Speeches

On 1 July, the European Union Digital COVID Certificate Regulation entered into force with the aim of helping to restore freedom of movement within the EU, a severely restricted right following the declaration of the pandemic. From this date, Member States should be prepared to issue and verify the physical or electronic document proving which persons are vaccinated, have been tested or have passed the disease. The Regulation provides, however, for a period of six weeks in order to allow Member States to prepare to issue the certificates referred to in the Regulation. Twenty-one of them, as well as Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, had already started issuing certificates before 1 July, and five more started to do so from that date. However, according to data from the European Commission on 1 July, there are still six Member States without the necessary preparation for its implementation (Hungary, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands, Romania and Sweden), which will require further efforts in this regard.

Mr President, Commissioner, Europe has to develop and implement an ambitious industrial policy that ensures our companies are competitive by supporting the required energy and digital transition. We need more industry, yes, but not just any kind of industry. We need clean industries that help decarbonize the economy. The Net-Zero Industry Act is one of the pillars to achieve this, also aiming to reduce our dependence on strategic imports and contribute to increasing the resilience of clean energy supply chains in Europe. The success of this standard requires the implementation of the Commission's plans where trade policy is key to maintain the European Union's leading position in clean technologies, to strengthen the WTO's role on trade and climate change, to develop an export credit strategy and to effectively use trade defence and foreign investment screening instruments. It is a very ambitious work plan that requires cruising speed if we are to be competitive and build stronger, more stable and lasting strategic business alliances for the benefit of our interests and that of our partners. This is my last speech in this House. It has been ten years in which I have learned a lot and worked a lot. It has been a pleasure to meet so many colleagues and MEPs. We have contributed to a better Europe today than we did ten years ago thanks to the consensus reached. I would like to thank all the ushers – who make it easier for us to do our job – and the interpreters. Let me turn especially to those in cabin number eight of Spanish, which facilitate our work and make it possible for us to understand all colleagues. I ask you all to make it possible, after the next elections, for a more pro-European Parliament to be formed and for us to continue to contribute to a more peaceful, greener and more feminist world.

Mr President, Commissioner, a few months ago, the Deputy Mayor of Valencia of the PP-Vox Government said: Being a Nazi is not a crime. Everyone who wants what they want. Truthful information in quotation marks. Recently, the Minister of Justice of the PP-Vox Government, of the Valencian Community, said: Franco was a historical character. Truth in quotation marks. With these positions, the coalition of Government of the Popular Party and Vox of the Valencian Community aims to repeal the current Law of Democratic Memory and replace it with the misnamed "Law of concord". They want to end a law that has eliminated the names of streets and monuments dedicated to torturers and genocidal people. That he has withdrawn from dictator Franco the medals and honors improperly awarded. It has provided millions of euros to unearth from mass graves and ditches thousands of retaliators who fought for democracy in Spain. The European values that unite us and that we defend cannot deny the Franco dictatorship, because that is denying the victims persecuted, imprisoned or killed by a totalitarian regime. That is why this debate today is so important. Because not everything goes in politics. Because it is necessary that this Parliament demands and does not allow the extreme right and the Popular Party to deny the Franco dictatorship and threaten the triumph of our democracy.

Madam President, Commissioner, we are facing elections in no time, as we all know. The most important thing is to provide citizens with security and coherence, and to provide them with security and coherence we need to uphold the objective principles of the green transition and the fight against climate change. And I very much agree with what you said, Commissioner: Staying in the Treaty is not an option. My political group has always defended the modernization of the Treaty if it met each and every one of the requirements we asked for. I acknowledge the efforts and my group acknowledges the Commission's efforts in modernisation, but they have not been enough. Of course, not all of the 53 contracting parties share the Union's ambitions to combat climate change. We already knew that, and we made that clear in this Parliament’s resolution of 2022. It is essential to get a massive vote tomorrow to say no to maintaining this Treaty; not to an investment protection system based on private arbitrage that would allow investors to sue governments for the removal of fossil fuels. Today there are USD 35 billion pending in litigation against governments for this reason and we have to say no to the obstacles to the fight against climate change, which is absolutely incompatible with the Paris objectives. That is why we believe it is essential to give a loud and clear message tomorrow that we are consistent, that we stand for what we say and what we propose, and that this exit from the Treaty on European Union will be effective. And another thing I ask, in this case the Council, is to allow intra-Community claims to stop taking place under that Treaty and go where they need to go, which is to the Courts of Justice of the Union.

Madam President, Commissioner, Europe cannot export values and import products made with forced labour. We have to end modern slavery. It has been said several times, and we must not fail to repeat it, that in the world there are 28 million people exploited, subjected to slavery, and 12% of them are children. Also in the European Union 1.3 million people suffer from forced labour. And they're all waiting for us. The International Labour Organisation estimates that forced labour generates EUR 217 billion of illicit profits per year. A disgusting business that keeps growing. Let's be a world leader tomorrow. Let us vote massively in favour of the new regulation prohibiting the sale in the EU of products made with forced labour. Thanks to our co-rapporteur Maria-Manuel Leitão, our shadow rapporteur – who cannot be with us today – Bernd Lange, and all the major groups for their excellent work and collaboration. And, of course, to our co-rapporteur Samira Rafaela. We have secured a good deal that will force all companies using forced labour at some link in their supply chain to have their manufactured products withdrawn from the EU market and confiscated. International cooperation and adequate resources will be essential for effective law enforcement. This will be my last plenary session as a MEP and I am proud to have actively contributed, together with my Socialist and Democrat group, to having a law banning the sale of these products in the European Union. People must always come first and we must never allow slavery again.

Mrs Pereira, I have asked you whether you have read the agreement and in what part of the agreement you have read that. Not what is your political position on the agreement that I know, understand and respect.

Mrs. Pereira, have you read the whole agreement? Modernisation of the Advanced Framework Agreement. Have you read each and every chapter and every word? Can you tell me where it is written in this agreement that Chile's lithium and mineral exploitation monopolies are maintained?

Mr. President, today is a great day. As co-chair of the EU-Chile Joint Parliamentary Committee, I would like to express my deepest satisfaction with the EU-Chile Advanced Framework Agreement reached that we voted on today in Parliament and for which I ask my colleagues for strong support. Today's vote is a finishing touch to the work of the parliamentary committee in all the accompaniment that has been done throughout the negotiation process, work that will continue in the next legislature with the task of monitoring the implementation of this new agreement. I would like to congratulate the rapporteurs, shadow rapporteurs and negotiating teams on both sides for their excellent work. And, especially, I wish to convey to your Excellency the Ambassador of Chile to the European institutions and to her team, who today accompany us on such a marked day, my affection and my gratitude for the excellent work and that they involve all the people of Chile. Chile and the European Union modernised our relationship and updated it to adapt to a new and difficult geopolitical context. Together we can better face new challenges, from trust and mutual respect. With the new agreement we will deepen our political dialogue and boost our economic relationship. I will not go into the content that has been well explained, but I do want to point out that this agreement represents an important qualitative leap in the already intense and good political and trade relations between Chile and the European Union by deepening the existing cooperation on innovation, sustainability, the fight against climate change and the fight against corruption in the promotion of human rights, as well as the much-needed multilateral cooperation. Women, SMEs and nature await us. I therefore trust and call for a speedy ratification of the agreement. The current agreement was pioneering, it has already been said, and it did so at a time when it paved the way for future agreements. Today again, this agreement will be the beacon for future agreements and demonstrates the European Union's commitment to Chile and Chile's commitment to the European Union.

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, Mr Borrell, first of all, I would like to point out that I very much appreciate the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative, because I think it is a strategy that was necessary. For its content and for its opportunity, I totally agree with it. I also agree with the risks that have been identified in relation to the resilience of supply chains, energy and critical infrastructure security, technology lag and coercion. The truth is that, in the current geopolitical context, the boundaries between economics and security to which Mr Borrell referred before are increasingly blurred and the risks associated with them can put our democracies and our economies at risk, as we are unfortunately already seeing. It is therefore crucial that the European Union develops a legal framework for economic security that defends our objective interests and maximises the benefits of an open economy, but also minimises the risks arising from excessive dependencies and vulnerabilities. The European Union must defend interests by building strong, stable and lasting strategic trade and diplomatic alliances with reliable third countries, it being essential to promote the rules-based international economic order and to strengthen the role of the WTO in monitoring, promoting sustainable trade, defending competition and settling disputes in a renewed system. The European Union has developed various tools to protect its economic security, but it is essential to carry out regular risk assessments and efficiency analyses of the instruments used, because the instruments are either effective and act on time or do not work. I believe that the variable time must always be taken into account in all political actions and therefore it is essential to expedite the procedures... (the Chair took the floor from the speaker).

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, I also greet all the citizens who are visiting this Parliament and are following us right now. I would like to begin by congratulating the rapporteur, Mr Winkler, on the excellent work he has done and on having incorporated many of our proposals. The Committee on International Trade has undoubtedly shown a great deal of consensus on where we want our bilateral relations with Taiwan to go, relations which are undoubtedly vital for our green and digital transition, given that, as is well known, Taiwan is a world leader in the production of semiconductors and electronic products. We are the fourth largest trading partner and the main source of foreign direct investment in Taiwan, but our trade and investment volume is still small and has ample room for growth. Taiwan has been a member of the World Trade Organization since 2002 and has signed bilateral trade and investment agreements with more than 30 countries, not including the European Union, contrary to what this Parliament and the Socialists and Democrats have been calling for. We advocate negotiating a bilateral investment agreement with Taiwan and working towards an agreement on resilient supply chains. But we also want to encourage cultural and educational exchanges, promote scientific and academic collaboration, facilitate the participation of civil society and for Taiwan to be present in international multilateral forums. That is why, Mr Dombrovskis, I ask you: despite all that is being done, will you listen to the clear and firm voice of this Parliament in our petitions?

Madam President, Commissioner, I am speaking as rapporteur for the opinion report of the Committee on International Trade, where we do not have exclusive shared competences in any article, but rather the very fundamental role that international trade plays in - indeed - helping to meet the objectives of this necessary regulation, in order to facilitate the technological transition and boost the investments we so badly need in it. And why is it so important for the Committee on International Trade to issue this report? Because it is essential that value chains can ensure – along the entire chain – the technological momentum we want: this competitiveness of a clean industry. For that, it is essential that we work on different instruments of trade opening that allow us to keep these value chains open. Closed trade, protectionism, will not allow us to achieve any of the objectives. It is also essential to have an impact on trade defence instruments in order to ensure balanced rules of the game. I would like to thank the rapporteur of the committee responsible and all the shadow rapporteurs of the Committee on International Trade, and congratulate them on their excellent work and on the spirit of collaboration and cooperation, which has enabled us to make proposals that are more ambitious than those put forward by the Commission and which, as the Commissioner has partly pointed out, I hope will help to push and achieve.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear Secretary of State, there is no doubt that transatlantic relations are crucial and fundamental, especially at this geopolitical moment in our lives. But, despite maintaining the EU-US Council dialogue. I think the most important thing is for the European Union to have more influence and more levelling capacity in transatlantic relations. And, for that, it is crucial that the European Union regains technological leadership and competitive capacity and that we can really avoid in the future that laws such as the US Inflation Reduction Act can be passed without taking into account a strategic partner such as the European Union. That is why I would like to ask the Commissioner whether they are planning, going to do or have done an assessment of the impact that the Inflation Reduction Act has on European businesses and the economy.

Madam President, Commissioner, the European Union is an open economy that depends on international trade to thrive. It therefore needs trade agreements to provide certainty and to improve our relations with third countries by promoting our principles and values, and respect for human rights, climate commitments and social and labour rights. The pandemic, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and the production situation of oil-producing countries have highlighted that the international order is showing signs of weakness. Protectionism, trade barriers and economic conflicts are multiplying. But global trade – at least for the moment – is neither shrinking nor fragmented between blocks. However, renewed support for multilateralism is needed. Europe has warned of the negative effects of globalisation and, although it has acknowledged the threats late, it is already starting to act with determination, although it must do so in a much faster way. The Union must respond to these challenges in two directions: on the one hand, by reducing our external dependencies and strengthening our strategic productive capacities for sustainable development; on the other, by ensuring that the global economy remains open and that we strengthen our leadership position. To this end, Europe must foster a new commercial expansion by expanding our links with the outside world, diversifying our partners and offering them a balanced relationship that is beneficial to them.

. – Madam President, Commissioner, the process of modernising the Energy Charter Treaty is still pending. Several Member States have notified their decision to withdraw from the Treaty, including the modernised Treaty, in view of its incompatibility with the climate objectives we are pursuing and the investment protection system that the Treaty entails. I believe that the European Union needs to be credible in order to move forward. And, to be credible, it has to be consistent. We cannot defend the permanence in an Energy Charter Treaty that goes against the ambition of our climate goals and implies a system of investment protection that this Parliament denounced many years ago, pointing out that it would never support it again. In a very clear resolution, this Parliament again and for the most part expressed its opposition to participation in the modernisation of this Treaty, as well as the need for an orderly withdrawal. I recognise the effort that the Commission has made to present a legally viable way out for orderly withdrawal, but the Commission has yet to present a proposal to the Council that would allow a solution to be found for those Member States that wish to remain in the Treaty. I know that it is very complicated, but politicians are here to solve complicated problems and in this problem it is essential that we find a solution now. Because the next Energy Charter conference will take place next November and by then it would be necessary to have found the solution to allow the orderly withdrawal from the Treaty, as well as a solution for the Member States that want to remain in it.

Mr President, our economic and trade relations with China are based on unfair competition caused by a lack of reciprocity. We must recognize that this situation has occurred because we have allowed it and made it too easy for them for a long time. China has greatly expanded its influence in the global economic context at the expense, in part, of the European economy, whose excessive dependencies must be corrected. Therefore, without a doubt, the main objective with regard to our economic and trade relations with China must be to achieve a relative equivalence of conditions. That is why I think it is very positive that you have travelled to China, because I believe that through dialogue you can move forward. But it is necessary to act and I would like to have some more precise details of the outcome of your trip. What do you consider the most positive and the most worrying after having met with our companies that are there and with the Chinese authorities? Do you think that China, after this, will move towards more equitable rules of the game or that, at least, a path of rapprochement in that sense can be opened? What results do you expect from the working group on technology cooperation and financial regulation?

Madam President, Mr High Representative, today the death of Salvador Allende reminds us that democracy is never won, that we have to defend it every day, that it is worth fighting for freedom and equality and that this struggle belongs to all of us. Allende was also an advanced feminist. In his famous farewell speech on Radio Magallanes, to which the High Representative previously referred, the first people he addressed were women to recognize their work, their worth and to show their gratitude. Despite Pinochet's disastrous years, Chile is today an example of consolidated democracy around the world, with flaws and virtues, but proud of itself. According to the Global Democratic Health Index developed by The Economist For FY2022, there are only 24 full democracies in the world, including, of course, Spain, but Chile is also full democracies, representing only 8% of the world’s population. The Pinochet dictatorship, Mr Tertsch, as well as the autocracies, were and are bad business for the citizens. Not only did the dictatorship put an end to freedoms, but it hurt the economy and triggered inequality. I'm going to give you two very significant facts. At the beginning of the dictatorship, per capita income in Chile was 28% of that in the United States. By the end of that period that percentage had fallen by three points to 25%. On the contrary, in only eight years of democracy, per capita income in Chile, compared to that of the United States, increased nine points, to 34%, and in 20 years it has almost doubled. At the same time, Pinochet's dictatorship made the real minimum wage lower in 1989 than in 1974, fifteen years later, widening the gap between rich and poor. While in the first eight years of democracy the minimum wage increased in Chile by 66% and poverty was reduced. That is why it is difficult to understand why such a high percentage of the Chilean population does not consider the dictatorship harmful. Something will have to be done. And the European Union and Chile must renew our commitment to democracy, solidarity and cooperation. The letter "For democracy, always", signed by President Boric and all the former presidents of Chile after the dictatorship, is a great step in defense of democracy. Dear Honourable Members and High Representative, I sincerely believe that the greatest tribute we can pay today to Salvador Allende is to continue to defend his ideals, which are our own, in the struggle for democracy, social justice and relations of respect between countries.

Madam President, Mr High Representative, I would first like to congratulate you. To congratulate you, and also the Spanish presidency, on the success of the summit, because its mere celebration has been, for its content and for the declaration - I think it has been a real success. And because it is essential to strengthen the European Union's strategic alliance with Latin America and the Caribbean, which has been threatened, and is threatened, by China's economic influence and by Russia's geopolitics in many countries in the region. It is essential that we strengthen our common democratic vision of the world, dialogue, mutual trust and that we are able to jointly face a shared future bearing in mind that the interests of the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are not unique. They have different economies, societies and political systems. And we must all understand. Europe needs to increase its international influence and Latin America is a key partner for Europe's green and digital transition and for developing a reliable supply chain. That is why it is so important to conclude the agreements underway with Mexico, Chile and we trust Mercosur. Europe has to design a genuine policy of economic cooperation with financial mechanisms that make possible the development of Latin America. We need each other and to continue the summit, I think, is essential.

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, Mr Borrell, I am going to refer to two fundamental aspects to take into account in our relations with China. The first is our deeply deteriorated trade relations, with an unsustainable trade deficit, over-reliance on some critical raw materials and significant regulatory divergences. The second, China's role as a global actor, which must exercise greater responsibility in the defense of human rights and peace, stability in the Taiwan Strait, the end of Putin's war and the fight against climate change. The Union needs to implement open strategic autonomy in order to achieve more balanced, reciprocal relations based on fair competition and the defence of our own interests. I therefore welcome the new instruments on trade defence and critical raw materials. But I believe that it is necessary, Mr Dombrovskis, to develop a mechanism for monitoring outgoing foreign investments from the European Union. Unity, coherence and coordination of our relations with Beijing are also essential. Therefore, I believe that it is essential to achieve this coordination under the responsibility of those who are responsible: Our High Representative, Mr Borrell, whom I congratulate on his work.

Madam President, I would like to start by expressing my and my group's satisfaction with the agreement reached. Thank you, Vice-President Šefčovič, for finding a way of understanding, for complying with what has been agreed and for overcoming the tensions and challenges arising from the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol. Let us hope that the magnificent history of cooperation between the United Kingdom and the rest of Europe will not be truncated again and will continue in the future. Having overcome the initial political deadlock, we must focus on maintaining regulatory coherence, vital to the strength of the European and British single market. We know that the Brexit and the non-fulfilment of commitments has not benefited the British economy and politics, which have suffered a great deterioration and discredit, nor the citizens, who have suffered the loss of jobs and the shortage of products, phenomena accentuated by COVID and war. All of them need to be considered in order to further develop the good relationship, coordination and cooperation sought by the Windsor Framework. And in this regard, I ask you, Mr Vice-President, if possible, to specify the new Stormont brake emergency mechanism. The United Kingdom and the European Union are allies and friends, and in these times this is very valuable.

Madam President, Commissioner, there is no doubt that international trade is in a very difficult and complex context, exacerbated by the action of the United States with the adoption of the Inflation Reduction Act, which undoubtedly represents a shift towards protectionism, triggering a global chain of subsidies where the strongest prevails and not the most competitive. Europe has to act now. We have seen the consequences of lacking a genuine industrial, technological, innovation and trade policy that guarantees fair rules of the game for our companies, for our industry and its development. Failure to do so has led to business relocation. And that's a mistake that can't happen again. Europe needs a plan. He needs a plan now. And he asks me is: Do we have a global plan? How are we going to ensure that this plan guarantees market unity and a balanced distribution between the Member States so that what has happened so far does not happen? We need to continue to engage with the United States to ensure that the measures that have been taken in the Inflation Reduction Act are corrected so that they do not discriminate against our businesses. My group will support a smart strategy that combines all these elements. But we need a plan in which the role of the European Parliament is also decisive.

Madam President, I am one of the people who always prefers to see the glass half full and I believe that today is an occasion for this, considering this debate, not as the last of the day, but as the first of tomorrow. The first of a new moment in the vision of the European Union's relations with Latin America. There is no doubt that the European Union needs to strengthen its relations with Latin America and the Caribbean to strengthen our model of democracy based on principles and values, today more important than ever, as we have just seen in the events in Brazil, to strengthen our economic and trade relations based on fair, responsible, sustainable trade, protecting people's rights and, undoubtedly, to face the great challenges of today. The European Union, in order to meet these challenges, needs reliable and credible partners, and Latin American partners are. We must strengthen our bilateral relations with Chile and Mexico and be able to develop a general strategy on the continent by supporting the scarce integration processes, starting without a doubt with Mercosur. Latin America is a young continent that seeks its space and its own voice. Together, our voices will be stronger.

Madam Vice-President, thank you very much for your reply. He is right, measures have been taken progressively, but the crises make us put ourselves more in front of the mirror. In that sense, the State aid regulations and the ease that has been given so that companies can protect themselves against crisis situations, such as the COVID-19 crisis and the energy crisis, have allowed to give more aid. I think this is also a way to defend ourselves against unfair competition from countries like China, and not only the United States: its Inflation Reduction Act allows an injection of an amount of money into aid that we cannot match the European Union. That is what I referred to earlier, perhaps I did not explain it well, to whether it could be considered to adopt, outside periods of crisis, the rules for State aid for sectors in order to allow them to compete on better terms with other countries that have different rules.

Mr President, Madam Executive Vice-President, Mrs Vestager, I would like you to inform us whether you believe that the 18 Member States that have already implemented their own rules on investment screening – in order, precisely, to be able to protect the strategic infrastructure of the Union from the influence of those investments coming from countries such as China, which defend their interests, which are not compatible with our own – have coordinated and reconciled what each of them does. I understand that it has still been a short time, but I think it is important to be able to have analyses that can be updated periodically. I believe that important steps have been taken: investment control, foreign subsidies, PPE ..., but they have been taken mainly as a response to crisis situations. The same applies to the mechanism for extending State aid. Outside periods of crisis, what will be left? Will we be able to continue defending the interests of European industry against interference from countries like China?

Mr President, Mr High Representative, there are two indisputable truths between the European Union and China: China is our biggest trading partner, but it is also our biggest rival because of the difference, the distance between our systems. The challenge is that this contradiction does not paralyse us and does us moral and economic damage contrary to the interests of the Union. We can't stay in a loop. We have to find a way out. The way out of this contradiction is suggested by the High Representative, Mr Borrell, and I would like to thank him for his leadership. I agree with his leadership and involvement, and I thank him for that, in order to achieve greater strategic autonomy, to influence the complex international context in which we live. The way to be able to live with China is to be more effective, establishing alliances with third countries, reinforcing our commitment to multilateralism, perfecting the instruments that we have already equipped ourselves with, and some that we lack, to achieve greater equality in trade relations with China. And the most important and effective: the unity of action between us so that investing, producing and doing business in China is no longer an adventure and an opportunity.

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, unfortunately, the modernised text of the Energy Charter Treaty does not meet the climate ambitions of my political group, that of the Socialists and Democrats, nor the demands of this Parliament, nor the internationally agreed emissions targets. The agreement certainly includes improvements, and that is why I would like to thank the Commission for its work and efforts. But we don't think they're enough. The deadline to limit, eliminate the protection of fossil fuels is still too long. And the old model of private arbitration, investor-state dispute settlement, which this Parliament has repeatedly opposed, remains unchanged. And I want to remember that this model has generated at least 135 lawsuits and condemned governments to pay more than $50 billion to private investors. For these reasons, the Netherlands, Spain, France and Poland have already announced that they will withdraw from the modernisation of the Treaty, as Italy has already done; and other countries will follow the same path. I therefore call on this Parliament to adopt a resolution which, while highlighting the shortcomings of the text, is consistent and consistent with this Parliament's position and calls for the need to start a process towards a coordinated exit of the European Union from the Treaty without jeopardising the interests of the other Member States.