we can't give in. If we give Orban one finger, he'll take our whole hand. As far as I am concerned, and as far as this Parliament is concerned, we urgently need to continue the Article 7 procedure. We cannot give a euro, not a cent of European money, to someone who violates our values and norms in this way. And please deprive him of his right to vote. It's clearer than ever: We need to get rid of this crippling unanimity. How do we always allow someone to block the whole thing? One man who puts everything at risk, who puts our safety at risk. The same with enlargement. I am very happy that enlargement is on the agenda of this summit, but I hear very little about that necessary reform, that deepening. At the last plenary session, we voted in favour of an excellent report by Mr Guy Verhofstadt on how to reform the Union in order to be ready. We're 27 now. We can see it doesn't work, right? We cannot give Europe the speed it needs to show now. So please, work on that reform of the Union. Get rid of unanimity, make a smaller Commission, have a real foreign minister for our European Union, so that we can speak plain language on that European stage. Make that geopolitical Commission that you've worked so hard for. It is now or never, in the interest of Europe.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen – thank you for staying until the end with the few colleagues who are still here – Mr High Representative, I think I will be brief. I very much welcome the support – from colleagues, from the political groups and from the different countries – for this recommendation. I think it is a good thing that the House is following the China report with this recommendation. I have heard from all sides that we must continue to work on this. And it's actually a far too important theme to discuss so late in the evening. And I also noticed Mr. Borrell's outstretched hand. And that it is said that we will continue with it. We can do that in a committee meeting. We can do that in a plenary session. But I also think that we need to address this more broadly than just with the Committee on Foreign Affairs. I think we should also work with the Committee on International Trade, because that is where, of course, the dog is bound, as we say. I think we need to continue working on this, but I think it is a very strong signal that this Parliament will vote in favour of this recommendation tomorrow, I hope, by a very broad majority. I think we have done very strong work on human rights, on strategic autonomy and on competition and cooperation. And, of course, I hope that afterwards the Council and the High Representative of the Union will really work on this renewed assertive China strategy.