Speeches

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, according to reliable estimates, several hundred thousands of Ukrainian civilians have been forcibly deported to Russia, especially to the unpopulated regions in the far east of the country. This is also the area from which the overwhelming majority of the reportedly dead Russian soldiers were coming. Furthermore, and even more detestable, more than 250 000 children have been listed for adoption to Russian families, again in the least populous areas of the country. The plan here is crystal clear. The Russian regime does not plan to stop sending these young men and women to die for a brutal and unjustifiable war. Instead, they have already started to substitute those who fall with other innocent human beings, disrespecting all basic international laws. Dear colleagues, it is not the first time that this happens. Some of you perfectly know what Russian deportation looks like, since your countries have experienced that during the 20th century. From this House, we have already said, ‘never again’. Yet it is happening right now again. We must stand firm in condemning these atrocities, and we call on the international community to immediately open an investigation and to bring all those responsible, including Putin, of this atrocity accountable in front of the International Criminal Court.

Madam President, Commissioner, High Representative, when we talk about Taiwan, there’s only one question that really matters: what can we do in practice to avoid the conflict that has been long predicted, that could have catastrophic human costs, and that would represent yet another attempt from autocratic powers to eradicate democracy from their neighbourhoods as it is happening in Ukraine? I believe there is only one answer. We have to support Taiwan in making clear that the costs of an invasion would be unbearable for Beijing. As we cannot the risk of military escalation, we have to rely on what has always been the hallmark of our external action: diplomacy and commercial strength. To do so, it is paramount that we remain united among ourselves, willing to scale up our relations with Taipei, including through our bilateral investment agreements, and act as a monolith in countering China’s attempts to destabilize us through propaganda and trade retaliation. Therefore, I commend Lithuania for opening its trade office in Taiwan, and I expect more Member States as well as our Union as a whole to show the same courage, demonstrating to the world that we stand united in defending our defining values, that we stand firmly next to the brave and democratic people of Taiwan.

At the G7 summit earlier this month, the leaders of the participating countries agreed to set a price cap for Russian oil exports, triggering a strong reaction from the Russian side, with Putin declaring that in case this happens, he would stop exporting oil to Europe. Therefore, dear Josep, I would like to ask you to elaborate a bit further on our possibility to enforce this decision without generating a boomerang effect on our economies and on our citizens. One of the main options put forward by the analysts is to deny Russia the access to the London insurance market, which covers around 95 % of the global oil shipping. Do you think this would be a sufficient deterrent? And is there a consensus among the EU Member States to proceed this way? Also, I believe that one of the main objectives of our elections should be to enlarge the number of countries worldwide that would support this initiative, in order to consolidate the bloc of liberal democracies opposing this barbaric war. Is there any outreach plan to foster cooperation with our partners? And how is it looking at the current stage?

Mr President, Commissioner, as inflation in the EU shot to a new record in June, cost increases are exacting a deep toll on the economy, eating into most Europeans’ wages. But for many of our largest companies and their shareholders, it has been a very different story. The pandemic, the war and the supply chain bottlenecks have created a smokescreen that allows companies to pass on inflationary costs to consumers via price increases. Is it appropriate that during all this uncertainty that this be a moment in which large corporations continue to enjoy huge profits? A temporary tax that would apply to excess profits of all multinational companies is for sure a good starting point. But the long—term solution must be to reform our laws to tax the companies that benefit most from the EU’s internal market, and to stop the corporate tax-dodging that is rampant today through a global minimum tax. Let’s bring in the revenue we need to support working families, and accelerate the shift to renewable energies. And let’s make this year the last year any company with massive profits pays almost no corporate tax in the EU. Now it’s really time for change.

Mr President, dear colleagues, as the main outcome of the last European Council, we have applauded the decision to give Ukraine and Moldova EU candidate status. While this was an essential political message aiming at reaffirming our undiminished commitment for the future membership of the countries in the Western partnership, this fast track is causing turbulences in the Western Balkans. For this reason, the Council’s readiness to grant candidate status to Bosnia is a very important step as we cannot risk further disenchantment and we cannot give the impression that we are leaving the Western Balkans behind. The implementation of the commitments, as set out in the political agreement reached on 12 June 2022, will be paramount and I strongly hope that after the Commission reports on the 14 key priorities, as requested by the Council, we’ll swiftly welcome Bosnia Herzegovina as an official candidate. Dear colleagues, delaying further the inevitable EU perspective for the Balkans in the EU is like playing with fire as there is a concrete risk that they will look elsewhere. As we perfectly know where this ‘elsewhere’ is, I am sure we don’t want that to happen.

Mr President, the status in which we have relegated Albania is something we cannot afford anymore as the geopolitics of our neighbourhood is showing us once again, if there was still any doubt, how the enlargement perspective of the Western Balkans is more important than ever. I fully agree with High Representative Borrell when he says that this situation is not only harming the candidate countries but is also harming us, presenting tremendous costs in terms of credibility and political perspective. It gives to Russia and other players who want us weak and divided. Dear colleagues, Albania has made its homework. Albania has achieved concrete reforms and real progress, and is demonstrating its willingness to advance in its accession process. Now it’s our turn to deliver. There’s still a chance in the June Council to remedy this historical error. My plea to our Bulgarian friends is to lift their veto so that the Council can do finally the right thing. We have huge challenges coming in the near future. We are all aware of that, and I strongly believe that we can better face them if we overcome our divisions. Dear colleagues, the time is now. We can’t wait anymore because the rest of the world won’t wait for us. Albania is Europe. Europe must be together with Albania.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, despite undiminished popular support for European integration, trust in the EU as the most important partner and ally for North Macedonia has dropped by 30% in the last two years. This tells us a lot about our relationship with this country which, since it embraced the European perspective in 2004, has undergone significant reforms and international efforts – even changing its official name. Now it is time to give concreteness to Macedonia’s EU aspirations, or it will be too late. June may represent the point of no return. Supporting the accession negotiation means strengthening the EU’s role and credibility in the whole Western Balkans region. It means strengthening reformers throughout the region and contrasting and weakening those anti—European forces that depict us as unreliable, and the European future of the Western Balkans as an illusion. The Commission report on North Macedonia stresses once again how the country has met all the conditions to start negotiations. This Parliament strongly agrees. Our High Representative agrees and – as he referred – the Foreign Affairs Council agrees. We owe it to this country. We owe it to the leaders who reach out to neighbours and minorities at home in the true spirit of reconciliation. We owe it to the North Macedonian people.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, it is beyond reasonable doubt that in China forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience has been practised – this is the conclusion of the China Tribunal – from persons not clinically dead, according to a recent study by the Australian National University. The targets are well known – Falun Gong, Tibetans, Muslims, Christians and Uyghurs. People treated like livestock, subjected to compulsory health checks, just to be sure their organs can be harvested. Dear colleagues, this is the one of the worst atrocities committed in modern times and without a doubt an outstanding crime against humanity. Despite our helplessness in affecting Beijing policies, as seen yet again at the recent EU—China summit, we can’t stop trying to use all our pressure to finally achieve some concrete steps. For this reason, I call for a full and transparent international investigation to shed light on these appalling violations, as well as for additional strong, targeted sanctions for those who are responsible for that. We need to use all means at our disposal, including commercial tools, so that Beijing faces up to its responsibilities. More than anything, as EU representatives and even more as human beings, we need to keep being the voice of those who do not have one – loudly denouncing a situation which is just unacceptable. Because if we don’t do that, no one will.

Mr President, according to some analysts, after the Russian criminal invasion of Ukraine, cyberattacks against the EU and its Member States have increased by 1000%. It goes without saying that these numbers must represent a wake—up call for us. The number one priority must be to pursue strategic autonomy and technological serenity, pledging adequate resources to this end. In particular, a shift of approach is really required. We can no longer focus only on hardware capabilities, but we need to include ambitious projects on the research and development of specific software. Otherwise, we will always remain dependent on third parties. Second, we should insist on those success stories which already exist, such as ENISA, whose role should be further enhanced. At the same time, and even more in line with the prerogative of our House, we need to streamline cyber diplomacy with the final aim to create a safe, reliable and open cyberspace worldwide. The cyber domain represents the apotheosis of interconnection among EU Member States and, even more than in other fields, there are no individual countries that can boast a satisfactory and independent level of security. Let’s make this field the pilot for further European integration.

Thank you, my answer is very clear in that regard. I stand for the strengthening of the European integration moving towards a federal Europe because I truly believe that, otherwise, facts will decide instead of us. As is happening right now with the criminal invasion of Ukraine, as happened many times also with the multiple crisis we were experiencing in the last decades. And I must, of course, underline the fact that we did not always have all the tools we needed to face and tackle these crisis. Sometimes we have been a bit original and creative, we found an ambitious solution, like Next Generation EU, but I am calling for a permanent structural common European debt and a real federal budget to tackle the global challenges in front of us. So, for me, this is the main road that I am going to stand for and defend as well as you. But I also hope that it will be the outcome of the Conference and the Convention, because the citizens were very clear in that regard and their voice must be listened to. Otherwise, we will just fuel and foster frustration instead of more commitment towards European integration.

Madam President, thank you very much, dear colleagues, despite the initial scepticism of some Eurosceptical governments, the Conference on the Future of Europe turned out to be a success, empowering participative democracy at its outmost and putting long-sighted proposals on the table. Now it is time to move forward, to achieve citizens’ goals and hopes, turning them into concrete actions. And there is only one way to do so. We must open a new convention for discussing the much-needed deep revision of the Treaties towards a federal Europe. And as this would be a clear divide in the history of the European integration, there would be no better place than Ventotene Island, where everything began, to do so. We are in front of a crossroads. We can move towards a genuine political union, a strategically autonomous union, moving to qualified majority, and thus growing into a real player at the global stage. Or we can remain divided, becoming the chessboard where other actors play their geopolitical games as is happening with the criminal aggression of Ukraine. Only a new treaty of Ventotene can allow us to pursue the first option. And if the main road is the convention, we must also be prepared to cope with certain national reluctances or blockages, thus foreseeing back-up solutions, including the possibility to set up new forms of reinforced cooperations. Let’s finally sit around the negotiation table. There will be an understanding of who wants to be on the right side of history and who does not. We stand for a Treaty of Ventotene, for a free, democratic, sovereign and federal Europe. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card speech)

Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, I appreciated the EU’s approach to the last summit. A difficult meeting where we arrived with many colleagues still under sanction by Beijing, let’s not forget it. And in an extremely complex international context, the results have been underwhelming, but not because of the EU’s lack of trying and this adds to its importance. The elephant in the room has obviously been the Russian invasion of Ukraine, with the EU’s calls for help to end the conflict being answered by deliberate ambiguity, evasive responses and no explicit assurances from China. As politicians, we have to call facts and actions as we see them. And what I see is that China, with its wait and see attitude and its unwillingness to take a clear position, is in fact buying time for Putin, de facto helping him to continue with his bloody aggression war on the ground and attempting to change borders through the use of brute force. The U.S. must continue to call out Beijing to abandon this ambiguity, stressing that the step between a guilty silence and complicity is a short one, not compatible with China’s proclaimed aspiration to be a global player for peace and stability. If China wants to be on the right side of history, it has to take a decision now and it must be a clear one.

Thank you very much. It’s certainly true that the most urgent issue to be addressed is the criminal invasion of Ukraine. And I am convinced that we can be a decisive actor in the conflict with several means in our variegated toolbox. However, we must not forget also the threats that we are facing, that they are variegated and they come from all strategic directions. Therefore, how will we ensure that sufficient attention and funding will be given also to the European Southern Neighbourhood? Will we increase our capabilities for operating theatres that are different from those present in the East and will the renewed impetus for military mobility keep this need into account?

Dear High Representative, first of all let me congratulate you and the whole EEAS for having completed this unprecedented exercise that will give more coherence, ambition and renewed impetus to our approach to global politics. Moving decisively towards the Europeanisation of security and defence is something we cannot delay further, and the Russian criminal invasion of Ukraine represents yet another wake—up call. Eventually we have a guiding light, well—intentioned, in the Strategic Compass. My question for you is the following: the Russian criminal invasion forced us to react swiftly and in an unprecedented manner, and we could do it only thanks to the European Peace Facility. This instrument has proven to be an added value to our toolbox, allowing us to transfer military equipment to Ukrainian armed forces. However, the resources allocated for 2022 are already over, while the challenges we are facing are definitely not. Therefore, I would like to ask you whether there is an intention to frontload the resources in order to keep on supporting Ukraine, while also providing sufficient funding to several other partners, especially the African Union and its neighbours, to set up an effective continental security apparatus.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the almost unanimous agreement we signed in the OECD to introduce a minimum tax on multinationals was an important step. But it was presented to us as a historical moment: On the other hand, it is a compromise that is already clearly on the downside, which only partially solves the problem of an international tax system, which has been programmed not to work. Too few multinationals included; the rate of 15%, lower than even the normal taxation of workers' incomes, is similar, very similar to the preferential regime of some European countries, which I do not hesitate to define as de facto tax havens. Of course, over time these thresholds could be raised but not if this agreement is armored with the intention of precluding any potential change. The text of the directive, even more so in the Council draft, leaves no room for future changes to the minimum tax. Meanwhile, the United States has imposed that other countries withdraw national digital taxes as soon as the new rules come into force, and this can only be acceptable if a possible revision of the framework is not blocked in the future. In a world plagued by a pandemic and war, until corporations pay their fair share, the real price will be paid by all of us.

Madam President, in these days, we are all deeply moved by the criminal invasion of Ukraine, for which Putin created unacceptable justifications. He falsified the past, bending history to his propaganda needs, and he is trying to prevent a sovereign country from choosing its own future. Similar trends are present in Nagorno-Karabakh, where Azerbaijan’s authorities are trying to eradicate the cultural heritage of the autochthonous Armenian population in the territories they occupied with brute force. Monuments, medieval monasteries, churches, tombs: there is no respect for either the living or the dead. Cancelling the past, their leadership intends to criminally justify the future they have in mind for the region, and we cannot accept and let it happen. From this House we must speak clearly. We call on the Azerbaijan authorities to immediately halt this barbaric vandalism and to open a constructive and inclusive dialogue in the region. Furthermore, we encourage UNESCO to put in place its fact-finding mission, and we must support their endeavours, also taking a strong position vis-à-vis Baku’s reluctance to allow such deployment. As the Roman philosopher Cicero said, history is the witness of time, the light of truth, the teacher of life and is committed to immortality. Therefore, it cannot be rewritten to justify expansionist and imperialistic ambitions.

Madam President, the recent events made clear that we are facing a global battle: democracy versus authoritarianism; the rule of law versus the rule of power; respect for human rights against their total disregard. It’s a battle fought in different places with different means, and Ukraine’s invasion is only the most evident example. Nevertheless, it is the same fight. One of the battlegrounds is in Myanmar. Since the coup in February 2021, the situation has continuously worsened. Some 1 500 civilians were killed, 12 000 arrested, 84 sentenced to death. Numbers that bring back ghosts from the past. China and Russia have taken a clear position in this fight. They block any attempt of the United Nations Security Council to draft a resolution. They legitimise the junta, which supports Putin’s war on Ukraine, also providing it with military means that are used every day in the repression. Words fall on deaf ears. We need strong action instead. New and more stringent measures, coordinated international pressure, the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court and the immediate suspension of Myanmar from GSP and EBA trade preferences. Yesterday was already late, Madam Commissioner. We need to use all instruments at our disposal and stay united, because their civil society should not feel abandoned and because this is a fight for democracy we can’t afford to lose.

Madam President, the growing stigmatisation, the weakening of institutions, the increase in violence and the diffuse impunity all provide a clear message: in Mexico, the press and freedom of expression overall are under siege. Since his election in 2018, López Obrador has not only failed to improve the country's human rights record, but he has allowed the loss of many of the hard-fought gains activists, rights groups and campaigners have achieved since the end of one-party rule in Mexico. The Western world, the European Union included, has been noticeably silent regarding these accelerating attacks on democracy and fundamental rights. So far, the democratic clause of the global agreement has not resulted in any decisions or measures that help alleviate the continuous violation of human rights. If journalists and activists, especially activists for indigenous people’s human rights, are deliberately targeted and threatened while those who attacked them go unpunished, democracy itself is also under threat. As we are working at the modernisation of our joint comprehensive agreement, we need to be clear with the representatives – Mexico is a long-standing and, we stress in our resolution, vital partner of the EU – that the prospect of ratification is heavily reliant on improvement on human rights and on the government's clear commitment to international standards and obligation. ¡Derechos y libertad para todos los periodistas y los activistas mexicanos! ¡No estáis solos!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, one month after the 30th anniversary of its independence, Bosnia and Herzegovina is going through its worst political crisis since the end of the Balkan war. Old and painful wounds come back to bleed. Even a celebratory plaque is affixed to Vračar by Ratko Mladić, a war criminal and genocidal. The European Union has expressed all its outrage at the situation, but it is not enough to threaten harsh sanctions and send 500 soldiers to avert the spiral of inter-ethnic tension, to still avert the risk of Dodik riding the economic and social discontent turning it into nationalist sentiments, while many pro-Russian volunteers are already leaving the region to Ukraine. We need an increasingly strong direct involvement, with more investments, to counter a crisis that in addition to ethnic aspects also has very clear economic connotations. In order to protect the very important prospect of European integration, the architecture of the Bosnian State must be profoundly re-evaluated, together with those directly concerned, overcoming the limits that have emerged from thirty years of perennial crisis and instability, otherwise it will be all too easy for Moscow to continue with its work of destabilizing the country, fuelling yet another proxy clash and opening a second front in the heart of Europe.

Mr President, today, we are not simply condemning an unjustifiable aggression. Today, we stand up united in this House to face the criminal invasion of an authoritarian regime against international law, our principles, our values, therefore against all of us. Putin’s cynical bet assumes he would quickly overthrow the Ukrainian democracy with these divisions on the ground, but also brings other divisions no less dangerous through propaganda and fear within our countries, among our peoples. Our bond and duty is to make sure that he will fail. With our resolute support to the resistance in Ukraine and its official recognition as EU candidate and with the immediate adoption of a new solidarity package based on common European bonds. We must immediately support also our companies and families who will suffer the dire consequences of the dutiful sets of sanctions aimed at bringing Moscow to the negotiating table. This is not the war of all the Russians. This is a crime perpetrated by a tyrant and his accomplices. Thousands of citizens are bravely taking to the streets to shout their clear ‘no’, risking their lives to oppose his imperialistic ravings. They deserve our full support. This existential threat is a crucial moment in our history and calls for exceptional efforts. If we really want to protect peace, democracy and our common destiny, sometimes it takes courage to grow up and become who we really are. Slava Europa, slava Ukraini.

Mr President Karas, ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much to all of you. It is with great anguish that we comment on what is happening in Hong Kong, as we see it yielding more and more under the decisive blows of Beijing, which incessantly and with an almost scientific method attacks and limits the freedom of the media, civil society and international organizations, leaving very little doubt as to what its ultimate goal is. We have very few tools to support Hong Kong in this unlikely dispute and that is why we must use them to the fullest. We must raise this issue in all diplomatic meetings, both bilaterally and multilaterally, without hesitating to use trade leverage to achieve concrete results. We must also obtain strong targeted sanctions as soon as possible, as required by the resolution we are voting on, and make it unequivocal that the approval of the investment agreement can never take place until there are also clear signs of improvement in the situation in Hong Kong and human rights in general. China's economic and political pressure is tremendous, but that is precisely why we need our solidarity and our community of intent to protect those who no longer have a voice today, because the Europe we want, the Europe we fight for, can never be a strong Europe with the weak and weak with the strong.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, there are 750 of them, mostly Vietnamese, working on the construction of a tyre factory and living in nightmare conditions. Winter is just around the corner and there is no heating or heavy clothing. Many would like to go back to their home in Vietnam but they cannot because their documents have even been withdrawn. This is what is called modern slavery. We are not talking about some dramatic situation on the other side of the world, but about Serbia in the heart of Europe. The Sino-Serbian partnership has flourished in recent years, but it hides a dark side in the form of blatant environmental and labour rights violations. Dear Commissioner, by subscribing to the accession process - a process which I fully support - Serbia has accepted specific environmental and social obligations which must be respected, we must remember this firmly. But we must also be able to provide a concrete alternative to Chinese money with both the Western Balkans Economic Investment Plan and the next Global Gateway. We need to make sure that the message that there is another way forward arrives loud and clear to our partners in Belgrade so that we do not repeat situations like the one we are discussing today.

The sitting is closed and will resume tomorrow, Wednesday 15 December 2021, at 9 a.m. with the Joint Declaration on the preparation of the European Council and the EU’s response to the global COVID outbreak. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament's website.

The next item is the report by Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs, on democracy at work: European framework for employee participation rights and revision of the European Works Councils Directive (2021/2005(INI)) (A9-0331/2021). I would remind the honourable Members that for all the debates in this part-session there is no catch-the-eye procedure and no blue card applications will be accepted. In addition, as in recent part-sessions, remote interventions are planned from the European Parliament Liaison Offices in the Member States. I would also remind you that the interventions in the Chamber will continue to take place from the central podium. I therefore invite you to consult the list of speakers and to approach the podium when your speaking time is imminent.