Speeches

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, first of all, no Democrat should regret the fall of Nicolas Maduro. His dictatorship caused millions of emigrants, hundreds of political prisoners, corruption, drug trafficking and an appalling impoverishment of the Venezuelan people. Secondly, the abuses of power by a dictatorship – it is true – do not entitle a superpower not to respect international law, but international law cannot be an excuse for the systematic violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and for the international community to do nothing about it. The international community and, in particular, those governments and political forces that have collaborated closely with the Chavista dictatorship have failed the Venezuelan people, and are therefore the last to talk about international law. Thirdly, this Parliament recognized Edmundo González Urrutia as president-elect, although many did not want to vote on that occasion. That recognition allows us today to insist that both González Urrutia and María Corina Machado must participate in a transition to democracy in Venezuela. Talleyrand told Napoleon that you can do many things with bayonets, but you can't sit on them. The use of force can overthrow a dictator, but it is not enough to gain legitimacy. The legitimacy of the transition process can only be given by the inclusion of the democratic forces led by María Corina Machado.

Dear Chairman, this is not just Greenland, but a serious crisis in transatlantic relations and therefore it is not the time for panic moves, to throw ourselves into the hands of the Chinese, as some advocate, but for a clear and firm position. The position that we are open to cooperation with the United States on security issues, on common security, but we do not accept any blackmail. We will certainly know how to deal with these threats about customs. This has already been proven in the past and the European Union has the tools to deal with it. But for our message to be credible in the long run, we must clearly build European defence capabilities and thus reconfigure our transatlantic relations, our partnership with the US and beyond Trump.

The Honourable Chairman, the mass abduction of children from the Catholic School of St. Mary in Papyri is indeed a crime that shakes the conscience. Hundreds of children were abducted from a place that was supposed to be a haven of learning, care and faith. Although some children are freed, many children and teachers are still imprisoned and their families live in fear and uncertainty. This tragedy cannot be viewed in isolation. It is taking place in the broader context of persistent violence against Christian communities in Nigeria, and therefore we really need to ask ourselves what the European Union is doing on this issue, what the European Commission is doing. The minimum would be for the European Commission to finally appoint, after 13 months, a Freedom of Religion Envoy. I would ask the Commission to give us, who are in the Club of Christian Democrats, one reason to continue to support this Commission that has promised this, and after 13 months has not yet fulfilled its promise, to appoint an envoy.

The Honourable Chairman, in this plenary room two years ago, then as a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, I participated in the debate on de facto exclude the Azerbaijani delegation from the work of the organisation for human rights violations. I voted in favour of this resolution, but I also put in place a mechanism for Azerbaijan to return. Why? Because I think it is important to talk about the protection of human rights, but it is important to have an open channel of dialogue precisely because of the geopolitical importance of our relations with Azerbaijan in today's world, in today's geopolitical circumstances. So it is necessary to remain principled and say, as we will now with this resolution, what we think about human rights violations, but to leave open this channel of dialogue when we also have certain geopolitical interests to do so.

Over the past year, we have witnessed continued democratic backsliding in Georgia, with pressures on independent media, intimidated civil society, selective use of the judiciary and the adoption of legislation that runs counter to basic European standards. The implementation of the Foreign Influence and Foreign Agents Act remains a direct challenge to freedom of association and expression, despite repeated warnings from the European Union. By granting candidate status, Georgia was given a chance that, unfortunately, the authorities, against the will of the citizens, decided to ruin. The European Union has therefore decided that Georgia’s accession process cannot continue without full respect for democratic principles of the rule of law and fundamental rights. This, of course, is also a message to the other candidates that there is no discount on membership criteria. But we have to say, the responsibility does not lie with the Georgian people. Public support for the European path remains strong and citizens have repeatedly demonstrated their commitment to democratic values. Therefore, the European Union should, as announced, step up its support for civil society, independent journalism, democratic institutions, with the consistent and transparent application of conditionality, and - and sanctions against those undermining democratic norms.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the Commission President said today that the pressure should be put on the aggressor, not on the victim. I fully agree with that, but then we need to move from words to action. That means, among other things, that we should ban the import not only of gas, but also of oil. That is the position of this Parliament, and it is about time that the Council also agrees on that position to ban all the imports of Russian oil, starting in January 2026. The Commission knows very well that all the technical conditions are there for the Member States that are still importing oil from Russia to replace that, using, for example, the Adriatic pipeline. They can do that. All the technical conditions are there. It is just a question of political will. So, we need to move from words to action because actions mean far more than words; they speak louder than any words. Acta non verba.

The humanitarian crisis in Sudan continues and deepens as the civil war between the Sudan Armed Forces and the so-called Rapid Support Forces escalates. We have an arms embargo, but it is not respected, of course, because we have an internal struggle for power, but also because those weapons are supplied from the outside. Precisely because we have one geopolitical background, one regional [background] because we need to look at the conflict in Sudan in the broader context of the wider Middle East and the reorganization of relations there, and that is why we will see that factors from the Middle East are present in some way in this war, but also globally because, as we know, China is very present. Sudan is an important point in the Silk Road because of gold, minerals, but also for other reasons, and therefore we must help humanitarianly, but also become a geopolitical factor in order to be able to really deal with those causes of this conflict.

Dear Chair, we want a Europe that is competitive, secure and therefore we need to reduce energy dependencies. Since Europe does not have enough fossil fuels, of course we have to go to renewable sources. And in this sense, the green transition is also very much geopolitically relevant to reduce our dependence on Russia, if you will, also on the United States or the Gulf. But if we go with unrealistic goals in climate law for our industry, we will also increase dependencies on another superpower - China, Chinese technology, because we cannot achieve these goals unless we go into deeper dependence if we want in such a time as we set ourselves to achieve these goals. I therefore welcome that the Council is now ready, e.g. to postpone ETS2 for one year, as this would raise housing prices for our citizens. I think it should be delayed for at least three years, but not wasted that time, but invested in renewables as geothermal, where we have our technology. The Commission promised to adopt an action plan. We expect him to do so as soon as possible.

Dear Chair, I started my speech in Spanish, I will finish in my mother tongue, in Croatian. If nothing else, out of respect for the great Croatian emigrant community in Latin America, but also for the sake of emphasizing that Latin America must be important not only for Spain, for Portugal, who of course have historical relations with Latin America, but for the entire European Union. I think that a huge number of MPs have at least some further relatives who once emigrated to Latin America and that is another additional link. As the Commissioner said, today we find ourselves in the geopolitical context of the fragmentation of the international order when it is extremely important to find, rediscover and consolidate relations with our allies, with countries that share our values, and this is precisely the case with the countries of Latin America. Of course, there are some problems here. We could hear something about it today, but I would like to point out here that this report on the European Union's strategy towards the whole of Latin America is not a country report. Of course, we have mentioned the most authoritative examples of violations of human rights or political rights, and that is why I think this report is both balanced and objective. In this regard, I would like to underline the importance of this moment on the eve of Summit What will the European Union have with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, because I think we need to be aware of the fact that in 2025 the two regions that will grow the least economically in the world are Europe and Latin America. The answer to this must be greater cooperation so that both regions benefit from it. Finally, I would like to thank all the shadow rapporteurs. Of course, the colleagues who participated in their amendments in the Committee, as well as in the Committee on Development for an opinion, which contributed to this resolution.

Madam President, Commissioner, with this resolution we are going to define Parliament's priorities and message in view of the next EU-CELAC summit. In a world with less multilateralism and more fragmentation, Latin America cannot be left out of our strategic thinking. On the contrary, it must be understood as our natural ally, with which we share not only centuries of history, but also the same values and the challenge of acquiring strategic autonomy avoiding dependencies on other global powers. Without this alliance with Latin America, Europe will never be a geopolitical subject; And without closer ties with the European Union, Latin America will also not be able to achieve its strategic autonomy. That is why we advocate a bi-regional alliance, a transatlantic European-Latin American area of peace, democracy and prosperity. Like us, the peoples of America love freedom, and this must be the computer concept of our relations. Freedom to be able to relate more closely our societies, our economies, with agreements such as the one reached with Chile, Mexico or Mercosur. The conclusion and implementation of these agreements will send a clear message to the world that democracies can trade with each other freely, without raising tariff barriers, but respecting human rights, labor rights, consumer rights, and protecting the environment. Freedom also includes freedom from the scourge of drug trafficking, corruption and organized crime. And that is why we seek to intensify bi-regional cooperation in the field of security and expand it in the field of justice. It is also clear that Europe must help to address the root causes of many of these ills and, therefore, we cannot give up financing for development in Latin America. In this regard, Global Gateway is an essential element of our policy, particularly in attracting investments in strategic sectors. But there is a need for greater transparency, parliamentary scrutiny and, in addition, the overriding objective of development policy, which is to eradicate poverty, must not be neglected. Freedom as a computer principle also requires us to act more decisively in defense of democracy and against authoritarianism. That is why we demand the release of all political prisoners. Today in particular, I refer to Jan Darmovzal, a Czech citizen, and to the more than 800 political prisoners in Venezuela, several of them European citizens. We demand that Maduro's dictatorship immediately cease the repression of civil society and the opposition. We also condemn the involvement of mercenaries in the Russian aggression against Ukraine and demand that the Council impose sanctions against those responsible for the persistent violation of human rights in Cuba. We also seek the activation of the democratic clause for the systematic violation of human rights in Nicaragua and the expansion of sanctions against the Ortega-Murillo clan. Although these are the worst dictatorships, we also see with concern the erosion of democratic values, of the system of checks and balances, in other countries of the region, notably in El Salvador. That is why we hope that the Santa Marta summit will include a debate on democratic principles and human rights and that the final declaration will clearly defend our values. The resolution includes 16 concrete recommendations for Santa Marta to agree on closer cooperation in defence of democracy, peace, security, prosperity and sustainable development by investing in the digital transition, renewable energy, education and health, and also in social welfare with a bi-regional care pact. We seek the creation of a permanent institutional space that, between summit and summit, coordinates efforts and monitors the progress achieved. Without ignoring the challenges, Europe and Latin America are called today to take a more leading role in international relations. This resolution is a contribution in that regard and a call for action to develop between the two regions a transatlantic area of peace, democracy and prosperity.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, the new strategic EU-India agenda is a timely and adequate response to the process of weakening multilateralism and fragmentation of the international order. The geopolitical competition between the United States and China is reshaping trade and international relations, affecting all of us. Therefore, if we don't want to remain a mere spectator, we need to adapt and move fast. It is in that context that we need to understand this new approach to India as well, for example, as the strategic partnership with Latin America that we will discuss later on. Of course, we are aware that there are areas of disagreement with India – a BRICS founding member. Yet, if we manage to get an FTA with India to boost defence and technology cooperation and improve connectivity, current differences could be overcome by the geopolitical gains of a mutually beneficial relationship.

First of all, I would like to express today my solidarity with the families of the victims and hostages that Hamas still holds in captivity. Today, October 7th, we must once again remember that Hamas, with its terrorist attack on Israeli civilians, has begun this new tragic chapter of the war in the Middle East. Hamas should not be rewarded for this. Hamas must disappear from Gaza so that Palestinians can be truly free and Israelis can be safe. Europe must support the White House's peace plan, the ongoing negotiations in Egypt and if successful in its implementation. The two-state solution will not be achieved through speeches and resolutions that are more aimed at the domestic public than on the actual achievement of peace. The White House's plan should therefore be supported. It is currently the best chance for peace, for the liberation of hostages, for the cessation of Israeli attacks on Gaza and the suffering of civilians, for the security of Israel and for the realization of the Palestinians' right to be their own.

Mr. President, the violent once again terrorize Colombia and threaten regional stability, democracy and Colombian sovereignty itself. Terrorist and narco groups have made it clear that the government-driven strategy of total peace has unfortunately not worked, but it was also interpreted by these groups as a "Free Stone!" for their nefarious plans. The Catatumbo massacres, the terrorist attacks against civilians and security forces, the assassination of Senator Uribe... are clear signs of the strengthening and proliferation of organized crime and terrorism, also linked to transnational structures. Therefore, it is essential to avoid a further escalation of violence in Colombia and to offer our support and cooperation. It is also important that political and social actors – first and foremost the authorities – avoid polarisation and inflammatory discourses. Finally, it is necessary for the European Union to include in the list of terrorist organizations the Gulf clan, the dissident factions of the FARC and the cartel of the Suns.

Ten months after the tragedy of Novi Sad, Serbia is much more polarized. The level of violence and repression has increased, which we clearly condemn. The EPP will take appropriate decisions regarding the relationship with the SNS, as announced today by President Weber. We have talked about the nature of Vucic's power many times. We have prepared a resolution with our colleague Picula and other shadow rapporteurs, in which almost everything has already been said, and Parliament’s previous resolutions have also raised concerns. However, it would be naive to think that problems can be solved by replacing only one man. The problems in Serbia are much deeper. They are structural and also include part of the opposition and student movement. This became apparent in June at a major meeting in Belgrade. Radio Free Europe characterized this protest rally with this title: Nationalism overcame the fight against corruption. This was seen when, at that protest, Professor Milo Lompar of the University of Belgrade repeated almost all the postulates of the Greater Serbian nationalist ideology. Therefore, just as the previous lenient policy towards Vučić is wrong, it would be wrong to give a blank check to the opposition. Our job is not to change power in Serbia, but to seek fulfilment of the criteria for which Serbia itself committed to surrendering EU candidacy, and to seek this primarily from the authorities, but also from the opposition. We can help, but it is up to Serbia to decide which way it wants to go.

Madam President, dear colleagues, once again we need to stress that it was Putin who started this war of aggression against Ukraine, and it's Putin who doesn't want to end it. The attacks on Kyiv, including the government building and the EU delegation, are the clearest reminder. The fact that Putin fiercely opposes the deployment of Western peacekeeping forces, even after a deal is reached, shows everyone that his intention is not to stop, but to carry out his plan of total submission of Ukraine into the so-called Russian world. And for that, obviously he has the support of China, since Beijing wants a multi-polar world based on spheres of influence dominated by regional hegemony. The initial attempt of the Trump administration to distance Moscow from Beijing has not borne fruit, and we should now continue to work with Washington on the careful design of secondary sanctions. Finally, it is imperative for Kyiv to avoid any back-pedalling on European values and standards, and for us in Europe it's imperative to unblock the EU accession negotiations with Ukraine.

This week marks 30 years since the Srebrenica genocide. This year we are celebrating 30 years since Dayton. And, let's not forget, this year we are marking 75 years since the Schuman Declaration, the European peace project that BiH wants to join. That is why I appeal to all actors in BiH to adopt the Law on the HJPC, the Law on the Court of BiH, to appoint the Chief Negotiator in order for BiH to open accession negotiations, to submit a reform agenda in order to use the funds from the Growth Plan, to finally implement the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina so that every citizen can choose and be elected, so that every people who constitutes Bosnia and Herzegovina can be their own and choose their representatives. Because Bosnia and Herzegovina is a multi-confessional, multinational state, but it does not have to be unsuccessful. It can be successful, modern. It can be civil, but it must also be federal because it is multinational. There is no conflict between the concept of civil and federal. They are in fact in harmony, they are complementary because they can ensure that Bosnia and Herzegovina is united in diversity. And that is exactly the motto of the European Union, where Bosnia and Herzegovina belongs and where we see the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that is why we fully support this report.

Dear Chair, the success of enlargement depends on four key factors: the political will of the Member States, the will of the candidates, the absorption capacity of the Union and the administrative capacity of the candidates. The situation here is different and therefore the approach must remain individual. In the case of Ukraine, we are facing the problem of decision-making in the Council, and its membership probably also requires the adaptation of some European policies such as agriculture. But the EU would make a strategic mistake if it did not see that despite the war, Ukraine is showing capacity for EU reforms and showing commitment to the European idea every day on the battlefield. Moldova also shows strong political will, while the process with Georgia had to be halted due to a complete lack of political will on the part of the authorities. In Serbia, the problem is also in political will, but in this case it would be counterproductive to stop the negotiations. But we must be aware that for the time being Serbia itself does not want to meet the key criteria, especially in foreign policy and in the area of the rule of law. Therefore, instead of grandiose statements and unrealistic expectations and subsequent frustrations, it is much better to accept the reality that Serbia is a country that does not want to be classified with the European Union, and even the opposition does not offer a clear alternative. And therefore, on the basis of this reality, we must pragmatically shape our relationships. But at the same time, the EU must do more to ensure that such a non-aligned Belgrade policy does not negatively affect BiH, Montenegro, Kosovo and North Macedonia and their European path. Finally, it is important to continue the new pace of negotiations with Albania. She is becoming a leader in the process and should insist on the criteria here, but remain ambitious to complete the negotiations in this mandate.

Dear Chairman, thank you. High Representative, happy birthday. Many years ago, as a doctor, I served as a Croatian diplomat in NATO and it was almost inconceivable that the Americans would support the development of a European pillar within NATO. Why? NATO remains, of course, the backbone of European security, but America is increasingly considering, of course, the Indo-Pacific as its priority. The security of the European continent must remain a priority for us. America will continue to provide an umbrella of nuclear deterrence, intelligence, but it is clear that European allies are expected to take the primary responsibility for the security of their own continent. And that is why it is necessary to build this European pillar within NATO, to have European strategic autonomy, not against America, but together and in alliance with America, no matter who is currently a tenant in the White House.

Mr President, Madam High Representative, the attack on the presidential candidate, Senator Miguel Uribe Turbay, was not only a vile attack on his life, but also an attack on democracy in Colombia. It was an act of violence with which we want to force the country to return decades ago: the terror of the eighties, of the nineties, of Pablo Escobar, of drug trafficking, of the anti-democratic guerrilla inspired by the Castro dictatorship. Today, the violent again raise their heads in a context of strong political polarization in the country and these violent are also strengthened by the links with the dictatorial regime of Nicolás Maduro in neighboring Venezuela. In the face of this threat, the response must be to strengthen the rule of law and respect for democratic institutions. Above all, the highest authorities of the country have the responsibility to ensure security and avoid divisive and polarizing discourses, betting instead on moderation and concord. We in this Parliament will continue to support Colombian democracy, including with an observer mission in the upcoming elections, but also by demanding from the Commission and Council authorities a firm position with those who undermine the constitutional order, promote violence and are financed by drug trafficking. Finally, we raise our prayers and express our solidarity with the senator, but also with the thousands of Colombians who demonstrated peacefully, demanding justice, rejecting violence, defending peace, coexistence and democracy in Colombia.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Moldova today is Europe's frontline of resilience and determination. Despite relentless hybrid attacks, disinformation campaigns and economic pressure from Russia, the Moldovan people have reaffirmed, through a constitutional referendum and the presidential elections, their firm choice for a European future. This report rightly recognises Moldova's progress in judicial reform, anti-corruption, energy independence, CFSP alignment areas where the EU support, including through the Reform and Growth Facility, is making a tangible difference. But this path is not without risks. As we approach Moldova's parliamentary elections, the EU must stand ever firmer – strengthening the EU partnership mission, countering malign interference, deepening Moldova's integration into the single market. Our message must be clear: Moldova belongs in the European family, and its place is not to be decided by Moscow, but by the will of its citizens. Let us honour their courage with unwavering solidarity and concrete support.

Dear Chairman, this report is in support of a sovereign and pro-European Montenegro. Our ambition for Montenegro to join the European Union, and for this it is necessary to fulfill all reforms and eliminate the forces that drag Montenegro into the so-called Serbian world with all the problems that this anti-European, anti-Western concept presents. Part of the government in Montenegro is still moving in the direction of the so-called Serbian world, which is very precisely identified in this report, and while Chapter 31 will remain open because we do not want a Trojan horse in the European Union, but it is also important to say that part of the government, part of the opposition and a large part of the citizens want Montenegro in the European Union and that is why we will support the closing of Chapter 5 at the next intergovernmental conference. Montenegro can succeed, we want it to succeed, that Montenegro can succeed not be influenced by Belgrade, but really be a sovereign independent European Montenegro.

Dear Chairman, Commissioner, the Commission has adopted this roadmap to stop importing Russian gas and Russian oil and I welcome it. However, a month before this roadmapa Hungary and Serbia have agreed to build an oil pipeline to increase Russian oil imports. You know that Hungary has an exemption because it does not want to use the Adriatic pipeline under the pretext that tariffs are too expensive, although this is not true. However, he now wants to build an oil pipeline that would bring Russian oil not only to Hungary, but also to Serbia, where Serbia's oil industry is still owned by the Russians. This is a question that the Commission has to address. He was president of the Costa Council recently in Belgrade, tomorrow is High Representative Kallas and I think that this issue must also be put on the agenda and resolved in order to be able to achieve these goals that are in the roadmapu adopted by the Commission and welcomed by me.