What Fabio Massimo spoke about.

Madam President, President Lagarde, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, you may not be allowed to admit it, yet deflation has started. Given that large part of the sky-high record inflation that was steeply driven that started arising after the end of the sanitary measures and eventually exacerbated by the war in Ukraine; given that energy prices have come down significantly, we are really concerned about further raises of ECB interest rates to cut demand and consumption in order to lower inflation. It just doesn’t seem the right way to achieve it. We need to address the root causes of inflation, tailoring the solution to the issue, which is mainly energy-related. I want to remind to all of us that, in this particular situation, it is up to the co-legislators to act, to continue with our efforts to diversify our energy sources and reduce energy consumption. I am afraid that keeping rising interest rates would only have a harsher impact on entrepreneurs and households, who we must defend – and I reiterate, defend – not threaten.

Mr President, in our latest discussion on the situation on Tunisia, we sent a very clear appeal to President Saied for bringing back Tunisia on the right path, saying that it was not too late for taking such an essential step. However, this is time, I think, that it is too late. Despite the civil protests and our calls, President Saied went on with these arbitrary detentions and he did not show any sign of consideration for the recent decision of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights that defined his rise to power as an unconstitutional coup against democracy. Being a founding member of the African Court, Tunisia has a binding obligation to respect the verdict, thus repealing all those decrees that represent clear violations of human rights and individual liberties, President Saied, cannot act as if nothing happened. And our union must strongly support and back our African counterparts and partners in their efforts to restore democracy and the rule of law in the country that used to be the lighthouse of democracy in North Africa. We owe this to the Tunisian people that fought hard for a better future. Here there is no middle ground: either we stand firmly on the side of democracy or our international credibility will be lost forever.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, the creation of an independent EU ethics body is a crucial first step in restoring public trust in the European Union after the Qatargate scandal. However, given its nature of interinstitutional agreement, with the timelines needed for such an act, there is an important necessity to use all our means to prevent such cases of corruption or misconduct from being repeated. President Metsola’s package is a good start but we can and we must do more. I am thinking, for example, about the need to clearly define conflict of interest and strictly regulate the phenomenon of the revolving doors to ensure transparency on the decision-making for our Parliament in the Bureau as well as in the CoP. There is an issue that I believe we must immediately fix to build a more democratic and accountable Europe. In 2019, the EU finally adopted a dedicated and comprehensive directive on whistle-blower protection, which does not include the staff members of the EU institutions, agencies and bodies. Speaking up is one of the hardest acts a person can do. It requires immense courage and sacrifice. We must encourage our whistle-blowers and we must protect them in the moment in which they will denounce.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, 55% of the Afghan population is in dire need of humanitarian assistance. And numbers are set to rise due to the winterisation of the crisis. The decision to ban women from working in the public sector is not only unacceptable in itself, but it also constitutes a crime against humanity as it directly hampers the delivery of the humanitarian aids. Therefore, apart from expanding our individual sanctions to the Taliban leadership, we should also submit a formal request to the International Criminal Court to investigate and prosecute those responsible. Nevertheless, we ask you, Madam Commissioner, to encourage and support the United Nations and engage NGOs to find workarounds that can prevent the halt of the humanitarian assistance. Dear colleagues, we cannot look the other way while children, women and men, to which we promised a better future, are starving and do not have access to medicines. While we strongly and unwaveringly condemn the abhorrent policies put in place by the Taliban regime, we must do all we can for avoiding that Afghanistan becomes the hell on earth.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, today we have a duty to support the courage of Moroccan journalists, who were among the first in the world to denounce the use of spyware against reporters and the disturbing criticalities of this practice of digital surveillance as early as 2015. It is good to have referred to the text of the Rules of Procedure of the dual use: This is an important step, but it is not enough. We should go further and start thinking about surveillance software and devices in the same way we think about ordinary military exports, including them whenever we talk about sanctions or arms embargoes without rebates and finally put harsh, automatic and dissuasive sanctions on non-compliant states. If not now, when? Dear colleagues, this resolution is essential to send, after Qatargate, a strong signal to the Moroccan authorities and to distance ourselves from the unworthy conduct of this house, held by some of us. The time for ambiguity, connivance, turning a blind eye or even both is over. No more business as usual. We must apply the same rules as Qatar and we will not be intimidated. We must cry out for the liberation of Omar Radi, of all the activists and journalists who are fighting for the freedom of Moroccan civil society, because their struggle, the struggle for independence is also our struggle. Let's hope we all say it together.

Mr President, in Nagorno—Karabakh, the guns are currently silent, yet the war is far from being over. Indeed, after the previous criminal attack to Armenia, we are now seeing one of the worst sides of the war, with a hateful blockade since 30 days of the Lachin corridor from fake Azeri eco—activists that are putting the lives of thousands of people, of children, of women and fragile persons at risk, not due to bombings or gunshots but to starvation and hindered access to medicines. We must seriously step up our force for stopping these atrocities. First, our monitoring mission should have the mandate to enter the Lachin corridor immediately to verify what is happening on the ground. Yerevan has already granted access to its territories, and we demand Baku do the same without any further delay. Then we must be proactive in ensuring that the affected population receives the necessary humanitarian supplies, organising immediate relief to the region. If the Baku regime denies access, we have to stand ready for adopting a set of adequate, strong sanctions targeting those responsible for these atrocities. Dear colleagues, in this context, any attempt to undermine access to food amounts to a war crime. We have loudly denounced that in Ukraine, and we must reaffirm that in the same way in Nagorno—Karabakh. When the lives of people are at risk, there is no space, not even a single inch, for double standards.

Madam President, Commissioner Breton, Mr Roswall, ladies and gentlemen, our fellow citizens need a strong response from the Union to the challenges we face at international level. We cannot allow our industry to relocate abroad, especially to competing markets such as the United States and China. The green objectives that we have set ourselves through the incentives for the development of a zero-impact industry are and remain central and indispensable, but our response must be a unified European response, truly pursuing the general interest of the Union. That is why we must ensure that a level playing field is maintained at intra- and extra-European level, both of which are equally important. A large public European fund will therefore be needed, preventing countries with more fiscal space from saving themselves to the detriment of all others. The tragedy of the pandemic has taught us that only together can we defend our Europe and our fellow citizens and only together can we promote true European autonomy and sovereignty, including technological and industrial sovereignty. Let us remember it and really apply this teaching, it is more than a political duty, it is an imperative for us moral.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Russian cruise missile attack on Dnipro on Saturday afternoon was described as a hell on earth by those who were lucky enough to survive and witness the aftermath. In mere seconds, a building was transformed into a pile of rubble, resulting in 40 deaths, 75 injuries, and many missing. My thoughts and solidarity go out to the survivors, their families and the Ukrainian people. In light of these horrible and unforgivable crimes, it is even worse to consider the possibility that those responsible could go unpunished. The silver lining is that we already have the instruments to make sure that this doesn’t happen. We just have to update and make full use of them. The golden path, I insist, would be to amend the Rome Statutes aligning the ICC jurisdiction on the crime of aggression with that already in place on genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. If no agreement can be reached on this promptly, however, we should then push for the establishment of a special tribunal. The crucial point is to send a very clear message. There can and must be no impunity for the devastating consequences of this aggression, and those responsible must be prosecuted. We owe it to all the innocent victims of these barbaric crimes. They will not go unheeded. Not now. Not ever.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, horrible war crimes have been committed daily in the past ten months. We have heard accounts of deliberate and indiscriminate attacks against civilians, torture, illicit use of weapons and the use of illicit weapons. And now also massive attacks against critical civilian infrastructures, preventing even hospitals from working properly and putting civilians, even babies and kids under the threat of frost and cold. A strong and unequivocal international legal response to the aggression against Ukraine, to this predatory and imperialist war unleashed by Russia, permitting no place for impunity for serious violations, and emphasising the legal responsibility of the perpetrators is therefore of utmost importance. And I use the occasion to call once more on the Union to update and integrate the decision of 2011 on ICC with a strong position on the crime of aggression, as called by our Resolution 2014, and to promote the reform of the Rome Statute aimed at aligning the ICC jurisdiction on the crime of aggression with that already in place of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, all the signs indicate that Erdoğan's intentions go far beyond the objective of avenging the attacks in Istanbul, without ever having produced evidence of his accusations, and that he is preparing to put into practice the threat of another military incursion into Syria. Dear colleagues, at what point have we decided to draw our red line? Cyprus and Greece have been shamefully victims of Erdoğan's aggressive rhetoric and violations for years. Despite the invasion of Ukraine, Turkey does not adhere to sanctions, instead continues to cooperate cheerfully with Putin, bombs the regions liberated by ISIS, brutally assaults Iraq, probably using chemical weapons against the civilian population. Moreover, Ankara continues to carry out blackmail and shameful pressure on Sweden and Finland, demanding extraditions and other benefits to remove the veto on the entry of our two member states into NATO. This, ladies and gentlemen, is a purely political debate which would require a firm position on the part of the Council and a discussion here also with the High Representative. With 49 of you, colleagues and Members, we are still waiting for a reply to the letter we sent to High Representative Borrell two weeks ago on this issue. In the meantime I would like to ask you, Commissioner, are we ready to contribute to the management of the humanitarian catastrophe that will occur in Syria, to the influx of refugees that will come from these areas when ISIS recovers the ground that it has lost, to welcome them in a manner consistent with international law?

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, we often discuss here in the European Parliament on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and on the prospects for its resolution. It seems to me, though, that we are somehow disconnected from the situation on the ground. The reality of violence the people living in those lands are experiencing each and every day as we keep repeating on liturgy on the two—State solution being the only possible one. Let me be clear: I completely agree on that and I support that. But I wonder what are we really doing in practice to facilitate such outcome? And it’s clear the process has come to a complete standstill and our Union is not doing enough, or anything, to reignite it. Dear colleagues, in the last period we have been discussing about strategic autonomy, about the need to find the EU’s place in the world, about being a more proactive geopolitical player, especially in our neighbourhoods. I can’t think of a better test to our determination than trying to facilitate a solution to a conflict that has been going on for far too long. We need a serious reflection on what we can do and especially on what we are willing to do. And most of all, we need concrete actions instead of never—ending discussions.

Madam President, dear Presidents, I am deeply disappointed by the fact that the last European Council was silent on updates on South Caucasus, where Azeri troops occupied 220 square kilometres of Armenian sovereign territory, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity, such as executions and tortures. Here I see many similarities with what is happening in Ukraine, with a democratic country, Armenia, being attacked by an aggressive authoritarian regime – but there are also differences that I cannot tolerate. Indeed, while rightfully supporting Kyiv against the barbaric behaviour of Putin’s regime, our Union is perceiving Azerbaijan as a reliable partner. And no, it’s not, because realpolitik cannot replace our values, and these double standards are undermining our credibility. Armenia is a vibrant democracy that is not a Russian ally but, on the contrary, is simply a hostage of the Kremlin: its assertiveness and threatening attitude, and its decision to sacrifice Yerevan in exchange for a fully-fledged alliance with Baku and a complacency with Ankara. We must get out of this gas dependency trap, from all the authoritarian regimes, and the reluctance on a price cap is a huge mistake. The deployment of our monitoring mission is the first step, and its mandate should be extended permanently for all the time needed as well as the number of observers. But we need more, because blatant violations of international law should be condemned always and everywhere. I stand with democracy. I stand with Armenia.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, I am deeply saddened by the trajectory of Tunisia, a country for which I deeply care. It was once defined as the lighthouse of democracy in North Africa and in the Muslim world. This light is now dimmed, and since President Saied’s decision to suspend and then to close the parliament, we have assisted to the painful process of dismantling the progresses achieved previously. Now, the people are once again in the streets protesting against the illegal suspension of democracy, the judicial persecution of political leaders and NGO activists and the catastrophic economic and social situation with a constitution that was not shared by the large part of the population. Dear colleagues, I have an appeal and a request. The appeal is for Presidency Saied: it is not too late to bring back Tunisia on the right path. Do not deprive the brave Tunisian citizens for what they fought so hard for. On our side, it is time to reflect on our relationship. We helped and we must continue to help the Tunisian people in the future, but our support to the government cannot be unconditional. We need to see democracy clearly coming back in Tunisia, and we must be clear also with President Saied. Only in this way we can be a decisive player in bringing back the enticing aroma of jasmine that ten years ago led us to believe that a different path was, and is still, possible.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, moving further in the enlargement process is not only something we owe to our friends and partners in the Western Balkans, but it is also a strategic priority that has grown in relevance after the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. It is now clearer than ever that we need to reform the enlargement process further by moving beyond unanimity. I welcome the recommendation to grant Bosnia and Herzegovina the official status of candidate country, and I hope this could be that spark that the Sarajevo needs to double down on its commitments. Now we need to keep on moving on the right path, and the next step must be the visa liberalisation for Kosovo. We do not advocate for shortcuts or cutting corners, but we must realise that we cannot afford never-ending negotiations and uncertainty at every step. With the first IGC, with Albania and North Macedonia in July, we have partially remedied some silly mistakes from the past and we must learn the lessons. We need a realistic timeline, otherwise the partial void in the region would be filled even more by Russia, China, Turkey and the Gulf, because the European project will never be completed until all the Western Balkan countries will be part of our family.

Dear Commissioner Schinas, ευχαριστώ πολύ – thank you very much for being here today with us. I believe this debate is extremely timely indeed. The sabotage of Nord Stream 2 can be seen as an alarm bell that is telling us that we can be hurt substantially through physical actions, not to mention the already well—known capacity of third actors to interfere in our democratic processes through hybrid means. While it is certainly true that we must create and empower ad hoc bodies and entities such as the hybrid response team, I have always considered it essential to follow a whole—of—government and whole—of—society approach in order to increase our resilience. To this extent, the strategic compass clearly states that one of the main points will be a reinforcement of the cyber diplomacy toolbox. Therefore, I would like to ask you to elaborate further on the way forward for moving this will from paper to concrete actions. Will it be possible to include provisions on cyber actions in the international agreements that we signed for trying to prevent cyber attacks as much as possible? And what about the diplomatic responses to be put in place in case these efforts fail?

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, in less than a month, the conflict in Ethiopia will enter its third year. Thousands of people have lost their lives and children and women, as usual, are the first victims. We have discussed this topic dozens of times, and I believe it is time to scale up our efforts, acting in three main ways. In the immediate term, we must guarantee humanitarian support to those in need, making sure that this aid reaches the local population. Then we must exploit this momentum, which seems favourable for the reopening negotiations. Indeed, our Union should provide all diplomatic support to the African Union without the intention to guide the process but assisting the negotiators in finding African solutions for two African problems. And afterwards, in the medium term, we need to be on the forefront for ensuring that any peace agreement can last, providing financial and practical expertise for the retrieval of weapons that are currently in possession of combatants, especially civilians forced to embrace the arms. Our African counterparts have created an ambitious agenda for silencing the guns. Let us show that we are on their side, not only when tragedies happen, but every day until the guns will leave space for real human development.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, ‘the only security of all is in a free press’. These were the words of Thomas Jefferson, and they are more appropriate than ever to describe the appalling situation in Myanmar. Indeed, abolishing media freedom the military junta has razed whatever level of security for the people of Myanmar, granting itself liberty and impunity for committing barbarian acts such as those described in the resolution presented today. What is even more impressive, yet very far from surprising, is that this brutal junta enjoys support from those authoritarian states we constantly criticise from this House, namely Russia and China, who are blocking every action potentially taken by the UN Security Council. From this House, we must be absolutely firm in condemning the behaviour of the Tatmadaw and those who stand on their side. We should suspend the preferential status for commerce and every privilege they have and encourage the EU delegation and the diplomatic missions of the Member States to offer all practical support to those who risk their lives every day. We call for an immediate arms embargo on Myanmar. The people of Myanmar have been forced to silence. We must be their spokespersons. Otherwise, also our freedom will result void and useless.

Mr President, Commissioner, torrential monsoon rains triggered the most severe flooding in Pakistan’s recent history, washing away entire villages, killing over 1 600 people and displacing more than 33 million. This climate-induced disaster is leaving behind a trail of destruction, starvation and diseases. With a vast area of Pakistan likely to take months to dry out, waterborne diseases are spiking, as well as malnutrition, especially among children. Despite all the efforts of the international community, volunteers and the government, the unprecedented nature of the floods has resulted in a huge resource gap and Pakistan’s already overwhelmed health—care system lacks the resources to help all those who need treatment now. The lives of 100 000 more people are under threat as a second disaster looms within the first one. It’s imperative, under our principle of international solidarity, commitment and burden sharing, to answer the demands to increase cooperation and mobilise much more funds. But it will not be enough to increase humanitarian aid in an attempt to curb the possible risk of epidemics. To support the country at this dramatic time, action will have to be taken to support Pakistan’s reconstruction, rehabilitation and resilience, including through debt relief measures. It is not a time for fine words, but for immediate and effective action.

Thank you very much, dear Vice-President Barley, dear Commissioner, thank you all for the valuable contributions that have reaffirmed once again the centrality of the Horn of Africa in the international chessboard and the relevance of our bilateral relationship. Thank you Commissioner for mentioning some specific points also in relations with Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia, which are obviously central countries, which are eviscerated in the report, obviously also touching on specific aspects of Uganda, Sudan, Djibouti and Eritrea. We have therefore tried to give an answer and this response can only be seen in the strengthening of the strategic partnership between us, between the European Union and the Horn of Africa, through a frank and timely dialogue to be carried out carefully, the right methodological approach and the will, therefore, finally to listen, even with open-mindedness, to the requests and needs of our interlocutors. Only in this way will we be able to play a positive and indispensable role in resolving those disputes and conflicts that storm this region. Only in this way can we build together with them a human economic development that is sustainable and inclusive, that puts human security at the center and that also changes the paradigm of our initiatives, leaving aside a paternalistic approach too linked to the donor-receptor conception, which often in the past has accompanied our work and which, as emerged also from the talks I had with the diplomatic representatives of individual countries, often leads to creating walls of distrust and hostility, thus ending up accentuating the way in which they look with greater openness and favor to other actors who do not play according to our own rules, but above all do not play for our values. Dear colleagues, historical conjunctures require us to assume a more incisive role and remind us that geopolitics has an important role to play.horror vacui, if there is a void it will surely be filled, but it is not indifferent how this will happen. We have very important historical, political, cultural and economic relations with the Horn of Africa, but to be at the center of this action, to be a player We must put our distinctive features at the centre of our will. Also because, as has been mentioned by many of you, the citizens want it, they want cooperation that is able to forcefully bring out the will to be consistent with those values from which we have always been inspired. There have been many themes that you have touched upon in these speeches. It is impossible to retrace them all, but I would like to stress that with tomorrow's vote we will have the opportunity to strengthen our external action, but above all to build it with a method that is actually able to overcome these misunderstandings, which have sometimes distinguished our relationship, and to bring out a European Union that is up to the challenge of what Africa is in geopolitical terms for our desire to be a credible actor, an effective actor. I hope to be able to count on your support and I thank you again, always remaining consistent with the idea of having a greater strengthening, of actually being on the side of an Africa that knows how to build its own solutions, that is more resilient and that is for us the fundamental partner with which to defend the multilateralism of the future.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Commissioner Urpilainen, first of all I would like to thank you all, and in particular the shadow rapporteurs, for this valuable cooperation which has marked our work, as well as all our assistants. Without them, it would not have been possible to present such an ambitious report as the one we will be voting on tomorrow. In a world context as complex, changing and unstable as today's, it seems indispensable to talk about Africa. In fact, I believe that this is the main strategic direction for our Union and that the relaunching of relations between our continent and Africa will give us a great deal of opportunity to rise to the role of player credible and reliable global geopolitics. The Horn of Africa is undoubtedly a region of the greatest geostrategic importance. Think of the importance of the Strait of Hormuz, which is one of the four most important transit hubs in the world. Around one-sixth of the world's oil trade, one-third of the world's gas trade and a considerable proportion of global maritime traffic pass through here. But this is also a region that is in the middle of a perfect storm: The disruption of imports caused by the conflict in Ukraine and high commodity and wheat prices combine with one of the worst droughts in decades, ultimately leading to climate change that affects much more than elsewhere. All these factors today give us an image with about twenty million people fighting famine and food insecurity in one of the most serious humanitarian crises of recent years. Further aggravating the situation is a series of active or latent conflicts, as well as continuing socio-political instability, creating immense suffering among populations, with an ever-increasing number of displaced persons and refugees. In short, we have all the elements of necessity and opportunity for our action to focus on this region and give it the attention it deserves, also because other actors, who are certainly far from our values and our approach, have already built deep multi-domain relations with it. China in the first place, with its diplomatic military presence and the economic cooperation it has with the various countries, Russia, with disinformation and propaganda policies and with its plans for a naval base in Sudan, not to mention the interference of private security companies such as the Wagner group, and again Turkey and the Persian Gulf states. It is therefore essential to rethink our approach to the region, making concrete use of comparative advantages and establishing mutually beneficial relations, based precisely on coherent and timely dialogue and consultations, thus overcoming the paternalistic approach that has often served as the basis for a new approach. leitmotif to our work. It will therefore be necessary to encourage theownership local programmes launched, aiming to find African solutions to African problems, as stated in the motto of the African Union with which we should cooperate in a widespread way, and at the same time promote a bottom-up approach, supporting the role of civil society. We need to be more present. I would therefore also like to thank my colleagues who have been on a mission to Addis Ababa and Khartoum. The ecological and energy transition that we are making as a Union would represent a great added value for the countries of the region, but it cannot and must not be imposed, but must be conveyed and supported by a constructive dialogue, based on the sharing of the best practices of the European Union. know how European in the fields of interest. Dear colleagues, in the presence of conflict and instability there can be no development. Not only that. It is necessary to recognise that insecurity in the Horn of Africa poses a very serious threat to the prospects of the entire continent, as well as to regional security and to the European Union as a whole. It is therefore necessary to adopt a holistic approach, an integrated approach that promotes the concept of human security and the link between humanitarian assistance, development cooperation and peace, strengthening the strategic partnership on conflict prevention and resolution and supporting all those processes of mediation and reconciliation that are indispensable in the region. This and much more is in the report and tomorrow we can therefore send a strong and clear message to the Commission and the Council on the need and urgency to play our part in the Horn of Africa, because Africa has been, is and will always be the mirror of our geopolitics. We decide which image we want to be reflected in it.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to protest because you said during this debate that you would apply the D'Hondt method and you excluded the grouping of non-attached members from the D'Hondt method. I think this is highly undemocratic because we, too, are Members. In democracy, votes are counted and not weighed and I believe that we too would have had the right, as for all the other groups, which in fact had at least one speaker, to be able to make a speech. I followed the whole debate. I made my reservation in time and I consider this choice to be highly undemocratic and unfair. We have the right to be Members like everyone else. We are not children of a lesser God in this Parliament.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, in May 2021, there were about 9 000 different cryptocurrencies with a market capitalisation of almost EUR 2 trillion, driven mainly by Bitcoin, the most popular one with a market capitalisation of Bitcoin that was about 850 billion. The simulated potential revenue of taxing capital gains from Bitcoin in 2020 amounts to EUR 900 million, almost 0.3 % of total tax revenue for property taxation in the EU. These numbers make enough clear how much is urgent to act on the taxation of cryptocurrencies. First, the Commission should assess the ways in which different Member States tax crypto-assets and the different national policies regarding the fight against tax fraud and tax evasion in the field of crypto-assets, underlining best practices and potential loopholes. Then the Member States should consider the specificities of the use of those assets in their national tax reforms to implement more effective systems that guarantee the fair, transparent, proportionate taxation of crypto-assets. Would that be enough? Of course not. The only real solution always remains a unique fiscal policy at the EU level. How many years will we still have to waste before figuring it out?

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, according to reliable estimates, several hundred thousands of Ukrainian civilians have been forcibly deported to Russia, especially to the unpopulated regions in the far east of the country. This is also the area from which the overwhelming majority of the reportedly dead Russian soldiers were coming. Furthermore, and even more detestable, more than 250 000 children have been listed for adoption to Russian families, again in the least populous areas of the country. The plan here is crystal clear. The Russian regime does not plan to stop sending these young men and women to die for a brutal and unjustifiable war. Instead, they have already started to substitute those who fall with other innocent human beings, disrespecting all basic international laws. Dear colleagues, it is not the first time that this happens. Some of you perfectly know what Russian deportation looks like, since your countries have experienced that during the 20th century. From this House, we have already said, ‘never again’. Yet it is happening right now again. We must stand firm in condemning these atrocities, and we call on the international community to immediately open an investigation and to bring all those responsible, including Putin, of this atrocity accountable in front of the International Criminal Court.

Madam President, Commissioner, High Representative, when we talk about Taiwan, there’s only one question that really matters: what can we do in practice to avoid the conflict that has been long predicted, that could have catastrophic human costs, and that would represent yet another attempt from autocratic powers to eradicate democracy from their neighbourhoods as it is happening in Ukraine? I believe there is only one answer. We have to support Taiwan in making clear that the costs of an invasion would be unbearable for Beijing. As we cannot the risk of military escalation, we have to rely on what has always been the hallmark of our external action: diplomacy and commercial strength. To do so, it is paramount that we remain united among ourselves, willing to scale up our relations with Taipei, including through our bilateral investment agreements, and act as a monolith in countering China’s attempts to destabilize us through propaganda and trade retaliation. Therefore, I commend Lithuania for opening its trade office in Taiwan, and I expect more Member States as well as our Union as a whole to show the same courage, demonstrating to the world that we stand united in defending our defining values, that we stand firmly next to the brave and democratic people of Taiwan.

At the G7 summit earlier this month, the leaders of the participating countries agreed to set a price cap for Russian oil exports, triggering a strong reaction from the Russian side, with Putin declaring that in case this happens, he would stop exporting oil to Europe. Therefore, dear Josep, I would like to ask you to elaborate a bit further on our possibility to enforce this decision without generating a boomerang effect on our economies and on our citizens. One of the main options put forward by the analysts is to deny Russia the access to the London insurance market, which covers around 95 % of the global oil shipping. Do you think this would be a sufficient deterrent? And is there a consensus among the EU Member States to proceed this way? Also, I believe that one of the main objectives of our elections should be to enlarge the number of countries worldwide that would support this initiative, in order to consolidate the bloc of liberal democracies opposing this barbaric war. Is there any outreach plan to foster cooperation with our partners? And how is it looking at the current stage?