What Henna spoke about.

Madam President, Council, honourable Members, thank you for this debate. I think it clearly shows how important our digital rules are to our citizens and to our businesses, and also to you. These rules are equally important to us at the European Commission, and we are fully committed to enforcing them. At the same time, we are also working with the digital simplification package, with the digital omnibus, but it does not mean that we are planning to somehow roll back or lower our standards. It is that we are looking at the overlapping parts of our rules. We want to simplify things, we want to cut red tape and administrative burden from our companies to make sure that when we have, at the same time, very clear rules when it comes to the digital environment, we also have rules which are all the time encouraging new innovations and investments. As President von der Leyen said in her State of the Union speech, it is the sovereign right of the EU and its Member States to apply our rules. We set our own standards to protect and empower our citizens and also to enable our businesses to thrive.

Mr President, honourable members, I remember very well when, in July 2022, this House approved two very groundbreaking laws; two laws that are crucial for our democracy and for our single market in the digital age – the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. Back then, this House confirmed both laws with an overwhelming majority, and in the Council both laws were agreed by all Member States. Over time, this House has also made very clear that it strongly supports the implementation of both laws. Today's discussion is a testament to that. European citizens and businesses have also signalled clearly that they want to see the DSA and DMA implemented effectively. Last month, President von der Leyen was crystal clear in her State of the Union speech here: when it comes to digital regulation, the EU sets its own standards and decides for itself. So, clearly, this Parliament, the Commission, our citizens and European businesses agree: we need the DSA and the DMA. We need the DSA because it protects our fundamental rights online, because it protects our children from online harm, because it protects our democratic processes, and because it protects us from illegal, unsafe and unsustainable products. The DMA is important because it opens the door to the next waves of innovation, it brings the power of choice back to consumers. The co-legislators gave the Commission a very strong mandate to enforce the DSA and DMA. Today, I can assure you that we are taking this duty very seriously. In April this year, we took the first two decisions under the DMA for Meta and Apple. We will not hesitate to take further action to ensure compliance. We also provided guidance to Apple to make interoperability a reality by the end of this year. Smartwatches, earbuds, speakers: no matter the brand everything will work seamlessly with your iPhones, just like Apple's own products. Under the DSA, we have already designated 25 platforms to whom we have addressed more than 150 requests for information, and we have opened proceedings in 14 cases, and have issued preliminary findings against providers of four very large online platforms. So workshops, roundtables, guidelines, work is ongoing all the time. We now have more than 250 staff enforcing DSM and DMA, and we are hiring 60 more to further strengthen our hard-working teams. We can already see many positive changes which have taken place thanks to these two laws. There is now much more transparency; thanks to the DSA, users can more easily exercise their rights. Many citizens have already used their right to complain when platforms are removing their content. As we can see on the DSA Transparency Database, social media platforms have reversed their removal decisions in 20–35% of those cases. So we have been empowering our users and citizens. Because of the DSA, users can also see now why content on online platforms is recommended to them and they can also opt out of personalised recommendations based on profiling. Under the DSA, we also, very recently in July, issued guidelines on the protection of minors. The scope and ambition of these guidelines are unparalleled globally, and now we are working with online platforms to make sure that they are changing their practices to also comply with these rules and following the guidelines, which very concretely state what kind of practices we are expecting from online platforms to make sure that our children have their safety, security and privacy ensured when they are using online services. Thanks to the DMA, Europeans can now choose the web browser they prefer and they also have better control over their own data. What is true for the DSA and DMA is also true for the application of our competition rules in the digital sphere. In September, we concluded that Google breached EU antitrust rules in the AdTech industry and fined it with EUR 2.95 billion. Google now has 60 days to present us with a viable solution. Structural remedies are likely to be the only way to cease Google's conflicts of interest in the industry on both sides of the Atlantic. We also received comprehensive commitments from Microsoft to address EU competition concerns relating to the Teams collaboration platform. This decision helps us to open crucial markets to competitors. Some of the very large online platforms and gatekeepers have called for the DSA and DMA to be repealed or reset. Some refer to non-existent free speech concerns to avoid respecting the DSA. Some pretend to speak on behalf of European consumers, arguing that the DMA is worsening their experience. Honourable members, you surely remember the similar strong lobbying when we – I was also a member of Parliament at that time – were shaping and adopting these two legislations. Some of the platforms and gatekeepers do not want to accept legislation that holds them accountable to their promises or legislation that opens up their walled gardens to offer opportunities for new innovators. Let me be clear: in Europe, we believe in the force of democratic rules, not in the rule of force. It is not up to the companies to decide whether to comply with our rules, and it is not up to them or the other countries to decide how we enforce our rules. Europe decides for itself.

Mr President, honourable Members, I want to thank you very much for your remarks. Let me underline again our commitment to wide multilateral solutions to the challenges brought by this digital world. We are fully committed to shaping values-based global digital governance and standards together with partners around the world. As stated in our international digital strategy, we need unified EU efforts to ensure that global digital governance supports our interests and values, and we count on your support in these efforts.

Mr President, honourable Members, on behalf of the European Commission, thank you for this opportunity to present to you our policy on the Internet Governance Forum and the importance we give to the Internet Governance Forum. My words today echo the joint declaration signed by myself and the delegation of the Members of this House at the Internet Governance Forum in June 2025 in Norway. We are also guided by the line that Council adopted in May 2025 as a preparation to the World Summit on the Information Society Plus 20 review. Internet governance is also a key element of our international digital strategy. Adopted in June 2025, it is a strategy based on competitiveness, security and partnerships fostering human-centric, value-based digital transformation. The World Summit on the Information Society Plus 20 review will be concluded in New York at the end of this year. It is a crucial opportunity to strengthen the principles of openness, decentralisation and human rights in global digital policy. It is an opportunity for Europe to show our leadership. As we move towards a more robust and resilient tech sovereignty built upon our shared European values, we need to defend the openness of the internet itself. This means that the technical layer – the protocols, standards and infrastructure that make the internet function – must remain open, interoperable and accessible to all. We need to ensure that our future internet benefits all and does not become fragmented or dominated by closed ecosystems. This is what is at stake at the World Summit on the Information Society Plus 20 negotiations. The Internet Governance Forum (IGF) is a key element in the global governance ecosystem. Established in 2006 by the UN Secretary-General, it is the cornerstone of multi-stakeholder internet governance. It is an inclusive space where governments, our civil society and technical communities, academia and the private sector come together to shape the digital future in a transparent and democratic way. The multi-stakeholder approach reflects our European values, such as openness, transparency, respect for human rights and inclusion. These values, reflected in our Declaration on Digital Rights and Principles, are also shared by others. We are working with the external services and with our delegations around the world to seek allies in defending them. We have many partners in Asia – also in Africa and Latin America – who want to work with us promoting the multi-stakeholder approach to internet governance. Together with our Member States, we strongly support the renewal and strengthening of the IGF. We believe that the IGF's mandate, as first established in 2005, is today as relevant as ever. Therefore, we strongly advocate for it to become a permanent body of the UN system beyond 2025, supported by sustainable funding and enhanced institutional capacities with the UN. But we also see the calls to reform the IGF: it needs to evolve to keep up with the digital revolution and the new demands brought by AI. Strengthening the Internet Governance Forum means reinforcing its impact and effectiveness. This includes integrating it more closely with the World Summit on the Information Society's outcomes, and to the implementation of the Global Digital Compact. This way, the IGF can fully play its role in shaping global digital governance frameworks, ensuring digital inclusion, resilience against digital threats, protecting human rights online, supporting also sustainable development goals and addressing emerging digital divides. To see the Internet Governance Forum as a central platform to counter challenges posed by fragmentation, misuse of digital tools or rapidly evolving technologies such as AI and immersive virtual worlds. The Internet Governance Forum can support inclusive discussions and develop innovative solutions to main internet interoperability and openness. It is very crucial to prevent fragmentation that threatens the basis of global connectivity. Honourable Members, countries around the world are looking at us. The EU must not only participate in these global governance dialogues, but actively lead them. We have a very unique position as a global actor committed to openness, interoperability, privacy and digital rights to ensure that the internet evolves in line with the democratic principles and human-centric values. Our international digital strategy – focusing on global partnerships and global digital governance – clearly shows our commitment to the multilateral and multi-stakeholder approach. We want to be the driving force of responsible, guided technological advancement on the global stage. Honourable Members, I warmly welcome Parliament's very strong involvement in our Internet Governance Forum activities. Your continuous engagement strengthens our Europe's voice globally, and underlines the unity and will of the EU institutions to defend open and rights-respecting internet. A strong IGF means stronger global governance, greater digital sovereignty and better protection of fundamental freedoms online. And this is why we aimed at renewing and enhancing the Internet Governance Forum's mandate and should convince our partners around the globe to share this goal. Now we are moving to the next phase of the negotiations towards the World Summit on the Information Society Plus 20 review, and we count here on your support. Together, let us ensure that the internet remains a global resource that empowers everybody – free, open, interoperable, safe, resilient and governed by all.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this very topical debate; it clearly shows the complex nature of the illegal use of spyware we are facing. Let me state again that the Commission's view is very clear here: any attempt to illegally access data of citizens, including journalists and political opponents, is unacceptable. We are determined to protect the fundamental rights of our citizens to privacy, data protection and security. We already have many rules in place: we have data protection rules, we have the ePrivacy directive and, just recently, we have adopted the Media Freedom Act, that comes into force in August, and also the Cyber Resilience Act. So we have already many, many rules in place. But I very much agree with you that when we look at the security environment where we are, the attacks against our democracies and also the very fast development of different technologies, I see that it is also important to see that further work in this field is needed. I am very grateful for the support from Parliament.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for putting this very crucial issue on the plenary agenda. The Commission strongly condemns any illegal access to interpersonal communications and other data stored on user devices. Any illegal access to the data of our citizens, including journalists and political opponents, is unacceptable. It undermines our core European values, such as the fundamental rights to privacy and data protection. The Commission has been looking at the illegal use of spyware from various angles of the EU law. It is important to address spyware in a holistic way because it poses challenges in many ways. First, in terms of rule of law and fundamental rights, but also data protection, media freedom, trade, cybersecurity, foreign interference and manipulation of information. Some of these issues have already been addressed through legislation adopted by the Parliament and the Council. Others are addressed through non‑legislative tools. So what other existing measures do we have? First, our data protection rules. They are very clear. They ensure that personal data is processed lawfully, fairly and in a transparent manner. They also limit personal data collection for specified, explicit and legitimate purposes. Second, the European Media Freedom Act is another important part of our legal framework. It includes safeguards to protect journalists' sources and conventional communications against the illegal use of spyware. These rules on media freedom will enter into application this August. They also include a general prohibition for intrusive surveillance software in devices used by media service providers, including journalists and related persons. We are currently working with Member States to ensure proper implementation of this and other provisions. And third, in addition, we continue to report – when appropriate – on the issue of spyware, also in the annual Rule of Law report from the perspective of checks and balances and the protection of journalists. In addition, the ePrivacy Directive prohibits the interception of communications as well as the access to and storage of information on user devices without their consent. Moreover, there is the Cyber Resilience Act, which sets cybersecurity requirements for hardware and software placed on the EU market. It introduces obligations for manufacturers, which will help to reduce system vulnerabilities often exploited by spyware. It's also important to note that the investigations into the earliest misuse of spyware are a matter for national authorities, not for the Commission. And we expect, of course, national authorities to examine to the core any spyware allegations. We have also been following with the European External Action Service the Pall Mall Process. This is an international initiative addressing various aspects related to the use of commercial cyber intrusion capabilities. We see this as a very important initiative, the first of its kind at international level and with a very broad scope. Many Member States have already committed to the Pall Mall Process. We are now carefully also exploring options for any further action to decide on the most appropriate way forward. It's important to underline that we must, however, clearly separate the illegal use of spyware from the lawful access to data for law enforcement authorities. When law enforcement authorities use spyware for their purposes, the Law Enforcement Directive applies. We must also acknowledge matters of national security, which are the responsibility of the Member States. However, in line with the case law of the Court of Justice, it is not possible for Member States to invoke national security in a general way. Member States must be able to demonstrate that national security would be compromised in the specific circumstances. Furthermore, the legal use of spyware is only acceptable if it is non-discriminatory, justified by an overriding reason of public interest, proportionate and also in compliance with legal certainty and also our Charter of Fundamental Rights. And we expect, of course, national authorities to examine any allegations of illegal use of spyware as this is their responsibility. So, honourable Members, the Commission and the co-legislators have in recent years addressed the multiple issues of spyware. This Parliament has played a key role in this process. The issue remains complex and further work is needed here, also in view of the changing security landscape and also the emergence of new technologies. The recommendations of the European Parliament's PEGA Committee have been very helpful to guide this work. I can assure you that the Commission is determined to protect the fundamental rights of our citizens to privacy, data protection and security.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this debate. Commissioner Brunner and I have been listening very carefully to what you all have said here, and I think it's very encouraging to hear that in this House, there seems to be broad agreement that we need a change in our approach to security. And this is also, as we know, something that EU citizens also expect from us. According to the latest Eurobarometer, 64 % of EU citizens expressed concerns about the EU's security. Europe has long been a beacon of freedom, security and prosperity, grounded in the rule of law, democracy and shared values. But in today's rapidly evolving world, our security landscape has changed. The threats we are facing today, they are larger, they are more global and also increasingly they are online – ranging from organised crime and terrorism to hybrid threats fuelled with disinformation, fear and sabotage to our critical infrastructures. So, it is clear that no Member State can tackle these threats alone. We need a bold, proactive and also coordinated European response. The European internal security strategy is this response, together with the white paper on the future of defence and the preparedness Union strategy. We are now setting together the vision for a safe, secure and more resilient European Union. Security is also a precondition for our democracy. Our security will be further strengthened by the upcoming Democracy Shield, which will also lay out a comprehensive framework to protect and promote democracy in the European Union. We do not start from scratch. Our work will build on the existing vast European internal security architecture with many achievements already in place. We will reinforce partnership with the third countries contributing to global security. We will also make the EU more secure by reinforcing our capabilities, leveraging technology, enhancing cyber security and combating security threats decisively. I cannot stress enough the online dimension of security: combating hateful, criminal and radical online content is a top priority for us. So is ensuring lawful access to data, while preserving privacy and cybersecurity. Here, I want to underline especially the need to protect our children online. We need a new legal framework on protecting children from sexual abuse online. I count on the co-legislators to advance the negotiations here very swiftly, and we will put forward also new initiatives to protect children from radicalisation, online recruitment of gangs and cyber bullying and other serious threats. Resilience is at the heart of all our security measures. We need a change of mindset towards a whole-of-society approach where each citizen, civil society, businesses and academia feel engaged and empowered. As President Niinistö said in his report, security is a public good. We all need to protect it together.

Mr President, honourable Members, I want to thank you very much for your very valuable comments and remarks. It's clear that bold and swift collective action is needed for our security, for our economy, and also our way of life. The proposals the Commission has been tabling in these first 100 days are based on extensive dialogue with civil society businesses, experts and the policy makers. As you as a co-legislator, as Members of the European Parliament, you play a very crucial role here in ensuring that our agenda also reaches our citizens and companies on time, showing also certainty and determination in a very increasingly unstable world. So we need also your support to fast track our proposals where possible, in particular when it comes to simplification and burden reduction of our businesses and SMEs. So if we want to create a new momentum for European safety and European prosperity, we all need to work very hard in the same direction and also we have to work together.

Madam President, honourable Members, Council Presidency, this is a watershed moment for Europe. We face a clear and present danger. We must be able to protect ourselves and to defend ourselves, just as we have to put Ukraine in a position to protect itself and to push for lasting and just peace. That is why last week President von der Leyen presented the ReArm Europe Plan to mobilise up to EUR 800 billion for defence investment. The plan will give Member States fiscal space to invest in defence. They will have the possibility to invest in the Ukrainian defence industry or to procure military capabilities that go right away to Ukraine. The plan is to the benefit of rearming the European Union, but also arming Ukraine in its fight for its sovereignty and territorial integrity. With the Heads of State and Government's endorsement of this package at the European Council last Thursday, we will now move full steam ahead. In today's ever more dangerous world, it's time to build a true European Defence Union. This starts with the swift adoption of proposals already on the table, including the European defence industry programme, as a priority. We need to invest better together and European. We must strengthen our defence production capacities. We must break silos between civil and military research and innovations, and leverage the transformative nature of deep tech to level up our defence readiness. The white paper on the future of European defence that we will present next week will propose concrete ways forward on this. We are also improving the resilience of our societies overall to be able to respond to all types of threats. On cybersecurity, we have presented the cybersecurity blueprint to enhance cyber crisis coordination, as well as measures to improve cybersecurity of hospitals and healthcare providers. We have also taken strong actions to enhance security of our submarine cables, and we have taken measures to help Member States to counter the weaponisation of migration. Europe's security will always be our priority. Our security also depends on our ability to compete, innovate and produce. That is why, in our first 100 days, our main priority has been to boost European competitiveness. We have listened with great attention to the concerns of our industry and workers. Under the umbrella of our Competitiveness Compass, we have aimed to close the innovation gap to China and US to ensure our industry's decarbonisation and competitiveness and to reinforce our economic security. Last month, we adopted the Clean Industrial Deal, a bold business plan to support pioneering cleantech and accelerate decarbonisation. We also presented the affordable energy action plan, aimed at lowering energy bills for industries, businesses and households. We have launched an action plan to drive innovation, sustainability and competitiveness in the European automotive sector based on the strategic dialogue. A similar process has been also been starting on the steel sector. And because industry requires a skilled workforce to prosper, we tabled a Union of Skills, which will improve both competitiveness and also social fairness. Access to capital is also vital for our companies to succeed and scale up. Next week we will present the European Savings and Investment Union to fix underperforming capital markets and unleash investment flows. This will not only serve competitiveness and innovation in Europe, but also investments in our security and defence. Since taking office, we have been working to safeguard our economic security and adapt to harsher global competition, with the groundbreaking partnership agreement with Mercosur in December, the one with Switzerland before Christmas, our Mexico trade deal, the launch of negotiations with Malaysia, and also our colleagues' visit to India to cement our much valued partnership. Following up President von der Leyen's announcement of the InvestAI initiative, we will next month deliver an AI continent action plan to carry forward the European approach to AI. In parallel, our work continues on other major initiatives such as a start-up and scale-up strategy, the 28th regime, the data union, quantum strategy and preparedness union. Competitiveness will be also at the heart of the future multiannual financial framework. Honourable Members, reducing regulatory burden is also vital to Europe's competitiveness. We need to make things easier for our companies. With our first Omnibus proposal presented in February, we have cut reporting obligations to save over EUR 6 billion every year from European companies. Our second Omnibus proposal will increase the investment capacity of InvestEU by around EUR 50 billion and reduce reporting obligations and costs for implementing partners and financial beneficiaries by an estimated EUR 350 million. And more simplification is on the way. A total 37 evaluations and fitness checks planned for this year will contribute to stress testing our EU acquis to identify and also eliminate overlaps, contradictions and obsolete provisions. A European business wallet will also ease administrative compliance for businesses. Additional Omnibuses will target red tape and administrative burden on other areas. It's also crucial to underline here that our climate and social goals do not change. The simplifications we are proposing will have a huge positive impact for EU businesses, especially our SMEs, without undermining our sustainability objectives. Honourable Members, this Commission is fully committed to upholding the unique quality of life of Europeans, as well as the values that make us who we are. The Migration and Asylum Pact was a major step forward. We put solidarity and responsibility at the heart of our common response. Now we are focusing on its implementation and on supporting Member States in making it a reality on the ground. We are also delivering to modernise our rules on returns. Yesterday's proposal is the missing piece of the puzzle for the pact. Honourable Members, Madam President, together we can deliver these first 100 days proposals to serve all Europeans.

Madam President, honourable Members, I think it was very good to listen to this discussion and see how united the Members of Parliament were on this issue because I think it is very important that we are united and we are defending our European competitiveness together here. We should now convey the same message to the USA, regardless of Member State, because it is very important that we are all defending our single market, but also we have to find new approaches to cooperate in a constructive way with our strategic allies like we have seen. Many of you were underlining the importance of building up our own capacities when it when it comes to chips and I fully agree with you. You know that we have also defined semiconductors as one of our critical areas where we have to also do better in the future. We have set a target that in 2030, we should produce 20 % of semiconductors in the European Union, and I have to say that we are not there yet, so more actions are needed. We have the European Chips Act and in the first year it was already very successful, I would say, because it was mobilising investments of more than EUR 80 billion to our semiconductors. It is a framework to boost technological capabilities and European manufacturing. We also have the Chips Fund for start-ups and SMEs, and for research we also have the Chips Joint Undertaking, but more actions are needed in this area. I said that we are preparing a review of the Chips Act by September 2026, but of course it does not mean that here, in the meantime, we are doing nothing because we have currently already the Chips Act, which it's not very old legislation and we are all the time working with it because more actions are needed to really boost investments and innovations in this area. Because I see, as many of you also mentioned, that when we want to be competitive in the future, and especially when we want to invest in AI and quantum computing semiconductors, it's very much a precondition for everything else. So that is very much the area where we really need urgent actions and we are all the time taking them. But thank you very much for all your support, because I see also that this is an important priority when it comes to our technologies and competitiveness.

Madam President, Chair of the ITRE Committee, honourable Members, thank you for this very timely question on the US export restrictions on AI chips. This issue is of great concern for the Commission. The restrictions limit European access to the latest AI chips and also AI models. The EU is strategically positioned to advance and develop safe and secure and also trustworthy AI applications and systems. So it is our legitimate interest to develop such applications to benefit our citizens, society and also the economy at large. But it's also in the US's economic and security interests that the EU buys advanced AI chips from USA. We are still evaluating the impact of the US's measures. We see potential risks that these measures pose to our single market. There are risks to the free movement of goods – AI chips – and there are risks also to cross-border provision of AI-enabled services. So we will use all diplomatic means to request that the US would treat the EU in a non-discriminatory way. I believe that lifting the restrictions would benefit both EU and USA. The EU is the best customer of the US for tech exports and we want to buy more US advanced semiconductors. Lifting the restrictions would also serve the Trump administration's goal to reduce US trade deficit with goods with the EU. And furthermore, EU Member States are security allies of the US, not posing any threats. It would be counterproductive from the US to reduce many EU Member States' choice of chips vendors to less secure producers. So we cannot yet fully predict the impact of the measures of AI factories. Now we are monitoring potential mid- to long-term implications for high-performance computing, AI, and also to cloud computing, especially on AI gigafactories and also data centres that rely on advanced AI chips. Overall, the restrictions would lead to a two-speed Europe when it comes to AI services and we cannot accept this. Semiconductors are critical technology for our digital transition, also for our competitiveness and for our strategic vision on AI continent. As set out in the Competitiveness Compass, we are seeking true independent sources of high-end technologies for Europe. We should not be dependent on non-EU licensing schemes, export bans or restrictions. We are already working very hard towards these goals. With the Chips Act, we have a framework to boost technological capabilities and also European manufacturing. Through the Chips Fund, we are providing financial support with equity and grants to startups and also for SMEs developing chips for AI. And under the Chips Joint Undertaking, we have many thematic calls for research and development projects in semiconductor AI technologies. In the context of the Joint Economic Forum for Important Projects of Common European Interest, we are also exploring the possibility to support the development of AI chips. The European High Performance Computing Joint Undertaking will also launch the DARE Framework Programme Agreement, which will develop a full, high-performance computing ecosystem based on an open hardware technology for AI chips. We will also review the Chips Act by September 2026. That will be an opportunity to assess the act and also identify areas for further action. So we are fully committed to fostering excellence on AI research and innovation across the European Union. We have already taken concrete steps. Now we have invested over EUR 100 million to strengthen the networks of excellence on AI and with the 'apply AI' strategy, we will develop world-class AI models and foster the integration of AI technologies into more strategic sectors. The aim is to unlock the potential of innovation and also to enable also European companies to be global frontrunners. Just today, in Paris, in AI summit, President von der Leyen also launched 'invest AI', an initiative to mobilise EUR 200 billion for investments in AI, including a new European fund of EUR 20 billion for AI gigafactories.

Mr President, first, thank you for this debate. And thank you for all the support for our very strong and coordinated actions we are making. Keeping Europe safe is my priority during this mandate. Much has been done, but much more is needed, as we know. You can count on the Commission to ensure that this will happen. We will together defeat Putin's war of aggression and hostile actors sabotaging our security. We will remain vigilant. We will build our own resilience and strengthen our ability to hold those behind attacks accountable for their actions. We stand ready to respond fast and decisively to all these threats.

Mr President, honourable Members, in recent months we have seen a series of further incidents affecting sub-sea critical infrastructure. The latest was on Christmas Day and resulted in damage to an undersea power transmission cable between Finland and Estonia and four undersea data cables. First of all let me commend the swift action taken by Finland and Estonia, as well as their transparency in sharing information with the Commission and the Member States. We strongly condemn any deliberate destruction of Europe's critical infrastructure, including damage to energy infrastructure and undersea cables. These events demonstrate the vulnerability of the critical infrastructure which we rely on for carrying data, gas and electricity. This must be seen against a backdrop of geopolitical tension and Russia's hybrid attacks against the EU. The damage of one single cable may not necessarily have a big impact on our telecommunications. However, systemic disruption may cause severe consequences for the affected regions and also the Union as a whole. Such damage could also entail significant risks for the environment and maritime safety in Europe. We can best respond to these challenges if we act together, combining civil and military responses. The joint statement of the Baltic Sea NATO Allies Summit of 14 January shows the value of cooperation in tackling hybrid threats. Together we are stronger. Against this background, we must prepare for the worst‑case scenario and take a whole‑of‑government approach to deal with actors who are prepared to use an array of tools while trying to destabilise democratic societies. Let me explain how the EU Commission is working on three fronts. We are improving coordination, we are enhancing governance and we are also increasing funding. On coordination, the legal instruments we need when it comes to prevention and preparedness are already in place. The directive on the resilience of critical entities – the so-called CER Directive – and the directive on a high level of cybersecurity across the Union – the so-called NIS 2 Directive – entered into application in October 2024. These two sister directives are the basis for coordination and preparedness against threats and disruption. The CER Directive improves the physical security and resilience of critical entities. The NIS 2 Directive improves the overall cybersecurity and digital resilience of critical infrastructure from cyber-, physical and environmental threats. This means that the providers of digital and critical infrastructure must also ensure protection against unauthorised physical access, damage, sabotage and interference. The necessary rules are in place, but we need more efforts on transportation. We continue to support Member States and call on them to transpose both directives as soon as possible. Last week we also published the Cyber Solidarity Act. It provides coordinated digital preparedness testing in highly critical sectors, including digital infrastructure and – also related – cables. The Act also creates the EU Cybersecurity Reserve, which can respond to significant or large‑scale cybersecurity incidents. Following the explosions along the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, the Council recommendation on critical infrastructure resilience addressed preparedness, response and international cooperation, with concrete measures. Member States have also conducted voluntary stress tests of critical infrastructure in the energy sector to identify vulnerabilities, and these pilot initiatives should be expanded to further sectors. The Commission is also working with Member States and ENISA under the recommendation from February 2024 on secure and resilient submarine cable infrastructures to perform a mapping of cables and assess related risks, develop a cable‑security toolbox of mitigating measures, and also draw up a list of cable projects of European interest. These measures all focus on prevention and preparedness, yet we also need to hold actors accountable for sabotage and other attacks. For this, our coordinated action using sanctions is worth mentioning. In December 2024, the Council adopted its 15th sanctions package against Russia, focusing, among other aspects, on the shadow fleet. As part of these sanctions, 52 additional vessels were added to the list of those banned from accessing ports and from receiving a wide range of maritime transport services. Second, on governance, in the EU we are lacking a common governance of cable technologies and cable‑laying services to ensure rapid and secure repair and maintenance of cables. We need to work in concert with NATO, which is a key actor when it comes to deterrence in the high seas. At the recent summit of Baltic Sea nations' governments, the Commission and NATO outlined concrete and very coordinated action to address the challenges in cable resilience, protection and repair. We welcome the actions launched by the NATO allies, such as new patrol and surveillance operations, to protect critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. The European Commission is ready to do more and better in our prevention, early detection, as well as response and recovery capabilities. We are currently working on identifying concrete actions and steps to be taken – and some more structurally – to improve the resilience and security of the undersea cables. And third, on funding, this includes our already substantial investments in the security and resilience of submarine cables through the Connecting Europe Facility digital programme, including in the Baltic Sea, where we are currently financing eight projects. In addition, there is more than EUR 5 million earmarked for connectivity infrastructure in the CEF digital work programme in the coming years. The first call is ongoing. Furthermore, under the CEF, we are supporting the deployment of smart cable systems that can be used to monitor nearby activities and anticipate threats and vulnerabilities, acting as an early‑warning system. We are also looking into how to further reinforce our ability to deploy and repair cables so that we are equipped with the necessary fleet able to rapidly intervene in all EU regions. Keeping Europe safe is my priority, including safeguarding our critical infrastructure on sea, on land and in space. Now I'm looking forward to hearing your views, so thank you for your attention.

Madam President, honourable Members, thank you for this very lively debate and your very valuable contributions. This Commission and me personally are fully committed to promoting and protecting democracy across the EU. The DSA has given the Commission now the tool needed for a high level of responsibility by providers of online platforms, combined with very robust oversight. I will continue applying this critical tool, together with the national Digital Services Coordinators, in an effective and accountable way. In this context I vow to advance with and accelerate the cases under the DSA and, while respecting due process, come to conclusions as early as legally possible, with solid evidence in the open proceedings. It's very clear that everybody doing business in Europe or providing services in the EU has to respect our rules, which are very balanced and fair: the same rules for European companies and for those who are coming from the third countries. This DSA is also balancing freedom and responsibility. For example, when it's coming to content moderation – that was mentioned many times here – in the European Union, the reasons for the content moderation by developers are registered in a public database in Europe, and annual reports must also be published on their content moderation practices. So we have a great level of transparency here also when it comes to content moderation, and for these reasons, so the reasons are published. The users must also have the possibility to opt out of being profiled for their recommender system, giving users the option of alternative social media feeds. So transparency is a vital precondition for accountability in democracy, as we know. The Commission will present an ambitious approach in the Democracy Shield, with a comprehensive, all‑of‑society approach to face the multiple threats to our democracy. So I look forward to continuing this exchange with you.

Madam President, honourable Members, democracies today face an increasing challenge from interference. And indeed, we have seen that social media is one of the vehicles used. We have seen it during the past years in the so-called 'doppelganger campaign', a Russian influence operation on Facebook and Instagram. We opened formal proceedings on that influence operation under the Digital Services Act. We have also seen it in the last month in Romania, where the Constitutional Court annulled presidential elections after declassified documents allege the existence of coordinated manipulation campaign on TikTok. We opened formal proceedings on that against TikTok. These are extraordinary events in the history of European democracy. Democracy is a founding value of our Union. Free, fair and inclusive elections are at the core of democracy. Interference in elections requires a powerful response. The EU has the most advanced and powerful legal framework for online platforms, balancing freedom and responsibility: the Digital Services Act. The DSA defines clear responsibilities for all very large online platform providers that provide services in the EU. The platforms are obliged to conduct a risk assessment and to implement and effectively enforce mitigating measures, including on electoral processes and civic discourse. They are also subject to independent audits. Based on the risk assessment, platform providers may have to adjust algorithms, the design of their online interface and content moderation systems to better mitigate these risks. It cannot be said often enough that the DSA does not censor content. It creates efficient mechanisms for the removal of illegal content defined by other EU or national law, such as illegal hate speech, because what is illegal offline is also illegal online. But beyond supporting compliance with such limited prohibitions, the DSA ensures that anyone is entitled to express their opinion as protected under the Charter of Fundamental Rights. The DSA contains strong safeguards to protect freedom of expression on platforms' users. Transparency is a core principle of the DSA, giving greater agency to better inform citizens, civil society organisations and others in the DSA ecosystem. The DSA obliged platform providers to be transparent about their terms and conditions, and to set out the main parameters that underlie their recommender systems. Transparency is a vital precondition to accountability in democracy, where a fact-based debate is combined with strong third-party scrutiny and cooperation with journalists, civil society organisations, fact checkers and independent researchers. They play a crucial role in providing accountability and scrutiny of platforms' mechanisms. In this context, the Commission has already opened cases against very large online platforms on publicly available access to data. The Commission is also preparing a delegated act on data access for researchers for the more far-reaching data access, which is consulted on with stakeholders in the last few months. Given the many elections taking place last year and this year, the Commission issued guidelines in April 2024 for the very large online platforms and search engines on the measures they have to take to mitigate risks for electoral integrity. Rest assured, the Commission takes the enforcement of the DSA very seriously. We have already taken decisive steps. Since the entry into application of the DSA, 25 very large platforms and search engines were designated and no less than 10 proceedings were opened: one against X, three against TikTok, one against AliExpress, two each against Meta's Facebook and Instagram, and one against Temu. In one case, preliminary findings were adopted and one was already closed. Let me say this very clearly: the compliance teams are working at full speed. For example, in recent days, the Commission has requested X to provide internal documentation on its recommender systems and any recent changes made to it by 15 February 2025. We have also issued a retention order to X requiring the platform provider to preserve internal documents and information regarding future changes to the design and functioning of its recommender algorithms. And we have issued a request to access certain X commercial application programming interfaces, so-called APIs. These are technical interfaces to its content that allow direct fact-finding on content moderation and virality of accounts. It is important to note that strong and timely enforcement of the DSA requires careful detective work by expert teams, very solid evidence and also decisions that stand up in the court. During my hearing, I said that I will make sure that we will double the number of colleagues working on the DSA by the end of 2025 to a team to 200 staff. The Commission does not work on the DSA in isolation, especially in matters related to election integrity, which require efforts both at the EU and national level and across institutions and policies. We work very closely with the digital services coordinators in the European Board for Digital Services, including through the Working Group on Integrity of the Information Space, and also directly with those digital services coordinators of Member States which have upcoming elections in their countries. More generally, we also work with the framework of the European Cooperation Network on Elections, bringing together national authorities dealing with electoral matters. The network will hold a strategic discussion now on 5 and 6 February, on issues such as the equality of opportunities among political parties and candidates, election integrity and risk management in electoral contexts. Honourable Members, the DSA is a responsibility-based system. It provides for codes of conduct to help platforms to meet their obligations. This is why this week we assessed and confirmed the suitability of the Code of Conduct on Illegal Hate Speech Online under the DSA. This will strengthen the response against all illegal online hate speech as defined by different EU and Member State laws, so that hate speech flagged is assessed in 24 hours and removed if necessary. Focusing on the future, I am also committed to move ahead with the assessment of the Code of Practice on Disinformation, with a view of issuing an opinion, integrating also this code into the DSA framework. As part of the Code of Practice on Disinformation, a broad range of signatories agreed on taking on the commitments and targeted measures to fight disinformation. Meta, Google, Microsoft and TikTok are already signatories of this code. In view of the threat that disinformation poses to our societies, I expect strong commitments from platform providers to continue implementing the code with appropriate measures to put this into practice. When it comes to elections, the rapid response system of under this code has proven to be very effective, showing the important contribution that independent fact checkers and civil society can make. They can quickly alert platforms about time-sensitive content that can pose a threat to the integrity of elections. I count on the signatories and on the platform providers to make sure that this is applied to all upcoming elections. Madam President, honourable Members, protecting democracy from the threats it faces today requires a comprehensive response. We are now preparing the new European democracy shield to address the most severe risk to democracy in the EU. The shield will aim to combat foreign information manipulation, interference and disinformation. It aims to strengthen the EU's ability to detect, analyse and proactively counter threats. It will also address domestic threats to democracy. We do not start this work from scratch. The shield will build on the work already done on the European democracy action plan and the defence of democracy package. Commissioner McGrath is leading the work with my close collaboration and working together also with other members of the College. Soon we will launch consultations to shape up the upcoming shield. I am eager to hear the valuable contributions that Parliament will bring to this very important initiative, especially the new special committee on the democracy shield. I want to assure you that the Commission is extremely committed to protect European democracy and civic discourse. The Commission is fully dedicated to use all the tools we have at disposal to defend our democracies. I remain fully available to hear your views as we work together to achieve this common goal. Thank you for your attention.

Dear President, honourable Members, free and fair elections are the cornerstone of democracy and democracy is a fundamental European value according to Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union. Democracies today face many vulnerabilities, as recently witnessed during the Romanian presidential elections. Democracies face threats from hostile actors both within the EU and also from abroad. The Commission actively supports democracy in the EU. Protecting elections is at the heart of our work. Electoral matters are the competence and also the responsibility of the Member States. However, the Commission can support Member States in many ways. Ahead of the 2019 European elections, the Commission established the European cooperation network on elections to support exchanges between Member State authorities. The network has been activated following recent events. In 2020, the first comprehensive framework to protect democracy in Europe – the European Democracy Action Plan – was adopted. In 2021, a package strengthening the integrity of elections, including a regulation on the transparency of political advertising, was proposed. This regulation will become fully applicable in October 2025. It will give us more tools to address disinformation, manipulation of information and foreign intervention in electoral campaigns. And finally, last year, the Commission adopted the defence of democracy package. It includes recommendations on inclusive and resilient elections. The recommendations include encouraging election integrity and fair campaigning, protecting election-related infrastructure and information and minimising the risk of interference from third countries. As election campaigning happens more and more online, we need to make full use of the Digital Services Act adopted during the last mandate. It is important to note that the DSA does not regulate content. Instead, it established a risk management framework for very large online platforms and for very large online search engines. The DSA fully respects the freedom of speech under the DSA. Ahead of the many elections taking place this year across the EU, in April 2024 the Commission issued guidelines for electoral processes. These guidelines recommend measures which the platform and search engines can take to protect elections in accordance with the DSA. These recommendations are on, for example, recommender systems, integrity of services, third party research and data access, cooperation with national authorities, independent experts and civil society. The Commission also works closely with the Digital Service Coordinators, the national DSA enforcement authorities, especially when elections are scheduled or under way in any of the Member States. Regarding the recent elections in Romania, the Commission expressed concerns when there started to be signs of coordinated online influence operations targeting the elections, especially on TikTok. We took swift action under the DSA. We have now sent three requests for information to TikTok on its management of the risks of information manipulation during elections, including on risks of inauthentic or automated exploitation of its service, its recommender systems and also political advertising. The Commission has also issued a data retention order. It orders TikTok to preserve data related to the management of systemic risks that the design, functioning or use of its service could pose on electoral processes and civic discourse in the context of national elections in the EU Member States. Thanks to this order, we will be able to request and assess relevant evidence concerning the management of risks related to national elections in the Member States of the EU, taking place between 24 November 2024 and 31 March 2025. Now, we have carefully reviewed the evidence provided by TikTok on the measures taken in the context of the Romanian elections. On this basis, we have sufficient grounds to suspect that TikTok may have been in breach of their obligations under the DSA to properly assess and mitigate risks related to electoral processes and civic discourse. Therefore, today, the Commission decided to open an investigation. This concerns, in particular, the issues of political ads and the manipulation of TikTok's recommender system. At the same time, signatories of the Code of Practice on Disinformation, including both online platforms and civil society organisations, have activated the rapid response system for the Romanian elections. The system ensures good cooperation in ensuring electoral periods and quick exchange of information between civil society organisations, fact checkers and online platforms. The Romanian case has also been discussed with the European Board for Digital Services and there have been exchanges with the Romanian authorities. Honourable Members, moving beyond elections in Romania, the Commission has previously opened also three investigations, notably against X, Facebook and Instagram. Regarding X, the investigation focuses on the measures to tackle risks following from the actual and foreseeable negative effects on civic discourse and electoral processes stemming from the design and functioning of X in the EU, including also the effectiveness of its user-driven moderation, also risks linked to dissemination of illegal content, such as illegal hate speech and terrorist content, and also the measures to mitigate inauthentic platform manipulation, such as the use of fake accounts and bots. Regarding Facebook and Instagram, the investigation focuses on their practices related to deceptive ads, disinformation campaigns and the visibility of political content. The Commission is also investigating Meta's election monitoring tool. The Commission is carrying out in-depth investigations on the cases as a matter of priority, respecting all procedural and legal obligations. In cooperation with national Digital Service Coordinators, the Commission is very closely monitoring the platforms' compliance with the DSA ahead of upcoming elections in the EU Member States. We have also stepped out of alert level on cyber threats, and we are ready to coordinate our actions to enhance cyber security around electoral campaigns. We are ready to use all tools available if needed. Honourable Members, as President von der Leyen has said, our democracy is a constant work in progress. We have started work on the new European democracy shield under the leadership of Commissioner McGrath, by bringing together contributions from across many policy areas. The shield will aim to combat foreign information manipulation, interference and disinformation. We need to become better at detecting, analysing and proactively also countering threats. We will increase efforts to strengthen media freedom and the safety of journalists. We will reinforce also the resilience of societies and preparedness and we will better equip our citizens with skills to navigate the information space, especially online. I would like to thank you, honourable Members of the European Parliament, for supporting democracy in your work, including with the new special committee you are setting up. We are looking very much forward to cooperating with the new committee. I want to assure you that the Commission is very committed to protecting democracy. I remain fully available to hear your views as we work together to achieve this common goal.

Mr President, Commissioner, there are two themes on which the European Union must focus in the coming years: strengthening overall security and improving the competitiveness of the economy. For the past 15 years, the European Union has been lagging behind the growth of the United States. We need to create a Europe that encourages innovation and investment in Europe. It is excellent that Member States have now put competitiveness very strongly on the agenda for the coming years. We need to do four things in order to succeed. First, the Member States must cease to compete with each other for State aid. Secondly, we need to create regulation that encourages investment and innovation in Europe. We have far too much bureaucracy, an administrative burden that hinders investment and innovation. We need to speed up permitting processes so that our new ideas can enter the market in such a way that investments can be triggered. We also need to ensure that Europe has a skilled workforce for companies in the future. We also need to invest more in research and development. Only in this way will the industry remain competitive here and we will be able to respond to major global challenges.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, on behalf of ITRE Committee, I would like to thank all the rapporteurs and shadow rapporteurs for your good cooperation on this very important file. Europe must strengthen our economic and security capabilities across all critical sectors. One of these critical areas is the pharmaceutical industry. It’s one of our most important industrial sectors. It employs directly more than 840 000 people in Europe and invests over EUR 40 billion annually in research and development. These figures are significant, but the pace of growth and investments in comparison to regions such as Asia and the United States are significantly higher. It means that incentives for pharmaceutical and development research and new innovations in Europe must be increased. Otherwise, there is a risk of new investments increasingly flowing to other parts of the world. It’s important to ensure the availability of critical medicines in all situations in Europe, and therefore ITRE Committee sees that in this legislation it’s particularly important to focus on our competitiveness, security of supply and the promotion of research and development and new innovations in this sector.

Madam President, I want to thank all the rapporteurs, shadows and all the committees who have been working with this very important report. This legislation gives now more flexibility for our tourist buses, and in the same time, we are also taking care of our single market and about our safety of transport. So I want to thank everybody and I think we find a balanced agreement with the Council, and I hope that everybody can support this result.

Madam President, Prime Minister Orpo, I wish to thank you, Prime Minister, for being here with us today, and thank you for your excellent speech. The three main priorities you highlighted – strengthening Europe’s strategic competitiveness, improving our comprehensive security and promoting a clean transition – are precisely the sectors on which the European Union must focus. We must create a Europe that encourages companies to innovate and invest in Europe. We need to strengthen our own capacity, both in the economy and in security, so that Europe has the ability to act in all situations. Finland is a good example of a model of comprehensive security where citizens, companies and the public sector work closely together to ensure preparedness, resilience and security of supply. Your proposal for a preparedness Union is indeed an excellent initiative that should be taken forward. Prime Minister, I fully support your words about Ukraine. The European Union must bolster up our support for Ukraine. Concrete decisions and action is needed. We must help Ukraine win the war.

Mr President, Commissioner, yesterday, for the first time, the European Environment Agency published a European climate risk assessment. The message of the evaluation was quite harsh: extreme heat, drought, forest fires and floods are worsening in Europe, even in the most optimistic scenarios, affecting living conditions across Europe. Risks are elevated in the areas of the environment, food safety, health, infrastructure, as well as the economy and finance. There will no longer be any doubt anywhere in Europe as to why we need effective joint action not only to combat climate change but also to adapt to it. I am very glad that when the Commission published its own 2040 climate plan and target a few weeks ago, it had a more technologically neutral approach. For the first time, nuclear power was taken as an equal source of energy with renewable energies and also took an active grip on new technologies such as carbon capture and storage. We need this type of technology to effectively combat climate change, but we also need to adapt to change and tackling climate risks is an important part of the overall security of the European Union as a whole. We need to strengthen resilience. It is part of our strategic autonomy. The COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have also shown how many different crises and hybrid threats Europe needs to prepare for. We should develop the European Union towards a Union of readiness. Member states should be able to prepare for different crises in a coordinated manner and not only respond to emergencies. Finnish continuous preparedness and security of supply thinking could serve as a good example in this regard.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, this process of negotiating the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive has been very difficult and it is worth thanking all those involved for putting the proposal on a much better track than the Commission's original proposal. The directive is still quite ambitious. The goal is that new buildings should be zero-emission by 2030 and public buildings by 2028. Initially, the problem was that the Commission did not really take into account the different regions and their conditions in Europe at all. It did not take into account the fact that we have very different buildings, energy forms and infrastructures and that climate conditions vary across Europe, but rather the Commission set out very schematically to insist that everyone has to renovate a certain number of buildings, regardless of the baseline in terms of energy efficiency. And that didn't make any sense financially. In my own country, Finland, for example, buildings are by definition very energy efficient because the climate is cold. In Finland, the majority of buildings are heated with electricity, and more than 90 per cent of electricity is already emission-free, meaning that buildings are very environmentally friendly and energy efficient in many ways. The Commission's original proposal was also too micromanaged. It went into too much detail to determine how to install solar panels or electricity charging posts. These are issues that should not be decided at European level. They must be decided nationally, in regions, perhaps in cities or in the property itself. We need to focus on the big lines, and I think that here the directive is now back on better track. This gives Member States the freedom to determine for themselves the most efficient way to achieve energy efficiency and how to renovate buildings. We must ensure that, when we make these reforms, they are always economically and socially sustainable.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, as the first legislation of its kind, the Cyber Resilience Act is much called for and necessary for the security of digital products in the EU internal market. Currently, many digital products that originate from third countries are sold in the internal market, but the level of the cybersecurity and possible software updates is unknown. The trilogue outcome of the Cyber Resilience Act is a balanced agreement that will provide better consumer protection and boost also fair competition. It will ensure that all digital products that are put on the EU market, both hardware and software, are cyber-secure throughout their whole life cycle and will receive security updates. Promoting innovation is crucial for ensuring European competitiveness. We need to make sure that our smallest enterprises are not faced with an overly heavy administrative burden. Necessary flexibility and legal certainty is needed for small businesses to operate and grow. The CRA will ensure that our micro- and small enterprises are supported, especially through training and in conformity assessment procedures. The number of cyberattacks is consistently growing and they are becoming more sophisticated every day. Small businesses and critical institutions are targeted by cybercriminals. Cybersecurity concerns all sectors of society. Common rules and standards can significantly reduce vulnerabilities and risks related to digital products. Cybersecurity by design can help ensure our overall security. I would like to thank our rapporteur, Mr Danti, and all the shadow rapporteurs for their excellent cooperation on this very important file.

Mr President, Commissioner, strengthening competitiveness is the most important theme of the European Union's next term. The rise of international tensions, the war, has increased the importance of the geo-economy and a new kind of blockade of the global economy is underway. Europe needs to strengthen its own capacity to act, both in economic and security terms, and to reduce its high-risk dependencies. We need to create a Europe that attracts innovation and investment in Europe. We know that at the moment we are not doing well enough in this competition. We need to reduce the administrative burden on businesses. We need to speed up permitting processes in order to mobilise investment. We must ensure that good projects in Europe receive competitive, efficient funding without at the same time breaking the internal market, and above all we must ensure the availability of skilled labour also in the future.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, for Europe to stay competitive we need to do more to encourage innovation. This requires continued investment in research, development and innovation. When talking about innovation, the importance of patents needs to be recognised. Therefore, it is important to maintain a balance between the interests of patent holders and the users of standards. Reducing patent protection will increase risks as it will discourage European companies from participating in the development of global standards by undermining patent protection. I have to say that this proposed regulation can have a negative impact on Europe’s competitiveness, especially in the development of 5G and 6G technologies, where standard essential patents play a crucial role. We know that 5G and 6G technologies are extremely important to the EU in developing its strategic autonomy and its global competitive edge in digital technologies. If Europe wants to keep its innovative edge we need to have stable and meaningful intellectual property rights such as patent rights. I have to say that this proposed compromise does not take into account patent protection and creates too much regulatory burden, especially to the standard essential patent holders.